The author severely wounded—Final assault and capture of 203 Metre
Hill on December 5—The hospitals—Death of General Kondratenko,
December 15—Retreat from Interval Hill, December 25—Evacuation of Fort
Erh-lung and part of the Chinese Wall, December 28—Japanese attack on
the Chinese Wall, December 30—Destruction of Fort Sung-shu, December
31—Capture of Wang-tai, December 31—Surrender of the fortress, January
2, 1905.
Having finished tea and exhausted our conversation, we decided to
have a rest, but shouting and firing quickly brought us out of the
bomb-proof. It turned out to be a false alarm. I climbed into the
connecting trench and made sure that all was right, though the men
seemed to be in a restless condition and were obviously anticipating
serious fighting. I went back to the road and joined a group of
officers there.
We all of us noticed how the Japanese batteries at Shui-shih-ying were
sweeping the whole of our rear. Just as I was ruminating over this
ominous fact there was a tremendous roar.... I felt a fearful blow on
the left side of my head, and was thrown into the ditch.
Dazed and all but unconscious, I was unable to struggle to my feet
again. However, I was happy in the thought that I had not been killed
outright. Some one assisted me to my feet and held me up, and I then
saw Major Veselovski and several other officers lying dead near me,
the former having half his head blown away. To my left, most of the
men of the dressing station were lying piled one on another, and the
remainder were already at work among their fallen comrades. Lieutenant
Rofalovski, a very brave fellow, who had formerly been my orderly
officer, suddenly appeared on the scene and helped to carry me below. I
thought that I could walk, but was hardly in a fit state to judge.
So I was carried down to the lower dressing station, feeling a stream
of warm blood trickling down my neck, and on arrival there my head was
bandaged. Of what happened after that, I have not much recollection,
but I remember people talking from time to time as I lay in a
semi-conscious condition. Finally I lost all consciousness, until I
heard some one say: “That is Colonel Tretyakov.” I then opened my eyes,
and at the same moment felt a sharp, stabbing pain on the left side
of my face and head. I was being carried along on a stretcher. Some
one was riding behind me, and the sound of hoofs on the hard road beat
painfully into my head. “Who is riding?” I asked. They told me I heard
my own chargers, which were always kept under shelter near the kitchens
when I was on the hill. By the time we reached the town, consciousness
had completely returned, but the pain in my head and neck increased,
and one of my eyes throbbed badly. I thought that it must have been
put out, and touched it with my hand, but it seemed to be all right. I
could not see with it, because my head and that side of my face were
covered with bandages.
A few minutes afterwards, my stretcher was put down, and a doctor bent
over me. “How do you feel?” he asked. “My head is very painful.” The
doctor examined me and said that I was going on well. Feeling somewhat
encouraged by this, I sat up on the stretcher, but my head ached
terribly and I felt dizzy. I heard some one say in a whisper: “Well,
there’s no hope; the brain is severely lacerated.”
I involuntarily felt my head, but it seemed to me to be all right.
Then it dawned upon me that they were referring to the unfortunate
commandant, Veselovski. Soon afterwards, I was taken to the Red Cross
Hospital and comfortably installed there.
On examination the surgeons found a number of small splinters in my
head and neck, as well as a very large one in my eye, which they
removed at once. There was one big splinter in my neck, which had
lodged near the spinal column and prevented me from turning my head.
I could even feel it with my hand. Then they applied the X-rays and
extracted it, but a bit of splintered bone was left, which I can feel
even now.
For three days I lay racked with pain, but after that the pain grew
less and I began to take an interest in what was going on around me.
But I am going on too fast.
Lieutenant-Colonel Saifoolin took my place on the hill, but he was
wounded in the same arm, and almost in the same part, in which, during
the battle of Nan Shan, he had been wounded before.
On the evening of December 6 I heard a rumour that 203 Metre Hill had
been captured, and on the 7th my adjutant arrived and confirmed this
disastrous intelligence.
On the fall of 203 Metre Hill we abandoned Akasaka Yama, as well
as Division and False Hills. Division Hill was an irreparable loss
to us, as it was not only capable of being defended step by step,
but, moreover, it protected Ta-an-tzu Shan Fort. Without doubt, the
defenders could have held out for some time longer. Colonel Irman
himself tried to recapture it, but was unable to collect sufficient
men for the purpose. I also heard that the following men remained in
the commandant’s bomb-proof: Lossev, a telephonist, Second-Lieutenant
Goudkov, the wounded commander of our 6th Company, and part of our 1st
Scout Detachment, who refused to leave the hill and remained at their
post in the right breastwork.
With these men in the work it might have been possible to drive out the
Japanese once again, but apparently General Kondratenko considered it
inexpedient to continue holding the hill at a possible cost of 500 men
per day, and this, perhaps, was a sufficient reason for evacuating it.
Colonel Irman had to send several men to the breastwork with direct
orders to the 1st Scout Detachment to leave the hill, before they would
forsake their post.
The following is the account of the final struggle for 203 Metre Hill
as I heard it from Captain Sirotko.
About 1 p.m. on December 5 the 9th Company[122] was moved from the
staff headquarters to 203 Metre Hill. Thirty-six men of the Medical
Corps had just been added to it, so that it now consisted of one
company officer, two acting ensigns, and 102 rank and file. General
Kondratenko in person gave the company an order to reach the hill as
quickly as possible.
Under a heavy rifle fire, which caused several casualties, the company
reached the foot of 203 Metre Hill about 2 p.m. Just as it reached
the hill, the Japanese captured the whole of the crest-line and began
sweeping the road in rear with rifle fire and throwing down stones and
hand grenades. Our 6th Company, posted on the reverse slopes, suffered
heavily from these missiles.
The trench above the road was full of riflemen of various companies and
units, but they could not be induced to leave their cover.
Therefore, Lieutenant-Colonel Saifoolin ordered the 9th Company to
advance across the open to the left of the trench. Under a hail of
bullets, stones, and grenades, the company charged up with the bayonet
and drove the enemy out of the ruined trench on the crest-line. Then
the remainder of the men, encouraged by their comrades’ success, made a
rush for the summit.
The company, with Captain Sirotko, Acting Ensigns Lesenkov and
Grouzdev, and the squad and section commanders at its head, then rushed
out of the position it had just taken, and charged over the crest,
supported on its right flank by the 6th Company under Captain Sazonov
and Second-Lieutenant Goudkov. They were, however, met by such a storm
of bullets, shrapnel, and grenades, that in a few moments they lost
half their men, Second-Lieutenant Goudkov being very severely wounded.
Captain Sirotko was badly wounded in the head and arm, and, losing
consciousness, fell backwards down the hill. When he came to himself,
all the men had again retreated into the trench, which was wreathed
in flames on its left flank where the telephone bomb-proof stood. All
the officers were now _hors de combat_, except on the right flank,
where Lieutenant-Colonel Pokrovski, who had replaced Lieutenant-Colonel
Saifoolin, badly wounded while commandant of the hill, was still
unhurt. Two more attacks—one led by Lieutenant-Colonel Pokrovski, the
other by Colonel Irman—were equally unsuccessful, and cost us dear.
