The fighting on December 1—Reconnoitring at night—The “ideal
officer”—The attacks on 203 Metre Hill on December 4—Events
on Akasaka Yama from November 27 to December 4.
December 1 ran its course in the usual way, until it had grown dark,
when something rather serious occurred. Owing to the constant alarms,
and my fears for the safety of the hill, I could not think of eating,
but, taking advantage of a period of comparative quiet, and hoping that
the Japanese would take some time to recover from the severe lesson
they had had, I had gone out into the open air (it was fearfully close
in the bomb-proof) and was sitting on the slope of the parapet, when
suddenly the alarm was raised. Rifle firing broke out, accompanied by
the roar of bursting hand grenades. I sprang to my feet and saw that
our men were flying out of the left breastwork—fortunately, however,
only a few of them as yet. Midshipman Soimonov was there with the
sailors.
“What’s all this about?” I shouted.
“The hand grenades were too much for us. Every one has gone, and the
Japanese have captured our work.”
“You fools!” I yelled after them. “You have been asleep again. Get back
at once and tell Midshipman Soimonov that I order him to turn the
Japanese out again.”
Upon this, the sailors turned and ran past me. Ten minutes afterwards
there was a splutter of firing from the left breastwork, next a loud
“Hurrah!” and then, a moment afterwards, silence. An orderly from
Midshipman Soimonov ran up to me and reported that they had regained
the trench, but that the Japanese were still in possession of the work
itself, from which I concluded that the sailors alone were numerically
too weak to retake the place.
I sent a telegram to the staff, “Send me one fresh company,” but
probably there were none available, as I did not even get a reply.
Everything was now quiet on the top of the hill. I was at a loss what
to do under these trying circumstances. At about 2 a.m. I received a
message: “The non-combatant company of the 12th Regiment is coming up
under Sergeant-Major Kournosov. Organize a counter-attack at once and
drive out the Japanese.”
[Illustration: THE LAST RESERVES GOING TOWARDS 203 METRE HILL.
IN THE DISTANCE IS SEEN 203 METRE HILL IN THE
CENTRE, FALSE HILL ON THE LEFT, AND AKASAKA YAMA
ON THE RIGHT.
p. 254]
Before very long these reinforcements arrived. Taking in addition a
small body of men found at the foot of the hill, I myself showed them
the way (no one else knew the disposition of the fortifications so
well), and then went round with Kournosov and from all sides inspected
the left breastwork.
The Japanese in it were keeping very quiet.[112] I posted my men,
appointed leaders for each column (one was to attack from the rear,
and one from the right flank), and indicated to them their points
of attack. On a given signal both columns were to make their attack
simultaneously. Before, however, the signal had been given, the men
suddenly began to fire and shout “Hurrah!” There was such a medley of
noises, that it was impossible to make one’s voice heard, and, owing to
the darkness, personal example was out of the question. For a long time
there was much intermittent firing and disorderly shouting, and then
at last all grew quiet again for a brief space, only to be followed by
renewed shouting and firing a few seconds afterwards.
“Well,” I thought to myself, “we shall never do anything with these
non-combatants,” and the darkness and maze of trenches over the scene
of action combined to make all attempts at control useless. I decided
to wait till dawn, and sent a report to that effect.
Everything grew quiet again, so Soimonov came up and reported that the
riflemen had started firing and shouting, and that his sailors had
rushed upon the parapet, but were met by shots. It was quite dark,
and the men had thrown themselves down on the slope of the parapet
and would not advance any farther. They thought there were a lot of
Japanese in the work, and some one could be seen smoking just inside
the entrance to the bomb-proof.
“Why do you think that there are a lot of Japanese in the breastwork?”
I asked.
“I don’t know, I’m sure, how many there are, but I personally think
that there cannot be very many, as their volley was a scattered one;
but our men lost confidence owing to the darkness.”
“Take some grenades and throw them into the work,” I said, and I sent
about a hundred grenades up to them.
In a few minutes the grenades burst in the work, and then all was
silent again. This silence lasted a long time. I could stand the
suspense no longer, so sent an officer to Soimonov to find out what was
happening.
