CHAPTER III

Night alarm during the march to Nan-kuan-ling—Disappearance

of the baggage train—Continuation of the retreat towards Port

Arthur—Occupation and fortification of the “Position of the

Passes”—Japanese attacks on the position on July 26, 27, and

28—Capture of Yu-pi-la-tzu and Lao-tso Shan—General retirement

to new positions, July 29.

I had hardly gone two versts from the bivouac, when we heard firing

behind us. A moment afterwards a vague noise reached us, soon

distinctly recognized as the rumbling of a baggage wagon. In another

minute it had rattled past us at full speed. Behind it galloped a field

battery scattering or destroying all that came in its way, and after

the battery came a hurtling mass of wagons, mounted men, riderless

horses, and unarmed men, and, to make matters worse, somebody raised

the alarming cry of “Japanese cavalry! Japanese cavalry!”

The din and confusion were awful, and from the bivouacs behind us shots

and volleys were heard. Together with the other officers near me I

rushed to the rear of the column to restore order. I also ordered our

band to strike up a march, and, thank God, its martial strains restored

confidence among the fugitives—the noise ceased, and the men became

quite calm and collected.

The band played all the way to Nan-kuan-ling,[32] and we were saved

further panics in consequence.

Having been shown where to bivouac, I sent to the baggage train for

bread, tea, and sugar, but alas! the baggage was not to be found. What

was to be done? Our men had had neither food nor drink all day. Tents

and great-coats had been left on the field of battle, so that the men

had nothing but their rifles and cartridges with them. We started to

hunt for food.

I sent, of course, to the railway station. We saw through the window

that all the rooms were packed with officers of every regiment, and the

staff of the 4th Division was there too. Having forced my way into the

buffet, I approached Lieutenant-Colonel Dmetrevski, the chief of staff

of the 4th Division, who, in answer to my question, “Where has our

baggage train been sent?” told me that it had been sent straight into

Port Arthur by General Fock’s order, and he could not say where it was

now. The commanders of the 13th, 14th, and 15th Regiments were there

too. I asked the first of these for 200 poods[33] of bread, a quantity

of which I saw loaded up on some wagons standing close at hand. In an

hour we had unloaded them and distributed the bread, each man getting

about 4 lb. I had a piece about that weight, as had also all the other

officers; of meat, there was absolutely none to be had.

All available articles of food in the buffet had been eaten before our

arrival, but I succeeded in getting some salt wherewith to flavour my

bread.

Having slept for three hours on the bare ground, we got up to resume

our march. No one molested us during the night; the morning broke cold

and foggy.

According to the “order of march” we should have been at the head of

the column, but some regiment forestalled us, and we had to wait nearly

an hour before making a start.

At about midday we reached a pass in the hills, well lined with

trenches, and, after making a short halt in the pass itself, we pushed

on, marching at a good pace.

At the instance of General Fock the mountain road had been repaired

at an earlier date, and now did us sterling service, but, hard as we

went, we did not overtake our baggage, and the whole of that day we had

nothing but the bread procured at Nan-kuan-ling from the 14th Regiment.

We spent the night in a picturesque defile, and perforce lay down to

sleep on empty stomachs.

On May 28 we overtook an enormous train of baggage from Dalny,[34]

accompanied by the male inhabitants of the town, with their women,

children, and household goods. As the horses in the wagons were

wretchedly small, the train had to come to a standstill, blocking the

road from end to end.

We went round by a narrow side road, and in the evening reached the

great Shipinsin Pass,[35] where at last we overtook our baggage.

Now in high spirits, we bivouacked, cooked our suppers, ate them

ravenously, and slept the sleep of the just.

On the following day, May 29, we began to ascend the pass, which,

thanks to our excellent horses, our baggage train speedily traversed,

and although at midnight we lost our way, owing to bad maps, we

eventually reached the outskirts of Port Arthur and halted at the

village of Pa-li-chuang, where we had been ordered to rest for three

days.

General Stessel visited the regiment the following day. The companies

quickly formed up near the bivouacs, and the general rode round them

all and thanked them for their splendid behaviour. The men felt

tremendously encouraged, many of them having laboured under the dire

impression that we had committed a crime by surrendering Nan Shan to

the enemy.