Nevertheless, our men still clung to the rear slopes of the hill.
About midnight, when Captain Sirotko had been attended to and had
somewhat recovered, General Kondratenko, who was at the staff
headquarters, sent him four midshipmen and an acting ensign of the
27th Regiment, under whom another attack on the Japanese above might
be made. By this time, however, the enemy had succeeded in dragging
some machine guns to the top of the hill, which was now strongly held.
Realizing this, and that enormous losses would be incurred in any
further attacks, Colonel Irman decided to evacuate the hill, and gave
the order for a general retreat.
It is a pity that we did not adopt the Japanese tactics, of
overwhelming the enemy with gun fire and then seizing the hill without
loss.
* * * * *
During this fighting the 9th Company lost all its officers, and 60 per
cent. of its men were killed or wounded. From September 6 to December
22 this company lost 253 men killed and wounded, _i.e._ 60 per cent.
in excess of its actual war strength of 155 men. It had performed the
following duties: covering the retreat from Namako Yama; three bayonet
attacks on the enemy occupying the trenches on the left flank of
Akasaka Yama—all of them successful; the repulse of numerous attacks
on the left flank of Akasaka Yama; and the three last gallant, though
unsuccessful, attempts to recapture 203 Metre Hill.
* * * * *
The Red Cross Hospital was abundantly supplied with everything
necessary for such an institution in a besieged fortress.
Thanks to the number of nurses, and their tender care of the wounded,
the hospital was more or less like one’s own home, and the patients
felt themselves very comfortable there after life in the trenches.
In the evening numbers of officers came in from the fighting lines
to have their wounds dressed, and they had much interesting news to
tell us. The stories I heard from them, and from those who were lying
there wounded, were so interesting and so detailed, that if it had
been possible to write them down, I could have compiled a full and
instructive account of the whole siege. But, as it was, I was too weak
to attempt the task.
What depressed me and every one else was the thought that we were being
beaten without being able to defend ourselves.
Taking into consideration the enormous superiority of the enemy in
guns, and the scurvy that was raging in the fortress, one could almost
with certainty fix the period within which the final stand must
be made. In my own mind I allowed about two months. News from the
Manchurian Army was far from reassuring, and gave us no hope of relief.
For three days after the fall of 203 Metre Hill the Japanese bombarded
our ships. The naval men who came in said that the fleet was now
doomed. It would soon be at the bottom of the sea, and without it the
squadron coming from home would be useless in view of the enemy’s
strength.
I cannot understand how any of us could have buoyed ourselves up with
the hope that our Far Eastern Fleet was a match for the Japanese.
Was it, indeed, impossible to have foreseen that they would sooner or
later protect their own interests? Had we realized the situation and
sent three or four more battleships[123] to the Far East, there would
have been no war and above all no triumph for the Japanese.
[Illustration: GENERAL VIEW LOOKING SOUTH FROM 203 METRE HILL,
SHOWING THE NEW TOWN AND THE HARBOUR.
p. 286]
To our own mistakes, to our own blindness, and not to the enemy’s
valour, I attribute our _débâcle_. When we have made good our
shortcomings, victory will be ours. Of this I am assured, for I know
the characteristics of the Japanese, I know their army, and I know
their men.
I did not notice any despondency among our officers, but good ones were
becoming scarce.
An officer from Fort Chi-kuan told us that the Japanese had for some
time been masters of the ditch, but, fearing to attack us, remained on
that side of the parapet.
Our men were rolling 10-lb. naval mines into the ditch, and I can
imagine the effect of the explosion of these implements of destruction.
The Japanese tried to drive us out of the caponier of this fort by
burning in it material soaked in arsenic. Our men were stifled by the
fumes, and the sentries in the casemates had to be relieved every few
minutes. Fort Erh-lung was in a similar plight.
On the evening of December 16 a report reached us that General
Kondratenko had been killed. I refused to believe it, but a few minutes
afterwards some wounded eye-witnesses were carried in—a young artillery
officer, and an ensign of a Reserve Engineer Company, named Schmidt—who
verified the rumour.
It seems that about 8 p.m. on the 15th, General Kondratenko went to
Fort Chi-kuan, nearly all the senior officers of that section of
the defence being already there, amongst others Lieutenant-Colonel
Rashevski, Major Zedginidzi, and Lieutenant-Colonel Naoomenko. They had
been summoned to discuss the question of further defensive measures
at that point, as the defenders were in desperate straits from the
poisonous gases they encountered during mining operations.
The casemate where the conference took place having been struck more
than once by 11-inch shells, the ruined part had been shut off by a
stout partition made of baulks, and a hole, made by a shell, in the
vaulted roof had been filled up with loose stones, resting on a pile
of mortar and heavy fragments of beams, with which the interior of the
casemate was strewn. This I had myself noticed during occasional visits
to this ill-omened fort.
General Kondratenko sat at the table with his back to the partition,
while other officers were seated on forms. The rest were standing near
the entrance to the casemate. Suddenly there was a terrific explosion,
and the latter, who were the only ones that escaped alive, were blown
through the entrance, while the whole of the interior fell in. When
they recovered their senses, soldiers were already in the casemate
removing the dead. With the General perished the flower of the officers
of that section.[124]
The death of General Kondratenko made a lasting impression on the
garrison; every one lost heart, since we knew there was none to take
his place.
A few days afterwards, our fleet ceased to exist, and although the
ships’ companies went to swell the numbers of our reserves, from that
moment misfortune dogged us.
On December 18 the Japanese exploded a mine under the parapet of
Fort Chi-kuan. It did not make a very large breach, and the garrison
retreated from the parapet to the retrenchment behind, and thus
prevented the enemy from seizing the former; but in spite of this, at
11 p.m. we evacuated the fort. Captain Kvatz, the commandant, told me
when he came into hospital that he had withdrawn his men in pursuance
of General Fock’s orders, and that he himself considered that further
resistance was not justified. Although, according to him, 100 lives
were sacrificed daily in the effort to hold this position, nevertheless
I could not accept his conclusion, since there was still one casemate
in the fort which was absolutely untouched. However, the loss of this
fort was not so very serious, because it was on a very low site, and
behind and above it was the Chinese Wall, which had already rendered us
great service during innumerable attacks.
By December 24 I had quite recovered, and my eye no longer pained me.
Dr. Mirotvoretz had operated successfully, and removed a splinter from
my neck.
Everything had been quiet in my section during my illness, as the
Japanese were concentrating against the eastern front and taking no
further action against us.
I was discharged from hospital on December 25. On reaching my section,
I found that the staff headquarters had been moved, and was now
placed behind the crest of a hill, near Battery No. 4, where it was
completely protected. With Colonel Irman’s staff I found many of the
town officials, among them Colonel Vershinin, the head of the Kuan-tung
Peninsula district. Messing arrangements had been made, and there was
plenty of everything, but as the charges were exceedingly high, our
officers preferred to dine separately. I felt very well during the
evening, but the wound in my neck became so painful that night, that in
the morning I had fever, and had to return to hospital for three days.