About two hours afterwards, the officer returned and reported that he
had been all round the work along the lower line of trenches and had
not met a soul. He had then crawled into an embrasure and looked into
the work, where nothing was to be seen but a heap of smouldering planks
and beams, with the charred head of a man amongst them. Our men had
then immediately reoccupied the breastwork.
Apparently, the Japanese had been driven out by our hand grenades and
the place was empty. I at once sent a report of what had occurred, and
replaced the sailors by a company of rifles which had just arrived.
I unfortunately forgot the name of the plucky young officer who had
climbed into the breastwork, but it is not too late for him to come
forward now, and, if he does, he will certainly receive the St.
George’s Cross.
My back began to ache a good deal with a kind of burning sensation.
All the time I had not undressed to see if my wound from the bursting
shell was serious or not, and, besides this, I was absolutely worn
out. I felt I ought to try and regain my strength, and eagerly
awaited a reply to my request for permission to leave the hill to
have my wound examined and properly dressed. Sanction was at length
given, and Second-Lieutenant Organov was sent to take my place; but
he told me before I left, that, as he knew nothing whatever about
the fortifications on the hill and their disposition, he could not,
therefore, hope to be an efficient commandant, and begged me to come
back as soon as possible. I promised to return the following morning,
and then went off to the staff headquarters.
Dr. Theodore S. Troitski examined me, and found a small punctured wound
from a splinter, which had been driven some distance into my back, and
also a large blue bruise. When my servant, Peter Ravinski, shook out
my grey wool-lined jacket, quite a quantity of small splinters fell
out. The thick wadding and cloth had prevented them from penetrating,
and they had lodged in the lining. Only one—probably larger than the
others—had gone right through and caused the wound. After a short
conversation with General Kondratenko, I lay down to sleep.
The following day (December 2) the senior doctor in the fortress came
to the staff quarters in the morning and had me taken to Field Hospital
No. 9, where Dr. Krjivetz operated, but failed to remove the splinter.
He said that to look for it would involve tearing open the wound, and
as the splinter was very small, judging by the puncture, he thought it
better to leave it for the present.
After the operation I returned to the staff. General Kondratenko, who
was already there, seemed to be in a very uneasy frame of mind.
“They have already been asking for you on the hill. All is not well up
there, and the commandant seems very anxious. Please go as soon as ever
you can, Nikolai Alexandrovitch.”
I at once ordered my horse and rode off.
* * * * *
Apparently everything was quiet on the hill, and there were no signs
of disorder. When I had reached the foot of the hill, I found a crowd
of men of various units and corps, which Captain Prince Nikoladtse
had collected and was trying to organize. Having wished the men “Good
morning,”[113] I began to climb the hill.
The firing was very desultory, and I reached the road in rear without
mishap. The commandant met me with undisguised pleasure and reported
that everything was all right.
“Why have you been so alarmed?” I asked.
“I feel as if I were lost in a forest, sir: I don’t know the officers,
or the men, or the place. Nobody slept last night,” answered the young
commandant, evidently very much concerned at his helpless plight.
As a matter of fact, things could not have been better. Every one was
at his post. Several detachments of sailors had arrived, that under
Lieutenant Lavrov being composed of a really splendid lot of men. All
the sailors were in the very best of spirits, like Lavrov himself. He
at once came and reported to me that his men were ready for anything.
These men, who had originally constituted a balloon section, had made
a balloon, but, as there was no means of producing hydrogen, it could
not be made to rise. How useful it might have been to us!
“If you call for volunteers,” said the Lieutenant, “my fellows will
respond to a man.” And he spoke the truth.
Late in the evening, wishing to reconnoitre the empty lower trench and
the Japanese trenches in front of the hill, I called for volunteers,
whereupon every man in the detachment stepped forward. Then they drew
lots, and three men, delighted with their good fortune, came into the
commandant’s bomb-proof; they were Quarter-Master (artificer) Yakov
Artouk, and two 1st class A.B.’s—Ivan Nefedov and Theodore Pilshchikov.
One of them especially, a beardless boy, impressed me by his obvious
joyousness. I explained to them what they had to do and sent them off.
