On Saturday, the 21st August, 1802, we went with the General,[182]

Ld. Robert,[183] and Frederick,[184] and we took Charles to St.

Cloud. It was a palace belonging formerly to the Dukes of Orleans, but

poor Marie Antoinette liked it, and is accused of having exerted her

royal influence to compel the late Duke to sell it, which he did most

reluctantly. She was so partial to its beauties that she was profuse

in her expense to decorate it. In each taste the First Consul imitates

her, as he is so impatient to take possession that the surveyors are

obliged to make the men work all night; and he likes it so much that

no expense is spared to render it a fit residence for the Sovereign

of France. The gallery remains as it was finished by Gaston, Duke of

Orleans, Louis XIII’s brother; only on the panels some of the plunder

of Italy, which was in the Museum of the Louvre, has been placed,

much to their disadvantage, as the gaudy ceiling and rich gilding

kills the colouring of the pictures. They are capital; some of my old

acquaintances out of the Palais Pitti. The apartments that are fitted

up are done in _le goût sévère_, which, in other words, means a dark

and dingy style. The walls are hung with cloth, and draperies of cloth

edged with magnificent deep parti-coloured fringes are festooned over

it. The colours being generally dark green and brown produce a solemn

effect, and the whole has a sombre military appearance; the rods of the

curtains are finely polished spears. Where the Queen’s apartments have

been preserved, I admire them far beyond those in the _goût sévère_,

and prefer bright gilding to the heavy mahogany, and a well-stuffed

sofa to a small, hard one. In short, the exchange is a bad one, _les

ris et les amours_ please me, broad cloth and sphinxes do not. The

Library is very pretty, and the books placed in very appropriate cases,

plain and simple, but at the same time rich and decorated. The gardens

are insignificant, but if the Consul continues to like living there, I

doubt not he will find means to extend them, tho’ as yet I only look

upon St. Cloud as a halt on the road to Versailles.

On Sunday, ye next day, we went with a large party to Versailles,

where we expected to see the _Eaux_ play, but we had been misled. We

dined at _Le petit Trianon_, formerly a favourite little palace of the

Queen’s, with a garden _à l’Anglaise_; but what I did admire indeed

is _Le grand Trianon_, a most noble palace. The centre, instead of a

_corps-de-logis_, is a peristyle composed of a double row of large

marble columns; the front to the garden is very large and grand, only a

_rez-de-chaussée_. The garden is thoroughly in the French style, broad

and spacious walks, fountains, alleys, _cabinets de verdure_; in short,

just what a garden should be near a large house.

We went from thence to Versailles. What a change from former days! We

walked along the Terrace, and so to the _Orangerie_, where there are

trees in tubs as large as any I ever saw growing either at Nice or

Naples in the common ground. One old tree they call _François Premier_,

and they add that it is 400 years old. It is satisfactorily proved by

a _procès verbal_ that it belonged to the Constable of Bourbon, and

was confiscated with the rest of his property, and so came to François

I. Our party was numerous: Mr. and Mrs. Fox, Ld. Robert, the General,

Mr. Allen, Frederick Ponsonby, Miss Adair, Heathcote, St. John,

Trotter,[185] Smith (the Petrarch of Carolina’s brother), Green.

* * * * *

The following is a list of those who dined with us at Paris in July,

August, and part of September, 1802.

[Sidenote: LA FAYETTE]

_La Fayette_, who is indebted to Bonaparte for his liberty, has, since

his return to his native country, resided chiefly upon the small

estate the Revolution has not deprived him of at La Grange. Bonaparte

affected to consult the nation whether he should be Consul for life;

was answered by La Fayette, who wrote a gentle but able remonstrance

upon the subject. Bonaparte was little enough, when an army promotion

took place, to pass over La Fayette’s son and nephew; he has, however,

promoted them since. His son was educated in Washington’s house,

appears very amiable; he was just married.[186]

_Andréossy_[187] is the son of an obscure man of Italian origin,

employed by Riquet in the Languedoc Canal. He was born at

Castelnaudary, educated at Sorèze, and served under the _ancien régime_

as an engineer. He made some campaigns in Italy, went to Egypt, was

there employed upon an expedition to ye Lake Menzalah, and returned

in the vessel which brought the First Consul to France. He has since

been named to ye Embassy of England. He lived very much with us. He

is a plain _Militaire_ in his manner, and if he offends it will be

unintentional, as he is disposed to maintain peace and amity between

the two countries.