General Stessel called to the front all those wounded who had remained

in the ranks, in order to address them, and to bestow praise and

rewards in the shape of the Cross of St. George. There were, however,

so many of them (more than 300) that the general thought it was

impossible to get so many crosses; he therefore ordered the doctor to

inspect them and separate the badly from the slightly wounded. There

were sixty of the former category, and they were given St. George’s

crosses accordingly. These were the sole recipients of rewards for the

Nan Shan battle, those slightly wounded receiving nothing for their

bravery—and the number of such was great.

I have already mentioned the fact that our men came away with only

their rifles, most of the tents and great-coats having been left on the

field of battle. It was fortunate that just before the battle we had

transported the bulk of our stores into Port Arthur, where they had

been deposited in Captain Preegorovski’s house, which had been hired

for the purpose. We brought all we wanted out of Port Arthur without

delay, and distributed the necessaries among the men. At the same time

we drove out with us a large herd of cattle, amounting to about 200

head.

I forgot to mention that our ordinary military anxieties on the Nan

Shan position had been augmented by the worry due to an order to

collect all the cattle belonging to the inhabitants and to drive them

to the rear of the position. Some officials, supplied with money, were

sent out for this purpose, but as they could not effect their object

without the assistance of the regiment, the whole burden of the work

fell upon us.

Unfortunately, the order was given when the enemy was already in touch

with us, but we managed to collect about 1,000 head and drove them to

the rear of the army, almost into Port Arthur.

After three days’ rest we moved into Port Arthur and stopped in a

village near Serotka Hill,[36] forming the reserve of the 4th Division,

which took up the position Shuang-tai-kou, Yu-pi-la-tzu, Chien Shan,

and Lao-tso Shan.[37]

[Illustration: VIEW OF THE COUNTRY AT THE POSITION OF THE PASSES.

IN THE DISTANCE ON THE LEFT ARE SEEN THE PEAKS OF

CHIEN SHAN.

p. 66]

The 4th Division had been reinforced by a detachment of mixed companies

of the 7th Division, under the command of Colonel Semenov, and it was

this detachment that occupied Lao-tso Shan. I do not know exactly what

they had done amiss, but I remember it was commonly said that the mixed

companies were not to be depended upon, which is not to be wondered at,

seeing that they had no stiffening of seasoned troops. The commanders

of the companies did not know their own men, nor had the men any

knowledge of their commanders. No one felt responsible for the actions

of the different units. This organization was considered a huge mistake

on General Kondratenko’s part; but, however that may be, the position

in question was held by us from the time of its occupation, on May 31,

till July 28, in spite of the fact that it had not previously been

fortified.

During this time the 5th Regiment was divided into two parts, and I was

put in command of the left flank of the defence, and began to fortify

the position on 174 Metre Hill and the country in front of it, as also

the western side of Feng-huang Shan[38] from the Great Mandarin road to

Eight Ships’ Bay. Stationed along the shore of the latter was Captain

Sakatski’s detachment, and two other detachments were on the banks of

Louisa Bay, both under my command, the former having with it four small

naval guns under Midshipman Doudkin.

Our 6th and 7th Companies occupied and fortified Feng-huang Shan from

the Great Mandarin road up to Major Sakatski’s detachment. Our three

scout detachments occupied and fortified the 174 Metre and Headquarter

Hills, and also Height 426.[39] The 3rd and 9th Companies occupied 174

Metre Hill, while the 2nd and 4th held 203 Metre Hill. They all worked

hard at their fortifications under the supervision of their officers,

in accordance with orders given by me.

174 Metre Hill had to be fortified as strongly as possible, as, having

once captured that, the enemy could sweep our extremely weak western

front, occupy the valley stretching in the direction of the New Town,

and command the latter and the bay.

The other companies of the regiment were quartered in various positions

near. At times when the advanced regiments behind Feng-huang Shan were

threatened, the 5th Regiment served as the reserve for the different

sections of the advanced line.

Our work advanced slowly, because we had very few tools.

Besides fortifying the position, I had to build shelters for the

reserves and stores for small-arm ammunition in the fortress itself.

I detailed two companies of the 7th Division for this work, utilizing

all the material we could find in the town. Having no sapper officer

with me, I had personally to supervise everywhere—on the advanced

positions as well as in the town. It was a great help that the officers

of the 5th Regiment were, thanks to constant practice, excellent

sappers.