Everything was now quiet. About ten officers had collected in the
bomb-proof. We discussed what was to be done to protect our road
in rear (where we always had a number of men) from the direct fire
of a battery which the Japanese had placed near the village of
Shui-shih-ying.[114] Eventually we came to the conclusion that the only
way to effect this was by destroying it with the guns from the forts.
I immediately sent to General Kondratenko asking that this might be
done. I gave orders that no one was to leave the trenches except on
duty. Then we decided to make traverses in order to give some sort
of cover to those who had to be on the road. The men usually left the
trenches for water or hand grenades, of which we required a very large
number, and, thank God! Lieutenant Melik-Porsadanov and Midshipman
Vlassev kept us regularly supplied with them.[115]
As I had not had sufficient rest at the staff headquarters, by this
time I felt an overpowering drowsiness, so lay down on a mattress and
fell soundly asleep.
At 2 a.m. I was awakened. The sailors who had been sent to reconnoitre
had returned unharmed, and reported that they had gone to the farther
Japanese trench. There they had found only one sentry, whom they had
killed, but not a single Japanese was in any of the trenches (of which
there were many) in front of the hill. Our ruined circular trench was
also deserted, but it was impossible to walk in it, as it was quite
full of earth, stones, and splinters of wood and iron.
I congratulated the men and awarded them crosses (General Kondratenko
had supplied several to be given on the spot to those who should
distinguish themselves). This method of prompt reward made a deep
impression on every one.
I then sent three more volunteers to find out where the Japanese were
on the left of the hill, those selected being Bereznouk, 1st class
A.B., Semen Boudarev (he had a mother and wife), and Kholodenko, also a
1st class A.B.
I had reason to think that our round trench on the left, which we
had evacuated, was still unoccupied by the Japanese. If this were
the case it was essential to occupy it as far as possible, as it was
an excellent _point d’appui_ from which to make sorties against the
enemy’s sap-head.
For a long time we awaited the return of our gallant three, but there
was no sign of them.
Day broke (December 3). On the left flank hand grenades were bursting,
accompanied by the roar of 11-inch shells. Many of the latter fell over
the crest near the telephone shelter; some did not burst at all, but,
striking the earth, slowly ricocheted away towards False Hill, turning
over and over in their flight. It was a striking display, and the
soldiers watched it with much interest, joking about the bad laying of
the Japanese gunners.
A non-combatant detachment (I do not remember of which regiment), under
a quarter-master, came up to make good our losses of the preceding day.
The men were placed in the trenches allotted to the reserves, and the
officer stood looking at the road, and the piles of dead lying on it.
I suggested to him that he should sit in the trench or stand close up
under the almost perpendicular bank of the road. But the young fellow
said he was not afraid of such missiles, pointing with his hand to an
11-inch shell which was hurtling away after having ricocheted off the
ground; but just at that moment there was a terrific roar, and he was
hidden in the black smoke from a large shell that had burst just where
he stood. When the smoke had cleared away, he was no longer there.
A message came from the left breastwork to say that there was hardly
a man there, and asking for at least a few reinforcements, as the
Japanese were beginning to make a move. I sent up Second-Lieutenant
Shakovskoi and twenty men with hand grenades. At about 12 noon the
cannonade was so terrific that it was impossible to speak in an
ordinary tone of voice, and one had to shout to be heard. Our lower
road was swept by shell, but we had not many casualties. A new
commandant arrived also—Major Veselevski, a brave and intelligent
officer, who had more than once rendered me good service, and was
always quick at carrying out my instructions.
* * * * *
It is always good to see an officer calm and collected in a post
of danger—one feels stronger somehow, both morally and physically.
The commandant’s smiling face and his quiet orders made a forcible
impression on the men. Such a commander always inspires them with
unlimited faith—they look at him with a kind of superstitious awe, and
feel that they _must_ obey him, even in moments of extreme peril. I
will even assert that, the greater the danger, the more blindly will
the men submit to the will of a commander who has won their confidence
and respect.
A good officer stands for much in battle, just as a bad one may cause
irreparable harm.