Having had my wound disinfected, I again rejoined my regiment.
During this time the Japanese had attacked Interval Hill, where our 2nd
and 3rd Companies, under Lieutenant Ivanov, were posted. The attacks
began at 2 a.m. on December 25, but they were all repulsed by our fire
from the trenches and from a lunette occupied by the 7th Company. About
ten of the enemy, however, succeeded in climbing up a hill somewhere
in rear, where they dug themselves in. Lieutenant Ivanov reported this
to Colonel Irman, and said that he would turn them out. This was quite
unnecessary, as they would probably have retreated later of their own
accord; nevertheless, Colonel Irman ordered the companies to leave
Interval Hill and take up a position behind our line, in touch with our
11th Company.
On December 26 we evacuated Solovev Hill, near Pigeon Bay.
The 5th Regiment was now concentrated on our main inner position
and occupied the space between two permanent forts, presenting a
considerably stronger front than before; it had also been brought up,
for the third time, to its full complement. The Japanese were now faced
with a problem similar to that previously presented by 174 Metre Hill,
but rendered additionally difficult by the existence of permanent
fortifications.
[Illustration: KUROPATKIN’S LUNETTE.
p. 290]
They wisely decided not to repeat their rash attacks of the past, and
contented themselves with remaining in the positions they had occupied.
Thus everything was fairly peaceful, and I availed myself fully of
this interval of quiet, feeling that it was safe to leave the staff
headquarters occasionally.
First of all, I went to see Colonel Grigorenko, but, being unable to
find his house, I went on to the commandant’s. There I met Colonel
Khvostov, who had just arrived with a report. We had a long talk about
the situation, and I carried away with me the impression that no
disaster was threatening us for some time to come.
* * * * *
It seemed that, in the event of the capture of Fort Erh-lung, the
commandant had a second line of defence, which we could hope to hold
against the enemy for a considerable time.
One would have thought that the rocky ground would have prevented the
enemy from mining beneath Forts Erh-lung and Sung-shu, but nevertheless
by now they were making rapid progress there. We could not make a very
stubborn resistance at these points because we had no miners, and,
consequently, no system of counter-mining. The counterscarp galleries
were merely blocked with stones and cement, which became so solid that
it would have taken about three days to destroy, as proved to be the
case at Fort Chi-kuan.
Some time before this, General Kondratenko had asked me to come and
make an investigation. One night (I do not remember the date) I went
with Colonel Grigorenko to Fort Erh-lung, where I found General
Kondratenko in the counterscarp gallery. After listening attentively
to the Japanese working on the other side, we came to the conclusion
that they were tunnelling in three separate parts of the outside wall
of the gallery. They evidently wished to make breaches in this wall by
exploding several small charges, and thus get through into the gallery.
As we could only offer a passive resistance, we determined to block the
gallery with a large boulder and cement it hard against those portions
of the wall where the Japanese was working. This plan was carried into
effect at once.
All this took place some time before, and the enemy were now right
under the breastwork of the fort and ready to explode several charges.
In anticipation of this the fort was evacuated except for sentries on
the parapets. Imagine the frame of mind of a sentry who knows that
at any moment he may be blown to atoms! The commandant, having made
arrangements for further resistance in case of the destruction of the
fort and subsequent Japanese attack, was quietly awaiting events.
* * * * *
Having breakfasted with the commandant, and heard a full account of the
state of our defences, I returned to the headquarters of the regiment.
The Japanese were directing a somewhat heavy fire towards the road
along the shore, but the shells mostly fell into the water beyond.
[Illustration: KUROPATKIN’S LUNETTE.
p. 292]
On December 28 I again rode into the town. While crossing the bridge
over the Lun-ho, I felt the earth tremble slightly and then heard a
loud rumble in the distance. Looking up, I saw a huge column of black
smoke hanging over Fort Erh-lung. “Well,” I thought to myself, “the
fort is blown up, and possibly taken, but there is not much harm done,
as the Chinese Wall is behind it.”
When I reached the staff, all the details were known. It turned out
that the explosion had not been entirely successful, as we were still
masters of the retrenchment, but we had lost heavily owing to the rain
of shells into the fort. Rumour said that the Japanese themselves had
suffered heavy losses from the explosion, that the whole of the trench
nearest the fort had been wrecked, and that the men of the attacking
party, who were waiting in it, had perished in the ruins.[125]
In my section everything was quiet, and we spent the evening quite
happily, congratulating ourselves that the Japanese had not broken
down the defence of the fort, which they could have done if they had
exploded their 150-lb. pyroxylin charges under the parapets.
But our joy was premature. The following day we learnt that Fort
Ehr-lung had been evacuated in the night; all _matériel_, cartridges,
and shells had been removed beforehand. Besides the fort, we had also
abandoned that part of the Chinese Wall which ran straight to the rear
from both flanks, and had occupied a position on a rocky crest-line
behind, and on a height to the left of it.
Our perilous situation in the centre of the line, the deadly artillery
fire, the constantly repeated attacks, and the endless vigil wore out
our men, and their spirits began to flag in a marked degree.
In a great battle, soldiers may make a stubborn fight, especially if
victory may yet be snatched or some great prize won for the Fatherland.
But if after constant fighting there is no apparent gain; if they
are, each moment, exposed to deadly peril; if from each individual
heroic effort is demanded, not for one soul-stirring moment alone, but
ceaselessly, with certain death the only reward,—it is pardonable if
hearts grow faint, if men are at times found wanting in energy and slow
to carry out orders.
Then is the time for reliefs; but for us there were none available.
Scurvy, moreover, claimed its victims, bringing in its train suffering
and weakness. Nourishing diet was necessary, and I do not know why
we spared the artillery horses. Long ago we had lost all hope of any
offensive action, so ere this the gun horses might well have furnished
the men with meat once a day. They may perhaps have been utilized in
other ways, though the fact remains that by this means we might have
kept, fit and well in the trenches, more than another thousand men!
On December 30 we were dining peacefully, when suddenly tremendous
firing burst forth from all our batteries, and the rattle of musketry
along the front told us that the Japanese were making a determined
attack.
[Illustration: GUN IN KUROPATKIN’S LUNETTE.
p. 294]
We all rushed up on to the hill, but nothing was visible save the smoke
from our own batteries and from bursting shrapnel. All our forts were
smothered with shell, though we could not see the enemy’s infantry.
I tried to get some news through the telephone, but it was already
overtaxed and continuously in use.
Only in the evening did we learn that the Japanese had made a fierce
attack on the Chinese Wall and Naval Ridge beyond. This attack had been
repulsed with enormous loss to the enemy, who had, however, succeeded
in fortifying themselves at the foot of Naval Ridge, and thus enfiladed
the Chinese Wall. Still, even that was not of supreme importance, since
the Chinese Wall had a number of traverses and splinter-proofs along it.