_Caffarelli_,[188] brother of a general of the same name killed before

Acre. He is a fellow townsman and school companion of Andréossy, and

like him descended from an Italian family brought by Riquet to work

at the Canal. He is a remarkably displeasing person in his manner, a

sycophant and court echo of the ante-chamber of Bonaparte; from love

of order and morality always proclaiming that the First Consul and

his wife sleep in the same bed, and that the domestic virtues of a

warrior are more important than his heroic deeds. In short, from him

one collects the disgusting cant which is to be employed by the present

Governt. as a counterpoise to the wild extravagant opinions of atheism

and immorality set afloat under the first constitution of the Republic.

_Valence_,[189] a general who served in the first campaigns under

Dumouriez, a good-humoured, boasting, bluff Papa.

_Mde. de V._, daughter of Mde. de Sillery, a beauty on the wane,

pleasing and clever.

_Abbé St. Fard_, a son of the Duke of Orleans, father to the

unfortunate _Égalité_; remarkably obliging, and, tho’ not distinguished

for talents, very popular, and a person one cannot but like.

_Duc de Duras_,[190] a _ci-devant Duc_ returned, but not reconciled to

the changes in his country.

[Sidenote: LALLY TOLLENDAL]

_Lally Tollendal_,[191] the epitome of sentiment. By some inconceivable

freak imagined himself to be the son of Count Lally, executed for the

surrender of Pondicherry. Whilst at college he heard the story; his

birth was obscure and even mysterious. A flight into the region of

fancy made him imagine himself the son of the state culprit (but not

till after his execution); he then pleaded for him. He is returned

to France after an absence of many years, but, like many who were

distinguished at first, he returns but to see his insignificance and

the indifference of the Governt. to these, many of whom conceived

themselves to be of the utmost importance.

_Psse. d’Hesnin_ [_sic_], an excellent woman, formerly about the Queen,

attached for many years to Lally.

_Mde. Flahaut._[192] A volume would not suffice. An agreeable

adventuress, who after failing in various projects, both upon English

and French, at last has closed her tempestuous career by marrying

Souza, ye Portuguese Minister. She has written some pretty novels;

her conversation consists more in a narrative of the good things she

has said than in those she actually does say. Her son, a fine, open

young man. He is handsome and uncommonly engaging in his manners and

countenance.

_Girardin_,[193] an _élève_ of Jean Jacques, and proprietor of

Ermenonville. He was eager in the beginning of Revolution; emigrated

for a short time; is now a Tribune, and intimate friend of Joseph

Bonaparte’s. He is not an _Emile_, but good-natured. His love of

independence and the naked truth for the sake of truth will never

expose him to the straits a patriot must undergo. He will shift in time.

_Gallois_,[194] a Tribune, uncommonly interesting in his manner, with a

countenance that proclaims his talents and gentle, amiable heart.

_Abbé Morellet_,[195] an old _économiste_. Sprightly, altho’ he is

turned of eighty.

_Molé_,[196] a descendant of the great President of that name. We knew

him well in England; a mild, gentlemanlike young man, very unlike a

young Frenchman.

_Chevalier Acerbi_,[197] an Italian Cisalpine. He travelled to North

Cape, and has published two 4to. vols. of his journey; a clever man,

great facility of languages.

_Le Chevalier de la Bintinaye_, nephew of the _ci-devant_ Archbishop of

Bordeaux.

_Marquise de Coigny_, celebrated for her wit. Her daughter, a charming

girl.