Officers should be very carefully selected, and unreliable ones
eliminated by every possible means. Expert knowledge of military
science is not essential; what really matters is the spirit, the
individuality, of a man; but it is difficult to define in exact
language the characteristics required, and to recognize them in peace
time is yet harder, for few men display them outwardly. Unfortunately,
a commander does not himself choose his officers, but has them pitched
at his head willy-nilly, and how, indeed, can one expect to have
_all_ officers of the best type? Still, governors and instructors at
military academies and colleges can be of great assistance by judicious
recommendation.
Honourable pride, nobility of thought, a sense of the high calling
of an officer’s profession—this is what every military man should
have ingrained into his nature from his youth upward. For this reason
officers must be recruited from families bearing noble traditions.
Physical strength and health are also important factors; therefore,
officers must be encouraged to indulge in sport of all kinds, in order
to develop their quickness of movement and strength of limb.
An officer should enjoy a cultured and even fastidious life, and thus
tone down the roughness of our average army officer. Officers should
occupy a high position in society, but at the same time they should be
trained to endure the hardships of a war willingly and with equanimity.
And to this end they must always bear in mind that their profession,
even in its smallest details, is one of great national, and even
Imperial, importance.
A really talented officer is priceless, but such a man is a hundred
times more rare than a talented painter, professor, or other civilian.
* * * * *
The day[116] was now far advanced, but the bombardment continued
without slackening and shells fell very close to our bomb-proof on the
lower road. All this was the work of the battery at Shui-shih-ying,
which our guns had not yet succeeded in silencing. Although our
bomb-proof was built right up against the steep cliff, with 8- and
9-inch beams, the roof was composed only of 8-inch baulks, with a layer
of big stones, cemented with clay, about an archine thick. Though this
was proof against 6-inch shell, as we found when one struck it, the
11-inch howitzer projectile was quite another matter.
So we sat in this bomb-proof and quietly talked. We were surprised at
the foolishness of the Japanese—who were only now beginning to scale
203 Metre Hill, when they ought to have done so much earlier. They had
been breaking their heads against our strong central forts, and had
lost a whole army in trying to take them.
What was to prevent them making a landing-in-force in Pigeon Bay,
occupying Lao-tieh Shan, destroying our fleet from there, and then
taking the New Town, which was very poorly defended from the Lao-tieh
Shan side?
It is absurd to credit them with exceptional knowledge and skill in
military science. Neither do I acknowledge that they are exceptionally
brave, in which opinion my riflemen agree with me.
The Japanese are very cautious, and they have no reason to boast of
their daring. True, they attack without flinching; for this there
are many reasons: first of all, their initial success; secondly, the
numerical inferiority of our garrison; and thirdly, the fact that they
may be peppered with shrapnel if they do not advance.
I am absolutely convinced that in a future campaign, when we have a
double line in Manchuria, when Vladivostok has been strongly fortified,
when we have twice the number of guns, besides Maxims to every company,
we shall utterly defeat them and drive them off the Continent.
Thus we held forth, sitting in our bomb-proof till evening. The firing
died down, and, following the example of the men, we were able to bring
out our samovar and have tea.
Our losses on this day, in spite of the heavy gun fire, were
comparatively small. The men had got to know the place, and had learnt
how to avoid splinters and to find corners immune from fire.
At 8 p.m., as usual, dinner was served with 1 lb. per head of
horse-flesh. The samovars sang, and the men walked freely up and down
the hill, some of them bathing in the stream at its foot. All then
turned in, except the sentries, who stood with hand grenades ready and
kept a sharp look-out for the enemy. If a grenade was heard, every one
stood to arms. The men in the trenches were relieved in turn in small
detachments.
The engineers, who were with the reserves that came up at about 8 p.m.
under Acting Ensign Yermolov, started work by repairing, or I should
rather say by rebuilding, the trenches with their sand-bags, and in
addition began to cut a communication trench along the rear of the
hill. As usual there was but little of the old trenches left, and it
was fortunate that I had had a considerable number of bags stored in
the regimental depot, ready for such emergencies.
At 12 midnight I made a tour round the left breastwork and other
fortifications. The former was completely wrecked, except for its left
face, and the inner ditch was filled with dead bodies. Providentially
everything was quiet, so I gave orders for them to be carried away.