In my section all was quiet. We had not a single man in reserve, but
even so we believed we could beat back every attack. This was not the
case, however, on Lao-tieh Shan, where Major Romanovski had practically
only our mounted Scout Detachments. The enemy constantly attacked them,
and captured another hill near Pigeon Bay. This was decidedly serious,
as now the Japanese had nothing but these scouts between them and the
other half of the western front, where there was but a remnant of the
27th Regiment, the main portion of it being required on the front
attacked, which was held by only a few men.
Fortunately, the Japanese seemed content with the success already
gained, and settled down for their usual long rest, or, possibly, their
men were also required on the front of attack.
On December 31, after tea, we received news of a further disaster. Yet
once again in this disastrous war had fortune favoured the Japanese.
Fort Sung-shu had been blown up, and, what was worse, in one stroke
the whole garrison had been annihilated. This is what had happened:
About a thousand hand grenades had been stored in an excavation which
the garrison also used as a shelter. A Japanese shell burst, detonating
these grenades, and the whole place collapsed on the garrison. This was
a fearful blow to us, and we deeply lamented the death of our gallant
comrades and their commandant.[126]
Fate had indeed played us a sorry trick!
We were all dispirited, and few cared to partake of dinner that night.
On the evening of the 31st we evacuated the Chinese Wall[127] and took
up positions at Wang-tai and on the Mitrofanievski, Vladimirski, and
Laperovski Hills.[128] It now became very difficult for us to hold out
on the front exposed to attack. We ought to have begun fortifying the
New Town on the side facing the Old Town, but no orders were received
to that effect. What were our commanders doing?
[Illustration: SHELL BURSTING IN KUROPATKIN’s LUNETTE.
p. 296]
That night we were all very depressed. Every one discussed plans for
continuing the defence, if only till the new year.[129] This was the
universal wish, and could certainly have been realized. We dispersed at
a late hour, to be aroused in the morning by heavy firing. On climbing
the hill, we saw Wang-tai literally swept with shell, and so covered
with smoke that it was impossible to see its summit. The bombardment
continued for a long time. We could not follow exactly what was taking
place, but learnt in the evening that the Japanese had captured it.
Our reserves had at first quickly driven back the enemy, afterwards
repulsing five further attacks, but towards evening, when there were
only three or four of the defenders left, the sixth assault was
successful.
That evening, by General Fock’s order, the whole of our front from
Wang-tai to Chi-kuan Battery was evacuated.
The same night the Japanese attacked Signal Hill, near Takhe Bay, but
were repulsed.
On January 2, 1905, the majority of the officers were collected at the
staff headquarters to hear the latest reports. Suddenly an officer came
galloping out of the town and informed us that he had himself seen two
officers riding out beyond our lines with a white flag.
My heart froze at this news. We all remained silent for some time,
seeking to hide our discomfiture.
“Can that mean surrender?” said some one at last.
“Doubtless,” answered another.
After a full minute’s silence conversation broke out noisily on all
sides. Every one asked what was to be done under the circumstances,
and as they were all talking at once, it was impossible to understand
anything. But general indignation against General Fock was apparent,
and every kind of accusation was heaped upon his head. I do not
remember how long this continued, but I know that we had not yet sat
down to dinner, when we received the fateful news by telephone: “Arthur
surrendered. The officers are allowed to keep their swords and return
to Russia after giving their parole not to take any further part in the
present war.”
There was a tremendous commotion at the receipt of this news. The
majority had no wish to surrender, and vehemently attacked our seniors
for surrendering the fortress without the consent of all the officers.
Some of them wanted to set out immediately for Lao-tieh Shan and
continue the defence there; others proposed to hire Chinese junks and
leave the fortress, so as not to become prisoners of war; only a few
decided to bow to the will of their commanders. As each one insisted on
his opinion being accepted, the discussion soon became very heated, and
there was a danger of untoward results.
Eventually those who wished to defend themselves on Lao-tieh Shan
gave up the idea, as owing to the lack of water and fortifications of
any kind it would be impossible to hold that position. Those who had
thought of escaping in junks could not do so, owing to contrary winds.
How long this stormy scene lasted I do not remember, but at its very
height some one rode up and told us that the senior officers had
sent a telegram to the Tsar asking whether the exemptions obtained
by the authorities for the officers were to be accepted or not. This
news seemed to have a quieting effect, but with one accord every one
determined to express his disapproval of the action of the authorities
by an absolute refusal of all exemptions that had been granted as the
price of the capitulation of the fortress. All were resolved to share
the fate of the men and endure with them the humiliation of becoming
prisoners of war. It was a praiseworthy decision, and I expressed my
approval, but at the same time several arguments against it presented
themselves. Many of these were unheard, as there was much loud
discussion. The two chief points advanced were:
(1) As prisoners of war, the rank and file would be separated from
their officers and distributed in various places throughout Japan,
hence the presence of the latter would be of no help to them, nor would
it lessen their hardships.
(2) As an enormous number of officers had been withdrawn from Russia
in order to make good the losses sustained in Manchuria, the need
of them at home was a very urgent one, and in the event of war in
Turkestan, which was more than probable, we should find ourselves in
a most critical position. Even without war the want of officers would
jeopardize the efficiency of those regiments and reserve battalions
that were left. Some 500 officers were in question, and these in
Japanese prisons could render no service to their country in her hour
of need.
Besides all this I added: “Gentlemen, people in Russia might think that
we officers became prisoners of war in order to spend a pleasant time
in beautiful Japan, free from all duty and hardship, at a time when
disturbances are taking place in the centre of our own country, and
she has great need of all those who are anxious for her welfare.”
The officers of my regiment agreed with me and decided to return to
Russia, and I can add now that they were far from being of no use here
at home, as the regiments in the south were almost without officers,
a deficiency which led, as is well known, to serious disorders in the
reserve battalions; so that their arrival was most timely.
When the surrender of Port Arthur became an acknowledged fact, we had
great difficulty in preserving order in the fortress.
The soldiers felt that something beyond belief had happened, something
savouring of disgrace to the brave Russian Army and the Russian Empire
as a whole.
“Have we got to surrender, sir?” cried my men when I inspected the
companies for the last time.
“Yes, my lads,” I answered. “We have been ordered to surrender; but no
blame attaches to the 5th Regiment, and you can with a clear conscience
tell each and every one that the 5th Regiment has always looked death
bravely in the face and has been ready to die without question for its
Tsar and its Country. Every one knows this, and no one will dare to
cast a word of reproach at you. As you have always been, so you remain,
true heroes, known to the Japanese, to our great and dear Fatherland,
and to the whole world. Your conscience is as clear as the sky above
you.”
Many of them burst into tears, and I could hardly speak for the sobs
that choked me.