[Sidenote: M. DE NARBONNE]

_Narbonne._[198] The scandalous chronicles of the old Court report

that he is the son of Mde. Adélaïde of France. He is strikingly like

the Bourbons, but depraved as were the manners, it is too repugnant to

nature to credit the whole story. His conversation is brilliant, full

of lively sallies, and, upon the whole, he is one of the most agreeable

persons in society I ever met with. He was Minister of War for a moment

just after the King accepted the Constitution. He is attached to Mde.

de Staël, who has the most uncontrolled dominion over his opinions

and conduct. His person is a more divided property. He used to be

Talleyrand’s intimate friend, but Mde. Grand, finding him averse to her

elevation, by degrees broke the friendship.

_Ségur_,[199] son of the Comte, a promising, rising young man, married

to Mde. d’Aguesseau’s daughter.

_Young Ségur_, a flippant lad, vain of having made under McDonald

a campaign, which he has written, and of having gone, by order of

Bonaparte, with more celerity than was ever done, from Paris to Madrid

and back again. Age and some well-directed rebuffs will be of infinite

service to him.

_Mde. d’Aguesseau._

_Jaucourt_,[200] a Tribune. Under the days of the Court he was

distinguished for his _galanterie_ and _dévouement_ in affairs of

intrigue. There is a famous anecdote of his losing his thumb not to

betray a lady whose house he quitted by stealth at daybreak. The Swiss

heard a noise at the gate, and shut it with violence; Jaucourt’s thumb

was crushed, but he made no noise, and for many years the adventure

was secret. He is now married, according to the licence allowed by the

Revolution, to Mde. de la Châtre. He is an agreeable man, she is clever.

_Abbé Casti._[201] I will not do to him what an injudicious panegyrist

has done to Ariosto, whose epitaph is laden with an enumeration of his

works. Suffice it to say that his last work is inferior to all his

others--_Gli animali parlanti_, a poem as dull and as ill-conceived

as Dryden’s _Hind and Panther_. _Those_ discuss polemical questions,

and Casti’s reason upon the abstract principles of Governt. He is very

old, and worn out by every species of debauchery and excess; his eyes

twinkle at times, and show a trace of his former life, but they are but

rare scintillations.

_Rumford_, ye Yankee philanthropist. I have often named him elsewhere.

[Sidenote: M. LE CHEVALIER]

_Le Chevalier_,[202] a most cordial, warm-hearted, zealous man.

He travelled to the plain of Troy with Sir Francis Burdett, and

has written upon it, which has given rise to a fresh controversy.

He is employed _au Bureau des relations extérieures_, merely from

Talleyrand’s friendship for him. His language is not calculated to

obtain him promotion in his career, nor is he trusted with anything,

his place being a sinecure and more a pension than an employment.

_Monteron_,[203] [_sic_] one of the unfortunate Duke of Orléans’ set, a

complete _mauvais sujet_, but an agreeable _vaurien_. He was one of the

Dsse. de Fleury’s husbands, but has regained his liberty.

_Markoff_,[204] the Russian Ambassador, a _rusé_ diplomat, scurvily

treated by Bonaparte, who seems to make a point of saying offensive

things before him.

_M. de Grave_,[205] an obliging driveller.

_Abbé Dillon_, brother of the Beau Dillon,[206] &c. Knew him in Paris

in 1790, afterwards in Italy and England. A conceited _bel esprit_,

with too much pretensions.

_Calonne._ One may say of him as Johnson did of Garrick, that his

loss has removed a stock of harmless amusement from society. He was

delightful; with all the freshness and vivacity of youth, he had the

taste and refinement of riper years. Tho’ he allowed himself to range

in the regions of fancy, when he ought to have been restrained by the

strictness of veracity, yet he did it with such liveliness and wit that

one compounded for the lost fact in hearing the facetious story. He was

_murdered_ by an unskilful physician a very short time after we quitted

Paris.

_Talma_,[207] the celebrated tragedian. His voice is bad, nor is

his conception of his part always correct. He is the person who has

introduced the severity and perfection of costume in the theatre. He is

not clever and not well informed.