All that remained of the central battery with its flanking pieces were
piles of rubbish and torn sand-bags.
The right breastwork had not suffered so badly, and was fully capable
of being defended. The Japanese refrained from attacking it, as the
fire from Akasaka Yama barred the way. One attempt to attack this part
of 203 Metre Hill had cost them more than a thousand men, and their
approaches were still far from the top.
The left flank of the lower round trench was quite whole, and the men
were perfectly comfortable there. They had built up a thick, solid
wall between themselves and the ruined portion of the trench, and had
decided to make a small sortie that night.
On the morning of December 4, owing to the ill-success of this sortie,
there was a good deal of cross firing and grenade-throwing. The battery
near Shui-shih-ying still gave us considerable trouble, and three
officers and several men were wounded.
At about 8 a.m. heavy rifle firing and a number of explosions were
heard on the left breastwork—an ominous sign.
I went outside and called up the reserve. It was reported to me
that the Japanese were attacking, and the commander asked for
reinforcements, so, in order to encourage them, I sent up a few men.
To my surprise I heard shouts from the work attacked, and saw our
men flying down the hill. They had been driven out and were in full
retreat. With the other officers and the reserve I rushed up to meet
them, hoping to stop the fugitives, but it was already too late and I
was carried off my feet. The men from the breastwork fled down as far
as the lower slopes of the hill. The reserve, however, stood fast. I
shouted for the commander of the latter, but he was not to be found,
and I had to take his place.
It was fortunate that the reserve consisted of one of my own companies.
We charged up the hill and drove the Japanese out of the breastwork
with our hand grenades, but those of the enemy inflicted heavy loss on
us. By my orders the breastwork was then occupied by the reserve.
At this time the commandant was away inspecting the left flank of
the hill, and thus did not see what was happening. The workmen who
were renewing the central battery between the breastworks assisted
materially in the defeat of the Japanese by attacking their left flank.
I do not know who the officer was that led them to the attack.
I passed through some bad moments during this panic, and was thankful
that the enemy was not in force. Afterwards I learnt that the Japanese
had crawled up unnoticed and hurled several grenades right amongst our
men. An officer was killed and many men either bayoneted or blown to
atoms; the rest broke and ran.
[Illustration: ROAD BEHIND 203 METRE HILL AFTER THE
FIGHTING ON NOVEMBER 28.
p. 268]
All my reserves were now used up, so I sent a request for as many
sailors as possible. As a determined attack now appeared to be
imminent, I went earlier than usual to my observing station. Rifle
firing again broke out in the left breastwork, a sign that the Japanese
were collecting in their parallels.
The battery at Shui-shih-ying caused us ceaseless annoyance. In order
not to attract its attention, I gave orders for the dressing station to
be removed to a point near the foot of the hill. I withdrew half the
men from the right breastwork to form a reserve. But they only sent me
ten men, saying that they were half a company. The men in the left work
were standing firm.
The rifle and grenade duel continued for a very long time.
Evidently the Japanese had decided not to attack, being deterred by
our hand grenades, and the bombardment continued without abatement.
The 11-inch “portmanteaus”[117] (as the men called the 11-inch shell)
were bursting continually in the right breastwork. The right flank of
the hill was completely wrecked by them, and the only sign there of
what were once fortifications was the crest-line covered with splinters
and fragments of beams. But, as I have already said, they did not like
attacking this flank, as it was swept by the flanking fire from the
trenches on Akasaka Yama of which the Japanese had a great dread owing
to their previous fearful losses.
Many wounded were coming from the left breastwork, and some, who were
not able to walk, were rolling themselves slowly down. The sight of
these men painfully dragging themselves down the steep slope always
affected me deeply. From time to time several orderlies had been sent
to me asking for reinforcements and hand grenades. I could not give
them much help, but sent up five men from the reserve with grenades,
which I hoped would give them some encouragement.
At last, thank God! some sailors arrived, and with them a number of
officers. I at once sent a detachment into the breastwork under a naval
ensign. They reached it without loss, and climbed in over the parapet,
the entrance having been destroyed. Suddenly I saw the ensign running
out of the work with about twenty sailors and riflemen in his train. My
heart sank. While I watched them the ensign lay down, and the sailors,
doing the same, began to fire. As, however, they were in the very place
where the 11-inch shell constantly fell, I sent the ensign an order to
return to the breastwork. I saw the orderly reach him and give him my
order, but nevertheless they all remained lying where they were.