A wrinkled old man who was standing near me, and was the sole
witness of our emotion, snatched his cap off his head, and, waving it
triumphantly in the air, shouted: “To the honour of the 5th Regiment,
hurrah!” But there was no one to follow his lead.
Even now I feel overcome as I recall these sorrowful moments, and I can
dwell no longer on a scene so heartbreaking.
FOOTNOTES:
[122] This company had been withdrawn to the reserve at 2 p.m. on the
4th. See preceding chapter.
[123] Admiral Wirenius, with a squadron of one battleship and two
cruisers, was actually on his way to Port Arthur when war broke out.
[124] Seven were killed on the spot, and seven more wounded.
[125] This proved to be an exaggeration. The storming parties were
protected by roofs of boards and scantling, and only a few casualties
occurred (see Official History, Part III., p. 116).
[126] Mention of this incident is made in Official History (Part III.,
p. 119), where it appears that the Japanese had actually sprung their
mines before this accidental explosion took place.
[127] Attacked by the 6th Brigade under General Ichinohe. (See Map III.)
[128] Eminences flanking the Wang-tai position, probably named after
the officers charged with their defence.
[129] The corresponding Russian date was December 18.
NOTES
No. 1
ORGANIZATION OF AN EAST SIBERIAN RIFLE REGIMENT
Each regiment consists nominally of four battalions.
Each battalion consists of four companies, the war strength of each of
which is 240 N.C.O.’s and men.
The war strength of a rifle regiment of four battalions is:
Officers 79
Officials 7
N.C.O.’s and men (combatant) 3,855
Non-combatants 442
—————
Total 4,383 all ranks.
=====
No. 2
GENERAL REFERENCE OF NAMES OF COMMANDERS
AT THE BATTLE OF NAN SHAN (pp. 41–61)
Commanding 5th Regiment: Col. TRETYAKOV.
„ 1st Battalion: Lieut.-Col. SAIFOOLIN.
„ 2nd Battalion: Lieut.-Col. BIELOZOR (killed); replaced
by Major STEMPNEVSKI (jun.).
„ 3rd Battalion: Lieut.-Col. DOUNIN.
_Company Commanders_
No. 4. Capt. SHASTIN.
„ 6. Major GOMSIAKOV (killed); Capt. SICHEV (superseded);
Lieut. POPOV.
„ 7. Major STEMPNEVSKI (jun.).
„ 8. Capt. MAKOVEIEV (killed); Capt. SAKAROV.
„ 9. Major SOKOLOV.
„ 10. Major GOOSOV; Half-Company, Second-Lieut. MERKOULEV.
„ 11. Capt. BOOCHATSKI.
_Scout Detachments_
No. 1. Lieut. VASEELIEV.
„ 3. Capt. KOUDRIAVTSEV and Lieut. CHOULKOV.
Mounted Detachment: Capt. ANDREIEVSKI and Lieut. SIETCHKO.
_Guns_
Field Batteries: Lieut.-Cols. ROMANOVSKI and PETROV.
Machine Guns: Second-Lieut. LOBYREV.
Naval Guns: Midshipmen SHIMANSKI and DOUDKIN.
Mountain Guns: Lieut. NAOOMOV.
Bullock Battery: Second-Lieut. SADYKOV.
_13th Regiment_
1 Company (not numbered): Capt. LUBEEMOV; Capt. TEEMOSHENKO.
No. 2 Company: Capt. ROTAISKI.
Scout Detachment: Lieut. BANDALETOV.
_14th Regiment_
No. 3 Company: Capt. USHAKOV.
1 Company (not numbered): Capt. KOUSMIN.
Scout Detachment: Lieut. ROOSOI.
No. 3
According to our Official History none of the Japanese divisions
landed near Terminal Point itself, but in the first place made use of
Pi-tzu-wo and Hou-ta-shih, and afterwards Dalny. There are two Ta-scha
rivers, 15 miles apart, the most northerly one being that indicated in
the text.
No. 4
The Japanese went down into the water on the right flank as the tide
receded, and sat or lay there until ready for their final attack. Their
opponents apparently thought them dead, and later were surprised by an
attack from that quarter.
[Illustration: COUNTRY AROUND PORT ARTHUR
Map No. 6
London: Hugh Rees, Ltd.
_Stanford’s Geogl. Estabt., London._]
INDEX
Afanaisev, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 94, 110, 136
Agapov, Acting Ensign, 5th Regt., 128
Akasaka Yama, defences of, 135;
condition of works, 156, 157;
events on, Nov. 28, 1904, 235;
account of fighting round, 273 _et seq._
Alalikin, Naval Lieutenant, 129
Alander, Captain, 5th Regt., 186
Ammunition, false economy in expenditure of, 210, 211
Andreiev, Artillery Captain, 117 (wounded)
Andreiev, 2nd Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 109, 110 (wounded)
Andreievski, Captain, 5th Regt., 22
Anikin, Acting Ensign, 27th Regt., 172
Artillery, destructive effect of Japanese, 35, 48, 49, 72,
73, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 109, 117, 120, 134, 180, 223,
226, 236, 238, 270, 288, 297
Artouk, Naval Artificer, 259
Astafiev, Major, 5th Regt., 120
Balashov, Surgeon-General, 130, 132
Balloon, use of, by Japanese, 212
Bandaletov, Lieutenant, 13th Regt., 46, 57
Baranovski, guns, 109
Bashchenko, Sergeant-Major, 5th Regt., 85
Baum, Captain, Staff Officer, 188
Bayonet fighting, 80, 240, 274
Beedenko, Major, 27th Regt., 136
Bereznouk, Able Seaman, 260
Bieli, General, Commander of Fortress Artillery, 115
Bielozerov, Captain, 5th Regt., 124, 129 (wounded), 239, 240
Bielozor, Lieutenant-Colonel, 5th Regt., 25, 43, 45, 51, 58,
59 (wounded and taken prisoner)
Bitzouk, 2nd Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 128 (wounded)
Bobirev, 2nd Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 200 (wounded)
_Bobr_, Russian gunboat, in action during battle of Nan Shan, 44
Bogdanovitch, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 154
Boochatski, Captain, 5th Regt., 40 (severely wounded)
Boudarev, Seaman, 260
Boudiarnski, Lieutenant-Colonel, 27th Regt., 273
Butorin, Rifleman, gallantry of, 192
Cattle driven into Port Arthur from Chin-chou, 66
Chang-chia-tun, eye-witness’s account of reconnaissance in
direction of, 34;
Russian losses, 37
Chi-kuan, Fort, evacuated by Fock’s orders, 289
Chin-chou, occupied as an advanced post, 9;
measures for its defence, 38;
attack on, 39;
assault and capture by Japanese, 42
Chinese workmen, employment of, by Russians at Nan Shan, 12
Choulkov, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 79, 80, 81, 107