_Abbé Sicard_,[208] the successor of Abbé de L’Épée. He brought with

him his most intelligent pupil _Massieu_. The pains he bestows upon the

unhappy objects confided to his care entitle him to much praise; the

lectures are worth seeing once, but to those who stand not in need of

this assistance are soon tedious.

_Bertrand._[209] I knew him in Italy. He is a friend of Mde.

d’Albany’s, and belongs to the society of Mde. de Souza, Morellet, &c.,

&c. He is declining fast; he was a lively man.

_Charles de Noailles_,[210] an uncommonly handsome man, son of the

Prince de Poix. He lived very much in England, and at one time with the

Prince, who grew jealous at Mrs. Fitzherbert’s partiality to him, which

occasioned their rupture. He has much more sense and useful knowledge

than one might suppose from a slight acquaintance with him he possessed.

[Sidenote: ENGLISH IN PARIS]

The English who dined with us were Mr. and Mrs. Fox, Ld. Robert Adair,

St. John, Mr. Trotter, Mr. Clarke, Green, Heathcote, Kemble, Pinkerton,

Fitzpatrick, 2 Erskines, Mr. Merry, Lens, Abbé Roberts, Banks, Mrs. H.

Fox, Mr. Neave, Miss Townshend, Mr. Parish, St. Leger, Tuyle, Warner,

Francis, A. St. Leger, Capt. Jones, Jerningham. We dined twice at

Sieyès; once at Cambacères’s and Lucchesini’s; often at Talleyrand’s;

once at Versailles with the Caumonts and Andréossys.

The Hollands left Paris on September 20, 1802, for a tour in the South

of France and Spain. They did not return to England till April 1805.

The Journal continues until April 8, but is omitted from these pages.

_July 24th, 1806._--The Russians have made a separate peace.[211] The

Cabinet have determined upon sending a person upon an extraordinary

Mission to Portugal, and have chosen Lauderdale for that purpose, and

he has accepted. Ld. St. Vincent is to follow with the fleet, and be

joined in the Commission; the nature of the appointment to be the same

as Ld. Minto and Ld. Hood were at Toulon. It is proposed, if Portugal

be invaded, that we should carry off (_vi et armis_) the Royal family,

and such as choose to follow their fortunes, and establish them at

_Brésil_. A French army of 90,000 men is assembled at Bayonne for the

invasion of Portugal. Eugène Beauharnais, the Viceroy of Italy, is to

have the command of it; the attack is to be made by Galicia.

[Sidenote: NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE]

_25th._--The preliminaries of peace between France and Russia have

been signed by d’Oubril, though he knew at the time that Basilico

was on his road to Paris with dispatches from our Governt. He signed

three hours after he knew of his landing at Boulogne. The following

stipulations form the basis of the peace. The Russians are to return

Corfu, but they are not to keep more than 4000 men in garrison there.

Dalmatia and Ragusa are left to the French. The Montenegrins are not

to be punished for the successful resistance which, in conjunction

with the Russians, they have opposed to the French arms, but this

amnesty does not extend to any offences which they may have committed

against their lawful Sovereign. Sicily is left exposed to the French

without a stipulation in its favour. No provision of any sort is made

for the ex-King of Naples, nor is there any allusion to him in the

Treaty, except a declaration on the part of the French that they have

no objection to the King of Sicily _et sa femme_ (they will not call

her Queen) finding an asylum wherever they can. By a secret article,

Minorca, Majorca, and Iviza are to be transferred from Spain to the D.

of Calabria, on condition that the ports of these islands shall be shut

against the English. The Russians agree to exclude the English from

all their ports in the Mediterranean. The French are to be allowed six

months[212] to evacuate Germany. The present Treaty must be ratified

within twenty-five days.

On the day following this extraordinary transaction, Ld. Yarmouth[213]

presented his credentials to the F. Governt., though his instructions

were not to present them at all, till the basis of the pacification was

settled. This step of Ld. Y.’s is very reprehensible, as it may give

d’Oubril a pretext to justify his conduct.