My ire rose, and I sent to the ensign to say that if he remained where
he was, I would shoot him like a dog. In another moment I felt that I
had been too hasty, but the orderly was already gone. About a quarter
of an hour later I received in reply the information that a part of
the ditch had fallen in and the parapet had been demolished, making it
impossible to remain there any longer. So I sent him an apology for
my hasty reprimand, and thanked him for his enterprise and bravery. A
non-commissioned officer, who had come back for hand grenades, took him
this message.
Though many shells fell round the little band of sailors and the naval
ensign, who remained on one knee with his drawn sword in his hand, no
casualties occurred. Many were wounded, even near the bomb-proof and
on the road, but these men seemed to bear charmed lives, and all the
officers standing near me marvelled at their extraordinary luck.
Then suddenly there was the scream of an 11-inch shell. With a
deafening roar it burst right over them, and thick black smoke shut out
the awful picture, while all of us held our breath. The smoke cleared
away, and we saw the sailors still lying there and the ensign kneeling
as before. Once again we breathed freely. Unfortunately, I forgot to
find out this officer’s name.
The firing began to die down—a sure sign of impending attack. Our
hand grenades burst over the breastwork in still greater numbers. I
sent a party of sailors towards the work and another into the central
trench to be ready in case of need to charge with the bayonet from the
flank. But no attack came. The Japanese could not, apparently, bring
themselves to face the shower of grenades.
Evening came on, and we were still awaiting the attack. Then an
alarming incident occurred. A detachment of our 3rd Company, under
Acting Ensign Moskvin, was stationed in reserve in a gun emplacement.
The men were sitting right at the bottom of the emplacement, but the
Acting Ensign’s head could be seen over the top. Suddenly a large shell
burst, as it seemed to me, right over him. When the smoke cleared
away, he was lying motionless on the steps of the emplacement. He
was immediately carried to the road, and found to be stunned, but
apparently unwounded; how it was that he was not blown to atoms passes
my understanding.
It transpired afterwards that Moskvin had been injured internally in
the chest and head, in consequence of which he completely lost his
hearing and power of speech, and was paralysed down the right side.
He was a brave lad, and I felt very sorry for him. About a month
afterwards, he regained his speech and power of movement. Later on
he became a prisoner of war, and eventually died here in Kiev. I was
unable to attend his funeral in person, but my wife followed his
remains to their last resting-place.
The day was now over and there had been no assault. It was almost
incredible. Had I indeed made a mistake regarding the intentions of the
Japanese?
That evening a great number of units had collected on 203 Metre Hill,
and, in order to prevent overcrowding, I sent half of them down to the
place where the kitchens were situated.
Any one who carefully reads these lines might very well ask the
question “How is this? Men are constantly being sent up to the hill,
but none seem to leave it?” But it must be remembered that 203 Metre
Hill cost us 4,000 men.[118] Units arrived in good order, but, as soon
as heavy losses occurred, they were usually mixed with later comers.
[Illustration: BOMBPROOF IN THE REDOUBT ON THE TOP OF 203 METRE HILL.
p. 272]
The senior of those left alive would come to me and report that such
and such a company or detachment had practically been wiped out, that
there only remained so many men, and could they have a rest?
I always commended these detachments for their heroic behaviour, and
granted the request provided there were fresh units on the hill who had
had time to become thoroughly acquainted with its fortifications and
their disposition.
Soon after Moskvin’s unfortunate experience we became easier in our
minds, and collected in the commandant’s bomb-proof[119] to drink tea.
The samovar was singing on the table at which the commandant and I sat.
He gave every one tea in turn, for we had only two glasses[120] left.
The naval men who had just arrived told us of all that had happened
in the centre, where we had brilliantly beaten back all the Japanese
attacks. Every one was convinced that there would be no more big
assaults of that description, as the enemy had lost more than 10,000
men.