Churbanov, Captain, 27th Regt., 176
Concealment, Japanese skill in, 33, 97, 117
Connecting Ridge, works on, 114;
evacuated, 133
Co-operation between army and navy, 18, 44, 49, 93
Dalny Bay, its suitability for landing operations, 20
Danger, psychological effect of, 144
Dead, Russian form of address to, 49 and note
Decorations, prompt award of Russian, 260
Defeat, causes of Russian, 286
Deitchman, Naval Ensign, 233, 234 (killed)
Diantrougov, Ensign, 28th Regt., 182 (killed)
Ditchmann, Naval Lieutenant, 18;
sinks a Japanese ship, 20
Division Hill, condition of works on, 157
Dmetrevski, Lieutenant-Colonel, Chief of Staff, 4th Division, 63
Dostovalov, Major, Intendance Dept., 228, 229
Doubeedi, Colonel, Naval Construction Dept., 201
Doudkin, Midshipman, 67, 85, 109, 185
Dounin, Lieutenant-Colonel, 5th Regt., 29, 77, 78;
skilful conduct of retreat from the Position of the Passes, 81, 82
Ehr-lung, Fort, bombardment of, 232;
evacuation of, 293 _et seq._
Elechevski, Acting Ensign, 5th Regt., 107, 209
Eremeiev, Lieutenant-Colonel, 5th Regt., 11
Evlanov, Sergeant-Major, 5th Regt., 80 (wounded)
Evstratov, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 142, 143 (mortally wounded)
Extension, danger of undue, 17
Extinct Volcano, capture of, by Japanese, 136 _et seq._
Felitzin, Captain, 158 (wounded), 200 (wounded)
Feng-huang Shan, retreat from, and description of works on, 85, 86;
eye-witness’s account of retirement from, 87, 88
Fenster, Lieutenant of Engineers, 238, 244, 246
Fetter, Lieutenant of Engineers, 203
Field works, necessity of infantry being expert
in construction of, 146
15th Regiment, 17, 23, 28, 63, 76
5th Regiment, arrival of 1st Battalion at Chin-chou, 1;
reinforced by 3rd Battalion, 7;
initial distribution, 11;
casualties at Nan Shan, 54;
posted to Port Arthur defences, 67;
losses in the Position of the Passes, 77;
disposition after retreat from Feng-huang Shan, 85;
casualties on 174 Metre Hill, 133;
_passim_
Fock, General, plans for defence of Nan Shan, 15 _et seq._;
directness of his orders, 27;
makes reconnaissance in force, 28;
his “Notes,” 217 and note;
orders evacuation of Fort Chi-kuan, 289;
directs withdrawal from Wang-tai, 297;
_passim_
Fofanov, Major, 5th Regt., 213
Fomeenitch, Seaman, gallantry of, 192
Fortification, field, criticism of General Fock’s methods, 86, 88
Fougasses, employment of, 153
14th Regiment, 17, 34, 42, 46, 47, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 60, 63,
64, 82, 88, 187, 217, 274
14th Reserve Battalion, 94
4th Reserve Battalion, 102, 108, 111
Frantz, Major, 28th Regt., 120, 122
Frost, Lieutenant, Paymaster of 5th Regt., 158 (wounded),
200 (wounded)
Galileiev, 2nd Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 128
Gavreelov, Major, 13th Regt., 121
Gemmelmann, Major of Engineers, 148, 196, 203
Glieb-Koshanski, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 56
Glinski, General, 4, 5
Gobiato, Major of Artillery, 190, 214
Golden Hill, fire from, on Japanese ships, 227
Golenko, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 11
Golitsinski, Lieutenant-Colonel, 14th Regt., 60
Gomsiakov, Major, 5th Regt., 36,
37 (taken prisoner and died of wounds)
Goosakov, Lieutenant-Colonel on Staff,
73 (killed on Yu-pi-la-tzu Hill)
Goosakovski, Major, 13th Regt., 121, 122, 127
Goosov, Major, 5th Regt., 11, 42, 57
Gorbatovski, General, 226, 230, 242
Goudkov, 2nd Lieutenant, 5th Regiment, 282, 284 (severely wounded)
Grigorenko, Colonel, 68, 220, 223, 224, 225, 227, 291
Ground, failure of Russian soldiers to take advantage of, 26
Grouzdev, Acting Ensign, 5th Regt., 283
Guides, Russian neglect to post, at cross-roads, 25
Guns, Russian, faulty position of, 113;
a danger to their own troops, 139, 208;
naval, for use on land, 162
Hand grenades, mechanical means of ignition required, 204, 205
Hand grenades, Russian manufacture of, 260 note
Hand grenades, use of, by Japanese and Russians, 171, 177, 222, 234,
237, 238, 239, 240, 247, 249, 251, 253, 256, 260, 261, 267, 268,
270, 273, 277, 283, 296
Headquarter Hill, the fight for, 96 _et seq._;
detailed account of fighting round, 105 _et seq._;
Russian losses, 111
Height, 426, detailed description of fighting on, 108 _et seq._
Horses, carcasses of, used for food, 159, 212, 265
Hospitals, Russian, 285
Howitzers, Japanese 11-inch, damage done by, 215
Hsiao-ku Shan, capture of, by Japanese, 92
Hunhutzes, depredations committed by, 2, 3, 6, 22
Initiative, absence of, in Russian soldier, 27
Iolshin, Captain, General Staff, 102
Irman, Colonel, in command of western section of Port Arthur
defences, 96 _et seq._;
wounded, 205;
_passim_
Ivanov, Major, 5th Regt., 94, 98, 100, 103
Ivanov, 2nd Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 129, 131, 157 (wounded), 290
Japanese, the author’s estimate of the, 264
Jeltkevitch, Major, 27th Regt., 176, 181 (killed)
Jerebtsov, Lieutenant-Colonel of Engineers, 74
Kaminar, Ensign, 5th Regt., 55
Kan-ta Shan, capture of, by Japanese, 93
Kao-liang, obstruction due to, 86, 87, 89, 93, 104, 190
Kashtalinski, General, 4
_Kasuga_, armoured cruiser, 4, 14
Katishev, Major, 5th Regt., 104, 111 (wounded)
Khaidoulin, Lance-Corporal, gallant conduct of, 107
Kholodenko, Seaman, 260
Kholodovski, General, 7, 10
Khvostov, Colonel, 291
Kites, uselessness of, 41
Kobrintsev, Lance-Corporal, left in command on Height 426, 110
Kolmakov, Lieutenant of Artillery, 163
Kondratenko, General, killed, 287;
tribute to value of, 288;
_passim_
Kornilovitch, Lieutenant of Artillery, 151 (killed)
Kostoushko, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., gallant conduct of, at Yu-pi-la-tzu
Hill, 72, 188, 209, 252
Koudriavtsev, Captain, 5th Regt., 11, 34, 71, 79, 80 (killed)
Kourelov, Mr., in charge of kite, 41
Kournosov, Sergeant-Major, 12th Regt., 254