[Sidenote: NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE]

The terms of peace originally offered by Talleyrand and conveyed to

Mr. Fox by Ld. Y. were very advantageous to this country; indeed, so

extremely so, that as the proposals were verbally made, much doubt

was entertained of Ld. Y.’s accuracy in reporting them, and he owed

entirely his being employed in the negotiation to the doubts of his

veracity. The _uti possidetis_ on both sides was to be the basis of the

treaty. Hanover was to be restored to the K. of E., in return for our

acknowledgment of Bonaparte’s newly-created Kings. No further changes

were to be made in Germany or Switzerland. The integrity of Spain

and Portugal was to be guaranteed in both Hemispheres. We were not

to interfere with the settlement of Italy or Holland. Upon a distant

hint being thrown out about commercial arrangements, ‘Nous voulons

être maîtres chez nous’ was the reply. When Sicily was mentioned,

_Talleyrand_, who had spoken the above, exclaimed, ‘Mais que voulez

vous? Vous l’avez.’ Our Cabinet readily assented to these terms (in

addition to which it was hinted that Bonaparte was disposed to concur

with Mr. F. in taking measures for the general abolition of the Slave

Trade, but this was intended as a sneer. When Talleyrand read the

resolutions of the H. of Commons upon the subject of the S. Trade, he

said there was another Act of Parliament much more necessary, one for

which the Spaniards, Portuguese, and Germans called out most loudly,

‘_Et cette acte du Parlement, c’est la paix_’), and Ld. Y. was sent

back to Paris with full assent to his message. But when he arrived

there he found the views of the French Governt. materially changed in

the most important point. They now demanded that Sicily should be ceded

to them in order to be re-annexed to the kingdom of Naples. Joseph,

the new King, had represented that his kingdom of Naples would not be

secure without the possession of Sicily, and the French engineers had

given in a report that Sicily could be subdued with much more ease

than they had at first supposed. On these grounds, which the French

have the assurance to represent as _new occurrences_ since their first

overtures to Ld. Y., they pretend to justify their deviation from their

original proposals, and they offered to the King of Sicily, in exchange

for that island, to make him King of Dalmatia and Albania.[214]

D’Oubril, the Russian negotiator, who was by this time at Paris, and

who had been privy to everything done by our Cabinet, was caught by

this last proposal, and expressed his opinion decidedly in favour

of it. In the cession of Dalmatia to the King of Sicily, he fancied

that he saw the elevation of power which would remove the French to a

greater distance from the frontiers of Turkey, and prove in future a

bulwark against the extension of their empire in that quarter. He was

ready, as Mr. Fox observed, to sacrifice a well-understood English

object to an ill-defined Russian one. This modification of the original

project was received here with great disappointment and ill-humour,

and was considered as a breach of faith on the part of the French. We

contended that no event had happened which could justify any departure

from the first proposals. We could not consent to transfer Albania from

its present possessors, who were the friends and allies of England,

in order to make compensation to the K. of Sicily for the loss of his

dominions, which it was equally our interest and our duty to defend.

Dalmatia alone was not to be mentioned as an equivalent for Sicily.

But to show our disposition to accommodate matters, it was at length

proposed as a compromise, that Dalmatia should be given to the King of

Sardinia, with the title of King; and since the new K. of Naples was

desirous to have a greater extent of sea-coast, that Sardinia, together

with the other Spanish Islands of Majorca, &c., should be added to his

kingdom; Sicily on no account could we yield. The Minute which Mr. Fox

drew up for the Cabinet, in which he states his reasons compressed into

8 or 10 sentences, is the most able summary ever penned.

In this state of the negotiation, d’Oubril, who a few days before had

reminded Mr. Fox of the expression of ‘_piano piano_,’ which he had

used in his letter to Czartorisky upon the Grand Confederacy forming

last year, signed the peace, the outline of which I have just noted.

His excuse for this conduct is said to be the danger to which Russia

would be exposed, if they were to persuade Turkey and compel Austria

to join in a coalition against her. Austria is so much reduced that

she must comply with whatever France demands, and French influence

domineers at Constantinople. But these are not supposed to be the true

reasons for his conduct. The late changes in the private councils of

St. Petersburg are suspected to have had a greater share in determining

him, and it is even said that, on the strength of those, he has

ventured to take this important step without instructions from his

Court. He says, ‘He is gone back to lay his Treaty and head at the feet

of his Master.’