We could only obtain tools with great difficulty and from various

sources. Most of them we got from Colonel Grigorenko, commanding the

Engineers in the fortress, and from the railway authorities.

The number of men given me to carry out the work which I had been

ordered to do was insufficient, so I asked if I could employ the whole

of my regiment. I received permission early in June, and moved the

regimental staff to Division Hill, where we made ourselves very snug,

pitching a huge marquee and getting our field kitchen into working

order.

Generals Kondratenko, Smirnov, and Stessel came out to us fairly

frequently. Our work progressed rapidly, as we had got over the tool

difficulty, but we had very few barrows, etc., for transporting the

earth.

A stubborn defence having been determined upon, it was necessary to

construct a great number of splinter-proofs as well as shelters for

ourselves and our kitchens; and for this we needed an abundant supply

of beams and planks.

Besides this activity we had constantly to send detachments to the

advanced positions held by the regiments of the 4th Division.

Other regiments continually borrowed the tools I had collected, but did

not return them.

I frequently went on long personal reconnoitring tours, during which

I made myself acquainted with the advanced positions and their

fortifications.

It seems that General Fock expected that the Japanese would most

probably attack our position across the flat stretch of country

between the hills and the sea. In any case, he paid most attention to

fortifying this particular part of the position. To me, however, it was

very clear how difficult it would be to attack a fortified position

across the open under effective gun and rifle fire. Not even taking

into account the Japanese love of hill-fighting, it was obvious that

the hills were by far the best point of attack, and these General Fock

wished to have defended only by the scout detachments.

Here the defenders were deprived of their strongest weapon, viz.

distant, and even close, rifle and artillery fire. As to the

assailants, numerical superiority and the power of initiative gave

the Japanese tremendous advantage in the hills, the more so, as our

position was very much extended, covering about 8 versts for five

regiments of three battalions each (about 10,000 men). The Japanese

guns could, moreover, demolish our trenches, whereas our artillery

could not find any targets.

When I inspected the position at the beginning of July, I noticed that

the position at Shuang-tai-kou (between the hills and the sea) was

splendidly fortified (the trenches were deep, with a magnificent field

of fire), but the hills were left entirely without fortifications.

I rode down into Yu-pi-la-tzu, where there were two scout

detachments-of what regiment, I do not remember. There were no trenches

and, above all, no cover from gun fire. This was a great mistake,

as the whole of the enemy’s artillery fire might be directed on

Yu-pi-la-tzu, and our men driven out of it, after which the Japanese

could occupy the hill without loss.

Having ascended the hill, a magnificent panorama met the eye. The whole

country as far as Dalny and the bay beyond lay before one as the lines

on the palm of the hand, and in the daytime every single movement of

the enemy could be noted.

[Illustration: THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF YU-PI-LA-TZU.

p. 70]

Yu-pi-la-tzu Hill was a very important point. If we lost it, we should

have to retreat to the Shipinsin Pass.[40] But the enemy did not hurry

matters. Having come within long-range rifle fire from the hills (as

was to have been expected, he paid no attention to the low-lying

ground), he dug trenches and set to work to lay his plans with

deliberation. From the moment of his first coming into touch with

us, at the beginning of May, till July 26, he pressed our right flank,

and compelled us to change our position, and on the 26th commenced his

attack on the entire hill section.

The 5th Regiment was moved up to act in support. Some time before

this our 3rd Battalion had been sent to the right flank to Lao-tso

Shan, where we lost two excellent officers, Captain Koudriavtsev and

Lieutenant Popov.

The 3rd Battalion had to bear the brunt of the retreat from Lao-tso

Shan, since, as had been expected, the mixed companies on the right

flank did not distinguish themselves when it came to fighting.

On July 20 my 2nd Battalion was directed to go to 11th Verst

station[41] to the headquarters of the 4th Division, and there it went

accordingly, under the command of Major Stempnevski (jun.).

When the enemy began his decisive attack on the 26th, I was moved up

with the 1st Battalion, which was then commanded by Major Stempnevski

(sen.), a splendid all-round officer. I arrived with my battalion

in the morning and found all our commanders with the divisional

staff—Generals Stessel, Fock, and Kondratenko. The battle was raging

along the whole line.