Kousmin, Captain, 14th Regt., 51
Kragelski, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., heroic conduct of, at Nan Shan, 55
Kramorenko, Captain, 5th Regt., 192, 193
Krjivetz, Dr., 257
Kuropatkin, General, 22
Kvatz, Captain, in command of Fort Chi-kuan, 289
Kvitkin, Captain, 5th Regt., 74, 77 (killed)
Landings, difficulties of opposing, 20
Lao-tso Shan, fighting round, 72 _et seq._;
detailed description, 77
Lavrov, Naval Lieutenant, 258
Leesaevski, Lieutenant-Colonel, 5th Regiment, 118, 121, 123 (wounded)
Lesenkov, Acting Ensign, 5th Regt., 283
Levitski, Captain, 13th Regt., 99
Linder, Major of Engineers, 224
Lobyrev, 2nd Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 43, 104
Losev, Naval Ensign, 252;
coolness displayed by, 272, 273
Lossev, Telephone Clerk, 282
Lubeemov, Captain, 13th Regt., 50, 51
Machabeli, Prince, Colonel, blamed for his action on Feng-huang
Shan, 88;
killed on West Pan-lung Redoubt, 89, 90
Machine guns, employment of, at Nan Shan, 47
Makoveiev, Captain, 5th Regt., distinguishes himself at
Nan Shan, 55, 58
Makurin, Acting Ensign, 5th Regt., gallant conduct of, on 203 Metre
Hill, 213;
wounded, _ibid._
Maps, indifferent quality of Russian, 23
Marines, Russian, lacking in foresight, 136
Melik-Porsadanov, Lieutenant, 204, 260
Melinkov, Naval Lieutenant, 174
Merkoulev, 2nd Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 42, 55, 111 (killed)
Mines, naval, use of on land, 181, 191, 287
Mirotvoretz, Dr., 289
Mixed units, unreliable character of, 67
Molchanov, Rifleman, gallant conduct of, 108
Moosalevski, 2nd Lieutenant, 56
Morosov, Naval Ensign, 234, 252
Mortars, Japanese 11-inch, 200, 201
Moskvin, Acting Ensign, 5th Regt., 271, 272
Moskvin, Major, 5th Regt., 158, 165, 166, 169, 173
Moukin, Ensign, 5th Regt., 111 (killed)
Mt. Sampson, 15;
fighting round, 29, 30
Mousious, Major, 5th Regt., 196, 216
Music, reassuring effect of, 62, 76
Nadyein, General, 17, 19, 31 (wounded);
_passim_
Namako Yama, works and armament on, 135, 147, 148, 156, 157, 163,
164, 166;
night attacks on, repulsed, 165, 166;
the struggle for, 167 _et seq._;
abandonment of, 174
Nan-kuan-ling, retreat to, 62 _et seq._
Nan Shan, vulnerability of position of, 9;
armament, 21, 43;
battle of, 43 _et seq._;
inquiry into conduct of battle, 56 _et seq._;
rewards given, 65
Naoomenko, Lieutenant-Colonel, 102, 104, 287
Naoomov, Lieutenant of Artillery, 18, 19, 29, 78, 81
Navy, Japanese, its value at first underrated by Russians, 14;
its co-operation in the battle of Nan Shan, 44, 49
Navy, Russian, optimism regarding, 4, 5;
discipline, 13;
its doom, 286, 288
Nazarov, N.C.O., 5th Regt., 106
Nefedov, Seaman, 259
Nejentsev, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 239
Nikizhin, General, 149, 220
Nikoladtse, Prince, Captain, 258
_Nisshin_, armoured cruiser, 4, 14
Non-combatant companies, Russian, 232 and note
Noskov, Lance-Corporal, 5th Regt., 109
Obstructions, various forms of, 153, 156, 218
Officers, qualities requisite to make good, 262, 263
174 Metre Hill;
work on its fortification, 92;
works and armament, 114;
capture of, 116 _et seq._;
Russian casualties, 134;
distribution of troops after loss of, 135
Optimism, Russian, at beginning of war, 13;
for the future, 265
Orders, indefinite nature of Russian, 23;
directness of General Fock’s, 27;
conflicting, 36, 53
Organov, 2nd Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 257
Osmanov, Captain, 122
Passes, Position of the, fighting for, 71 _et seq._;
withdrawal of Russians from, 75
Pavlovski, Major, 5th Regt., 6, 21
Petrov, Lieutenant-Colonel of Artillery, 99, 101 (mortally wounded),
107
Pilshchikov, Seaman, 259
Pi-tzu-wo, 3, 10, 16;
landing of Japanese at, 22
Platonov, Sergeant-Major, 5th Regt., 274
Podgourski, Naval Lieutenant, 181, 183, 184, 186, 191, 192, 246
Pogdanovitch, 2nd Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 183 (killed)
Pokrovski, Lieutenant-Colonel, 284
Popov, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 71
Port Arthur, fall of first shell in, 92;
shortness of means of transport, 148;
surrender, 298 _et seq._
Preegorovski, Captain, 5, 66
Protasevitch, 2nd Lieutenant, 28th Regt., 176
Ptooski, Bombardier, 44
Radetski, Lieutenant-Colonel, 5th Regt., killed at Nan Shan, 46
Rashevski, Lieutenant-Colonel, 224, 287
Ravinski, Peter, 149 (wounded), 257
Reconnaissances in force, Russian, 22, 28
Reinbott, Lieutenant of Engineers, 244
Reishetov, Acting Ensign, 5th Regt., 248 (wounded)
Reiss, Colonel, 220, 221
Reserves, proper use of, 60
Responsibility, divided, 61
Rifles, clamping down of, for night firing, 208
Rofalovski, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 280
Romanovski, Lieutenant-Colonel of Artillery, 25, 29, 30, 31,
35 (wounded), 36, 86, 97, 99, 190
Romanovski, Major, 295
Roosoi, Lieutenant, 14th Regt., 46, 56
Rotaiski, Captain, 13th Regt., 47, 50, 52, 56, 57, 99, 110
Sadykov, Second-Lieutenant, 5th Regt., commanding bullock
battery, 31, 52
Saifoolin, Lieutenant-Colonel, 34, 43, 281 (wounded), 283, 302
Saliarski, Major, 5th Regt., 54
Saltovski, Captain, 5th Regt., 168 (killed)
Sappers, excellent work of, 241
Saratski, Major, 5th Regt., 85
Schiller, Major, 138
Schwartz, Major of Engineers, 7
Shakovskoi, Second-Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 262
Shchenakin, Acting Ensign, 5th Regt., bravery of, 132
Shcherbachev, Naval Lieutenant, 136
Shimanski, Midshipman, 43
Shishkin, Acting Ensign, 80, 81, 182 (killed)
Shui-shih-ying, village of, Japanese field artillery massed at, 259,
264, 266, 268, 279
Sichev, Captain, 5th Regt., 37 (superseded), 101 (wounded), 188, 191
Siedelnitski, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 94, 136
Sietchko, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 18
Singing on the march, Russian practice of, 27