Czartorisky,[215] the late Minister of Russia, is a Pole of great

consideration and high rank in Poland. He owed his elevation to the

partiality of the Empress, who was passionately in love with him. He

afterwards became a favourite with Alexander; he played the truant to

his mistress, who was for a length of time quite inconsolable at his

infidelities. The Empress is with child at present.

[Sidenote: MISSION TO PORTUGAL]

_26th._--It is determined to send a military man to Portugal, and Ld.

Rosslyn[216] has been fixed upon for the mission. Ld. H. immediately

proposed to him to take Brougham, if he had any person in a civil

capacity. He promised to propose him to Ld. Grenville. There is an idea

of employing Dumouriez.

Sr. Sidney Smith has taken the Isle of Capri, and the French have

been worsted in several encounters in Calabria. Hopes are entertained

that we shall be able to defend Sicily against the French, with the

aid alone of the Sicilians. The Queen and Duke of Calabria, who are

surrounded by persons suspected of being secretly in the French

interest, are eager for carrying the war into Calabria.

Great dissatisfaction at Ld. Yarmouth’s conduct, and another negotiator

must go. Ld. Holland not being able to leave his uncle, Lauderdale,

as the next best person, is to go. It is a sad mortification, as it

has long been the darling hope of uncle and nephew; but it would be

impossible to go, as Ld. H., besides being useful, is also one of the

greatest comforts to Mr. Fox. Mr. F. so ill that none of the last

transactions of the preceding three days have been communicated to him.

_27th July._--Mr. Fox stronger, and in better spirits to-day, but there

is no material change in his complaint. The news of the Russian Treaty,

and the determination of sending Lauderdale to Paris, were communicated

to him by Ld. Howick. Upon hearing that L. was to go to Paris, he

exclaimed, ‘Why does not Holland go?’ Ld. Howick was perplexed, and

stammered by way of excuse the ‘suddenness of the departure’; upon

which Fox said, ‘Oh, I understand you!’ and immediately changed the

subject. When he saw Ld. Holland about an hour afterwards, he began

with saying, ‘So, young one, you won’t go to Paris’; on Ld. Holland’s

answering that he preferred staying, as he thought he was a comfort to

him, he caught his hand and said, with great emotion, ‘Yes, a comfort

indeed,’ and was for several minutes quite overcome and shedding

tears. This circumstance is the first event which has given him any

apprehension about his own danger.

[Sidenote: LORD YARMOUTH’S CONDUCT]

D’Oubril has written to Stroganoff[217] that he signed the

preliminaries with Ld. Yarmouth’s approbation. Ld. Yarmouth in his

dispatches says quite the contrary. Copies of the letters have been

sent to St. Petersburg. Our Ministers are greatly displeased with

Ld. Yarmouth for having presented his credentials the very day after

d’Oubril signed, and are not without fear that he may be bullied or won

into signing the preliminaries without further instructions. There are

some unpleasant suspicions afloat about Ld. Y., especially upon the

score of stock-jobbing.[218] General Clarke[219] is the person named

to negotiate with him; he was employed upon d’Oubril’s business. The

French already show a disposition since the signature of the Russian

Treaty, to rise in their demands. They have thrown out hints that

they expect _St. Lucia_ and _Tobago_ to be restored to them, and Ld.

Y. has of his own head suggested that _Cuba_ should be ceded to the

King of Naples, who cannot be reduced to live as a fugitive or subject

in the dominions of his son. Ld. Y. is suspected of concealments in

his report of his negotiations. A messenger went off instructing him

not to proceed in any way, but wait L.’s arrival. Notwithstanding

their displeasure, Ld. Y. has been joined in the Commission with Ld.

Lauderdale.

The journal of Elizabeth Lady Holland (1791-1811) Volume 2 (of 2) · 第 10 / 25 段