As all the positions were divided into sections, and each section had

its commander, I was free to become a spectator of all that was going

on. We went by train to 11th Verst, and had only just got down out

of the carriages, when the 1st Scout Detachment, under Lieutenant

Kostoushko, was ordered to move on Yu-pi-la-tzu Hill, where the

defenders had been decimated by the ceaseless artillery fire.

The 1st Battalion was then moved to the Shipinsin Pass, where, judging

by the artillery fire, a determined attack was in preparation, and only

our 7th and 8th Companies were left with the regimental staff.

General Fock directed the whole defence.

The fighting of July 26 and 27 did not cost us very dearly, except for

severe wounds received by Lieutenant Kostoushko (a wound in the chest,

and a number of other wounds in the left shoulder and side). This

officer had thrown himself, with a part of his scouts, on the enemy,

who had already seized some of our trenches on Yu-pi-la-tzu Hill. This

was on the night of July 27–28.

Towards evening on the 26th, General Stessel had sent a telegram to the

town saying that all the attacks of the Japanese had been unsuccessful

that day.

On the 27th the battle was again renewed along the whole line. Lao-tso

Shan was swept by the fire of very heavy guns—probably 6-inch, judging

from the size of the shell bursts. It was very difficult for our

artillery to cope with these guns, as they were not only very far off,

but also well concealed.

Having nothing to do, I went to my 1st Battalion, which was drawn up as

a reserve on the declivity of the Shipinsin Pass. Scarcely any shells

burst near us; they all went “over,” shattering the rocky sides of a

ravine lying behind.

Our battery on the pass itself was literally swept with Japanese shell,

and there was a continuous roar of musketry fire, under which our men

were, however, perfectly calm, and even joked about the bad shooting of

the Japanese gunners. Though this went on all day, the defence stood

firm the whole time.

[Illustration: TRIPLE PEAK, WHERE THE MEN ARE STANDING. IN THE

DISTANCE ON THE LEFT IS YU-PI-LA-TZU HILL.

p. 73]

However, things went badly for us on Yu-pi-la-tzu Hill. The Japanese

crawled up its abnormally steep sides on to the hill-top itself.

All shelter had been destroyed by artillery fire, and a corner

of a casemate had fallen in and crushed the officer commanding,

Lieutenant-Colonel Goosakov, whose loss every one felt keenly. (It is

opportune to mention here that he was the only staff officer who helped

me to organize the defence of the rearward position which covered our

retreat from Nan Shan.) At this period of the conflict the defenders

concentrated behind stones and ruined trenches, with the enemy only a

few paces from them.

The staff officers shouted out that Yu-pi-la-tzu had to be abandoned,

as its further defence would only cause us enormous losses, because the

trenches no longer gave cover from the effects of Shimose and shrapnel.

Since, however, the majority were against giving up this important

hill, which was such an excellent observation point, the commanders

decided to rebuild the trenches during the night and continue the

defence.

At four o’clock in the afternoon our 8th Company was sent to

Yu-pi-la-tzu Hill with as many tools as could be found, to reconstruct

the old, and make new, trenches. Captain Sakarov, late commandant of

Dalny, who built the railway and port there, was put in command.

(After leaving Dalny, this excellent officer decided to leave

the Port Arthur Fortress Sapper Company, which was commanded by

Lieutenant-Colonel Jerebtsov.) The Japanese met with practically no

success on this day, and we held on to all our positions.

Very early on the morning of the 28th, being awakened by a terrific

cannonade, I got up and went to headquarters, where I found all the

staff officers already up. In order the better to watch the course of

the action, General Stessel, with some of his staff, had gone to the

top of the nearest hill, and thither I repaired also. General Fock

remained with the telephones, keeping all his staff with him (he had

new adjutants; the old ones, Captain Kvitkin and, subsequently, Captain

Yarsevitch, had rejoined their units).

On reaching the top of the hill, a magnificent panorama of the hill

country lay before us. The crest nearest us, which was occupied by

our troops, was completely wreathed with puffs of white smoke. In

some places the smoke spread over an enormous extent and curled high

up into the air. It lay thickest over Lao-tso Shan, for the heaviest

types of shell were constantly bursting there, and the sky was dotted

with little round white clouds from bursting shrapnel. At the same time

the attentive and well-trained ear could distinguish the ceaseless

far-distant roll of rifle fire, due to the rattle of musketry along the

line occupied by us.