Siromiatnikov, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 238
Sirotko, Captain, Frontier Guard 170, 172, 173, 174, 273, 275,
276, 277;
account of fighting on 203 Metre Hill, 282 _et seq._;
wounded, 284
Slounin, Father Vasili, 158 (wounded), 200 (wounded), 235
Smirnov, General, _passim_
Soimonov, Midshipman, 253, 254, 255, 256
Sokkatski, Major, 28th Regt., 136
Sokolov, Major, 5th Regt., 38, 42;
heroic conduct at Nan Shan, 55
Soldiers, Russian, form of address of, by officers, 258 and note
Soloveiev, Major, 239
Solovev Hill, abandonment of, by Russians, 290
Star-rockets, use of, 95, 96, 98, 106, 118, 126, 188
Stempnevski (jun.), Major, 5th Regt., 18, 71
Stempnevski (sen.), Major, 5th Regt., 43, 71, 163, 176, 178, 186,
187, 188, 192, 245, 248 (wounded)
Stessel, General, _passim_
Stoliarov, Rifleman, distinguished conduct of, 213
Stone-throwing between combatants, 140
Strength, importance of husbanding, 145
Sung-shu, Fort, bombardment of, 232;
blown up, 296
Suvorov, Captain, 14th Regt., 34
Ta-an-tzu Shan, condition of Fort, 154
Ta-fang-shen, demolition of railway station of, 54
Ta-ku Shan, capture of, by Japanese, 92
Ta-scha River, reported Japanese landing at mouth of, 21
Ta-yang-ku North, condition of Fort, 155, 160
Terminal Point, 11;
Japanese squadron reported near, 21
Teemoshenko, Captain, 50, 51
13th Regiment, 17, 42, 43, 46, 50, 55, 57, 63, 82, 87, 88, 99, 111,
115, 121, 136, 169, 174, 187, 232
Tiddeman, Russian Consul at Chi-fu, 229
Tordan, Medical Dept., 130, 132
Trajectory, flat, false application of a principle, 87, 88
Transport service in Port Arthur, deficiencies in, 148
Tretyakov, Colonel (the author), 248 (wounded),
279 (severely wounded);
_passim_
Troitski, Theodore, Medical Dept., 152, 257
Trufanov, Rifleman, gallant conduct of, 192
Trusov, Corporal, 5th Regt., bravery of, 108
Tsvietkov, Lieutenant, 115
28th Regiment, 115, 119, 120, 122, 134, 136, 137, 167, 171, 172,
173, 176, 181, 183, 187, 188, 200, 232
25th Regiment, 218
27th Regiment, 77, 78, 79, 82, 136, 140, 172, 176, 177, 181, 182,
198, 206, 217, 235, 273, 274, 275, 284
26th Regiment, 82, 85
203 Metre Hill, description of works on, 134, 174;
first assault on, 174 _et seq._;
garrison and armament, 176;
Japanese losses, 177, 193;
Russian losses 181;
strengthening of position, 195 _et seq._;
second assault, 238 _et seq._;
Japanese losses, 266;
Russian losses, 271, 272, 285;
account of final struggle, 282 _et seq._
Ushakov, Captain, 14th Regt., 47, 50, 51
Vagin, Corporal, 5th Regt., fine work of, 106
Vanikovski, Lieutenant, 14th Regt., 217
Vaseeliev, Lieutenant, 5th Regt., 11, 128;
Captain, 249, 250, 251 (severely wounded)
Vershinin, Colonel, Commandant of Kuan-tung District, 289
Versi, Captain, Naval Construction Dept., 161
Veselevski, Major, 5th Regt., 262
Veselovski, Major, 25th Regt., 218, 280 (killed), 281
Visoki, Major, 47
Vlassev, Midshipman, 213, 214, 260
Yarsevitch, Captain, 14th Regt., 74, 187, 189
Yasinski, Lieutenant of Artillery, 190
Yermakov, Ensign of Engineers, 196, 203, 216, 234, 237, 244,
245, 246
Yermeiev, Lieutenant-Colonel, 5th Regt., 41
Yermolov, Acting Ensign of Engineers, 265
Yi-tzu Shan, Fort, condition of, 154
Yu-pi-la-tzu Hill, struggle for, 72 _et seq._
Zakrejevski, Acting Ensign, 5th Regt., 106 (wounded)
Zedginidzi, Major, 287
Zimmermann, Major, gallantry of, 137 (wounded)
Zmoushko, Sergeant, 5th Regt., alertness of, 107
Zoobov, Colonel, 4th Reserve Battalion, 102, 104
_Printed and bound by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld.,
London and Aylesbury._
* * * * *
Transcriber’s note:
Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. All other changes
to the original text are as noted below.
Corrections
Page 172 – “feel” changed to “fell” (our shells fell like hail)
Other changes
The spelling of some words and place names in the original text varies.
Where a consensus spelling was obvious these variations have been
corrected. Hence the following changes to the original text:
Page viii – “Taku” changed to “Ta-ku” (the capture of the Ta-ku Forts)
Page xiii – “Wangtai” changed to “Wang-tai” (Capture of Wang-tai,
December 31)
Page 14 – “earthwork” changed to “earth-work” (the defenders of the
earth-work)
Page 19 – “inter-communication” changed to “intercommunication” (made
intercommunication exceedingly difficult)
Page 33 – “earthworks” changed to “earth-works” (able to locate
earth-works on)
Page 80 – “Serjeant-Major” changed to “Sergeant-Major” (Sergeant-Major
Evlanov wounded)
Page 112 – “day-time” changed to “daytime” (working in the daytime
whenever the)
Page 104 – “Pang-lung” changed to “Pan-lung” (immediately went to
Pan-lung Shan)
Page 159 – “horseflesh” changed to “horse-flesh” (not fancy
horse-flesh)
Page 159 – “horseflesh” changed to “horse-flesh” (will serve to
prove that horse-flesh)
Page 164 – “sky-line” changed to “skyline” (on the skyline)
Page 167 – “re-occupy” changed to “reoccupy” (to reoccupy their
trench)
Page 169 – “Akasako Yama” changed to “Akasaka Yama” (to the hollow
behind Akasaka Yama)
Page 204 – “fuzes” changed to “fuses” (using time fuses)
Page 215 – “loop-holes” changed to “loopholes” (the loopholes were
furnished)
Page 265 – “sandbags” changed to “sand-bags” (piles of rubbish and
torn sand-bags)
Page 273 – “re-occupied” changed to “reoccupied” (whereupon our men
at once reoccupied it)
Page 307 – “carcases” changed to “carcasses” (Horses, carcasses of,
used for food, 159, 212, 265)
Page 308 – “Panlung” changed to “Pan-lung” (killed on West Pan-lung
Redoubt, 89, 90)
The following inconsistent place name spelling of “Bokovi/Bokovy” has
been left unchanged:
“Bokovi (Side) Hill”, “BOKOVY HILL (SIDE HILL)”, “Height 426 (Bokovy)”
Footnotes have been re-indexed using numbers and collected together at
the end of each chapter.