They told us about Losev, who, on being ordered to drive the Japanese
out of a trench captured by them under the glacis of Fort Erh-lung, had
adopted a very simple method of carrying out the order. Accompanied by
a few men, he took several grenades in his arms, climbed straight up on
to the glacis and hurled the grenades into the trench. The Japanese,
thrown into confusion, jumped out of the trench and retreated,
whereupon our men at once reoccupied it.
Captain Sirotko, commanding our 9th Company, related all that had
happened on Akasaka Yama during the last few days.
As will be remembered, this important hill was defended by a trench
and a large redoubt on the summit, called by us Karmenny (the Stone
Redoubt). This redoubt was further strengthened by abattis. Companies
of the 5th and 27th Regiments held the hill under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Boudiarnski, a strikingly enterprising and daring
officer.
Concurrently with the attacks on 203 Metre Hill the Japanese assaulted
Akasaka Yama, having first wrecked the trenches in front of the Stone
Redoubt by gun fire.
On November 27, previously sweeping the intended point of attack with a
terrific artillery fire, they rushed the trenches in front of the Stone
Redoubt, driving out a Scout Detachment and the 4th Company of the 27th
Regiment. Lieutenant-Colonel Boudiarnski took the left half of our 9th
Company out of the trenches which were not being attacked, and ordered
it to go to the support of its discomfited comrades.
At 7 p.m. this half-company reached the position indicated, and found
a Scout Detachment already there, on whose left the Japanese were
established. They immediately occupied this trench to the left of the
Scout Detachment of the 27th Regiment, driving the Japanese before
them, and thus cut off the retreat of those who were near the Stone
Redoubt and already throwing hand grenades into it.
The even numbers of the left half-company were ordered to stand up and
fire to the front, while the odd numbers were to turn about and fire on
the Japanese near the Stone Redoubt. This unexpected fire from their
rear, combined with the rush of our 12th Company and of the 7th Company
of the 14th Regiment from the front out of the Stone Redoubt, caused a
panic among the enemy, who retreated into the trench occupied by the
9th Company, where they were bayoneted to a man. The various units now
occupied their former positions and the men of the left half of our 9th
Company returned to their own trenches.
On November 28, at 1 p.m., the right half of the 9th Company was sent
to the Stone Redoubt to the assistance of the 8th Company of the 27th
Regiment, which was being hard pressed by the Japanese. At 2 p.m. this
half-company, under the command of Sergeant-Major Platonov, reached
the 8th Company, whose commander immediately gave them an order to
extend along the left flank of the Stone Redoubt, taking cover behind
the boulders there. At this time the Japanese were swarming up 203
Metre Hill, and had driven back a part of the 4th and 8th Companies
of the 27th Regiment from the col between 203 Metre Hill and Akasaka
Yama. The men of these companies were retiring, but the right half of
the 9th Company opened fire on the attacking Japanese and compelled
them to take shelter in the trenches. Then, assisted by the retreating
companies, they all rushed in with the bayonet, drove the enemy out of
the trenches they had occupied, and seized the ones on their left flank.
At 6 p.m. the Japanese again attacked and took the trenches occupied by
the 4th and 5th Companies and Scout Detachment of the 27th Regiment,
together with the 12th Company of the 5th Regiment. The companies
retreated in disorder, but the left half of the 9th Company, under
Captain Sirotko himself, was sent up at this moment and reached them in
time. Extending the 4th section, Captain Sirotko barred the retreat of
the fugitives and turned them back, while the men of the 3rd section
hurled themselves on the captured trenches, and, swinging round to the
left, drove out the Japanese. Step by step the other companies then
took up their former positions. The men fought not only with bayonets,
but even with naked fists.
After this decisive repulse of the Japanese the danger zone was held
by the 9th, 10th, and 12th Companies of the 5th Regiment, who beat off
more than four attacks during the night.
On November 29 the 9th Company was allowed a well-deserved rest and
relegated to the reserve.