Our 1st Battalion had not yet come into action, but was to be seen as a

black spot near a zigzag in the road leading to the Shipinsin Pass.

We stayed about a quarter of an hour on the hill, and then went down

to the telephones (one can follow an action better from near the

telephones, even though they are placed lower down, as in this case).

It is a pity that they did not think of putting them in a place where

it was possible to see the battle with one’s own eyes as well as hear

reports, as, for example, on the top of the hill we had just left.

General Fock met us below, and at once gave General Stessel full

details of all that had taken place. Our men had stood firm everywhere,

except on Yu-pi-la-tzu Hill, where things were going badly with us.

It was a physical impossibility to hold on there, in spite of the new

trenches, on account of the artillery fire concentrated on the hill.

Hence it was decided to abandon Yu-pi-la-tzu, and orders were sent

there accordingly.

When this decision had been arrived at, General Fock said, in his

short, sharp way of speaking: “Well, it is impossible to hold on to

Yu-pi-la-tzu. It would entail too heavy losses. Even if the companies

there left it of their own accord, it would be nothing serious; but to

give up Lao-tso Shan, that would be a disgrace, almost amounting to

treachery.” He had only just said this, when news came that Lao-tso

Shan had been evacuated by the troops holding it. “Now we shall have

to make a general retreat,” said General Fock, and he gave orders to

retire and to take up a new position with the right flank at Ta-ku

Shan—the centre near 11th Verst, and the left on Feng-huang Shan.

In order to give the line cohesion, my left flank (Captain Sakatski’s

detachment) was put at the disposal of the officer commanding the 15th

Regiment. I had to occupy without delay the spur of 174 Metre Hill, as

well as that hill itself and 203 Metre Hill, and also Division Hill

and the crest of Pan-lung Shan lying in front of it. The 5th Regiment

thus filled up the gap between Forts Yi-tzu Shan and Ta-yang-kou North,

which had long ago been prepared by us. The staff, with General Stessel

at its head, collected in the building occupied by the staff of the 4th

Division (a station at 11th Verst) and quietly waited there until the

regiments had taken up their allotted positions.

Notwithstanding the statements of certain war-correspondents, I saw no

signs of any panic or disorder during this retirement. Every one was

perfectly calm, and the army withdrew to its new positions correctly

and without any confusion.

Suddenly there appeared in the valley to our right a Red-Cross train

full of wounded, a sight which always impresses one; there was a long

stream of wagons, accompanied by bearer-company men, doctors, and those

of the wounded who were able to walk. Behind this train appeared a

reserve column. At that depressing moment I remembered how our band had

put new spirit into us during the night alarm near the Nan-kuan-ling

Hills, and felt a desire to repeat the experiment.

So, having obtained permission from General Stessel, I sent for the

band, which was bivouacked near the railway station, and soon the

strains of a stirring march crashed out over those hills, dark with

death and blood. The retreating army formed into columns, and, picking

up the step by the band, swung past General Stessel. This march-past

continued for nearly an hour under the very eyes of the enemy. Our

splendid 3rd Battalion was the last to go past, bearing with it the

body of Captain Kvitkin, General Fock’s former A.D.C. The 5th Regiment

had lost altogether 2 officers and 60 men. They had borne the whole

brunt of the Japanese final attacks, and had covered the retreat of

the other regiments, presenting an impregnable front throughout every

attack.

It is obvious from the foregoing details that the retreat from Lao-tso

Shan was made in perfect order.

The following is a description of the action of our companies on

Lao-tso Shan:

The positions occupied[42] by the regiment were as follows:

The detachment of Colonel Dounin, commanding the 3rd Battalion 5th

Regiment, consisting of the 5th, 6th, 9th, 11th, and 12th Companies,

and the 2nd and 3rd Scout Detachments of the 5th Regiment and the 1st

Company of the 27th, was posted before the battle on Lao-tso Shan, and

occupied the section from the valley (near the small hill occupied by

the 11th Company of the 27th Regiment) to a spur 3/4 verst from the

village of Vodymin[43] and touching the foot of Chien Shan.