On the 30th the Scout Detachment of the 27th Regiment was driven out
of its trenches. The enemy attacked Akasaka Yama furiously, and as
the commandant was afraid that their local success against the Scout
Detachment might become a general one, he sent the 9th Company to
occupy the heights in rear,[121] where it stayed until 12 noon. When,
however, the 3rd, 10th, and 12th Companies of the 5th Regiment had
successfully resisted the Japanese attacks, and the assault had been
abandoned, the 9th Company was sent to strengthen the left flank and to
keep touch with 203 Metre Hill.
In the evening the left half of this company received orders to relieve
the 3rd Company of the 5th Regiment. About the same time the right half
of the 9th Company, which was holding the lower line of trenches on the
left flank of Akasaka Yama, repulsed another attack on the col between
the latter and 203 Metre Hill.
On this day three men of the 9th Company, who had been wounded,
returned to their company as soon as their wounds had been dressed.
General Stessel met them, and rewarded them all with St. George’s
Crosses. Captain Sirotko stated that these were the only rewards
received by the 9th Company after nine days’ incessant fighting.
Many received rewards afterwards, but it is better to give them
either during the actual fighting—the right of doing so being given
to commanders of companies beforehand—or directly afterwards. Such
immediate recognition goes far towards raising the spirits of the
various units. General Kondratenko, with General Stessel’s permission,
frequently awarded our soldiers crosses, and expressed his regret that
he had not more to distribute.
On December 1 the Japanese scaled 203 Metre Hill, and, lying under
the steep cliff on the right flank, began to enfilade the trenches on
Akasaka Yama, but the 9th Company drove them off with its fire.
To man the trenches near the cliff itself was the most dangerous duty
of all. The enemy constantly rushed them from their sap-heads, and the
men occupied them very reluctantly. Observation, too, was extremely
difficult, and the place was often left entirely undefended.
Captain Sirotko drew the commandant’s attention to this as soon as he
learned the state of affairs from men sent there by him.
On December 2 the 9th Company was ordered to occupy the practically
ruined trenches on the plateau in front of the Stone Redoubt, a
position of the greatest peril. They were full of bodies, both of our
men and the Japanese, the result of three attacks made by the 9th and
10th Companies of the 5th Regiment on November 27 and 28.
The Japanese saps were but 20 to 30 paces from these trenches.
The 9th Company remained in this position until 2 p.m. on December 4.
Throughout this fighting the companies resisted innumerable attacks
with the help of pyroxylin grenades, which were brought up to the
firing line by men specially detailed for the purpose.
At 2 p.m. on December 4, after nine days’ ceaseless fighting, the
9th Company was withdrawn, having lost in killed and wounded 60 per
cent. of its strength. During these nine days the men of the company,
sleepless and worn out, held the trenches under a hellish artillery
fire, drove the Japanese out of those they had taken by rifle fire,
hand grenades, and bayonet charges, and beat off every assault of their
persistent enemy, never, even for a moment, showing the least sign of
faltering under this terrible ordeal.
[Illustration: DEFENCES OF 203 METRE HILL
Map No. 5.
London: Hugh Rees, Ltd.
_Stanford’s Geogl. Estabt., London._]
FOOTNOTES:
[112] Our Official History (Part III., p. 96) states that the Japanese
held the summit (of the southern peak) for some time, but were driven
back at 3 p.m. From the present narrative it is evident that some at
least remained there till after nightfall.
[113] A Russian officer always addresses his men on parade by using two
words which mean “Good morning, men”; and the men answer all together
in two words signifying “We are glad to be able to serve you.”
[114] The Japanese eventually had six batteries firing from the
neighbourhood of this village at the rear slopes of 203 Metre Hill and
Akasaka Yama. (See Map III.)
[115] Grenades were made in three factories, capable of turning out
about 1,000 daily, working the usual hours, and about 2,500, working
day and night. (A. Bortnovski, _Voenny Sbornik_, Jan., 1910.)
[116] December 3.
[117] This name was probably borrowed from the sailors, who called the
12-inch shell of the Japanese battleships “portmanteaus.” (See the
“Battle of Tsu-Shima,” by Semenov.)
[118] Our Official History states “about 3,000,” but the author ought
to be in a better position to give the correct number.
[119] Situated in the centre of the right breastwork. (See Map. V.)
[120] The Russians always drink tea out of glasses.
[121] Of Akasaka Yama.