The various companies occupied the following sections:

1. The 9th Company and 3rd Scout Detachment 5th Regiment, on the right

flank in the valley.

2. Next to these the 2nd Scout Detachment, to the left of the valley

and covering Lieutenant Naoomov’s battery.

3. Farther to the left, the 12th Company 5th Regiment.

4. On the extreme left flank, near Vodymin, the 11th Company 5th

Regiment and, as a reserve, the 1st Company 27th Regiment.

5. The 5th and 6th Companies 5th Regiment formed the general reserve.

On the morning of the 26th the Japanese opened a heavy gun fire on our

positions, followed by a vigorous attack, but they obtained no hold

anywhere that day, as our men held on to their positions and beat them

back at every point.

On the 27th the Japanese repeated their attacks, but had no more

success than on the preceding day, whereupon they proceeded to make a

night attack.

Some companies to the right of Colonel Dounin retreated without firing

a shot, and so hurriedly, that they failed to inform the companies on

either side of them.

The Japanese rushed into the gap thus created, and, working round to

the rear, began to pour a flanking fire into the other companies,

who were ignorant of what had happened, and had remained in their

positions. Taken by surprise, these companies lost their heads in turn

and retreated, also without informing their neighbours. In this manner

the gap grew rapidly until it extended to Colonel Dounin’s troops, when

the following became the position of affairs:

The 9th Company and 3rd Scout Detachment of the 5th Regiment occupied

the valley, being in touch on the right with the 11th Company 27th

Regiment. The 3rd Scout Detachment formed the outpost line, with the

9th in reserve behind it.

About three o’clock[44] on the morning of the 28th the piquet on the

right, which was keeping touch with the 11th Company, reported that a

retreat was in progress on that side.

Captain Koudriavtsev, commanding the 9th Company, sent an orderly to

the hill occupied by the 11th Company to find out what was going on

there. The orderly returned immediately and reported that the 11th

Company had gone, that a small body of Japanese was occupying the

hill, and that reinforcements were coming up to them. At first Captain

Koudriavtsev did not believe this, and wanted to send a more reliable

man, but just at that moment shots rang out from the hill in the

direction of the 9th Company and 3rd Scout Detachment, and Captain

Koudriavtsev’s doubts were dispelled. He consulted with Lieutenant

Choulkov, commanding the 3rd Scout Detachment, and they came to the

conclusion that it would be unreasonable to try and hold the position

and defend the valley with the Japanese on the hill above. They

therefore determined to go up with the 9th Company before daybreak,

while there were not many Japanese on the hill, retake it, and, having

got possession of it, re-establish communication with the troops on the

right, and thus fill in the gap that had been left in the line. Arrived

at this decision, Captain Koudriavtsev arranged with Lieutenant

Choulkov that they should support each other, and if either had to

retreat, he would immediately inform the other, and, in order to avoid

misunderstandings, written messages only were to be accepted. Captain

Koudriavtsev then told Lieutenant Choulkov to remain in his present

position with the 3rd Scout Detachment and await his orders, while he

himself, with half the 9th Company, started to make the attack, the

other half of the 9th Company being left meanwhile under Acting Ensign

Shishkin with orders to follow him as a reserve.

In spite of the terrible fire with which the Japanese met the attackers

Captain Koudriavtsev with his half-company reached the trenches, and

with a wild “hurrah” rushed in with the bayonet. The blow fell partly

on the Japanese flank. A hand-to-hand fight ensued. Unfortunately,

Captain Koudriavtsev was killed, and Sergeant-Major Evlanov wounded

as he was mounting the hill; many of the men also were placed _hors

de combat_, and the remainder, not feeling themselves strong enough

to overpower the enemy, began to retreat, carrying with them the body

of their dead captain. In the darkness our men did not retreat back

along the line of their advance, nor towards the 3rd Scout Detachment

and the reserve, but in the direction in which the other companies had

retreated previously. The reserve half of the 9th Company, not knowing

what had happened, but guessing from the direction of the firing and

the noise of moving men that the 1st half-company had retired, and

being met, moreover, by a heavy rifle fire themselves, began to

retreat in the same direction. Acting Ensign Shishkin, unfortunately,

did not think of telling Lieutenant Choulkov what had happened, and the

latter awaited word from Captain Koudriavtsev, as had been arranged. In

this way twenty minutes or half an hour passed. Then, as day broke, the

Japanese fire from the hill became still heavier and more vicious.

Lieutenant Choulkov learnt of the failure of the 9th Company from some

of the rank and file who had got left behind in the retreat, and who

stumbled upon the 3rd Scout Detachment in the darkness. Fully alive to

the danger of being surrounded, he ordered the outposts to come in,

and sent word of the position of affairs to a company extended to his

left. Fearing for the fate of the machine guns, which were behind him,

Lieutenant Choulkov sent one section to them as escort, but the guns

were gone. As soon as the outpost line had come in, Lieutenant Choulkov

began to retreat with his command in a compact body, and soon joined

up with the reserve, behind which Colonel Dounin concentrated the

retreating troops and brought them into a state of order.

The reserve was in the valley, and, hearing of the retreat of the

companies to his right, Colonel Dounin ordered what reserves he had

to occupy a neighbouring hill on the right, in order to hold up the

enemy’s advance while he formed a new defensive line from the village

of Vodymin across Riji Hill,[45] through Lieutenant Naoomov’s battery

of 57-mm. guns, and farther on to some unnamed hills. Thanks to Colonel

Dounin’s dispositions, and to the courage of the officers of the

detachment, they succeeded in forming the new defensive line at the

point mentioned, and in cooling the ardour of the Japanese in their

fiery advance.

A short time afterwards the order to retreat was received from General

Fock.

While Colonel Dounin was giving the necessary orders, another order

came in from General Fock to retire on Height No. 86.[46]

Colonel Dounin retreated in splendid order, in some cases personally

conducting the skirmishing line, and, covering one company with

another, occupied the positions ordered by General Fock—namely,

Height No. 86, next a position near the village of Hou-chia-tun, then

Saidjashalin,[47] and finally 11th Verst. Having covered the retreat of

parts of the 13th, 14th, and other regiments, the companies themselves

passed behind Feng-huang Shan.

The whole of the force, and especially the officers, acted in a manner

worthy of the highest praise. In holding back the victorious Japanese,

all the companies displayed remarkable bravery; for instance, the 11th

Company of the 5th Regiment with the 1st Company of the 27th Regiment

held Vodymin for two-and-a-half hours, though surrounded on three

sides. Nevertheless, they broke their way through, taking with them a

machine gun that had been left on the road and three wounded men of

the 26th Regiment. The 6th Company, which held back the Japanese with

rapid fire in order to allow its comrades to get away, continued to

hold its ground under a heavy cross-fire from rifles and guns, and,

amongst others, lost its gallant commander, Lieutenant Popov, who set

an example of unparalleled bravery to the whole of his company.

After the evacuation of Lao-tso Shan the army took up the new positions

assigned to it, and we remained near the station (11th Verst—the

headquarters of the 4th Division) and prepared to cook our breakfasts.

But suddenly a bullet whistled past, followed by another, and this

reminded us that no one was covering our rear. The staff got into

some confusion, wagons were hastily horsed, and two companies (I do

not remember which regiment they belonged to) were ordered to move in

the direction of the enemy and hold him back. These companies quickly

occupied a height close by, covering the staff from the enemy, and the

firing became general. The whistling of bullets became more frequent,

and the horsing of the wagons of the staff was hurried on. We saw that

it was useless to try to breakfast in such an unpleasant place, and the

staff, with fifty Cossacks and accompanied by General Stessel, began

to move into the fortress, stopping every now and then to see what was

going on in front. I rode off to 174 Metre Hill, and on the way climbed

a fairly high eminence to see what was happening in rear. I found our

own battery there placed in some well-constructed trenches, and the

guns directing their fire on the station at 11th Verst. Everything

was soon put in order, and nothing further happened to prevent our

men occupying their new positions, on which could already be seen the

rising smoke of the field kitchens.

Towards the evening of July 29 the 5th Regiment had settled down in

its new positions, had supper, and turned in for the night, except the

outposts, whom I had sent out far in front in the direction of the

enemy. (I always did this, even when our own troops were in front of

us, as on this occasion.) I placed my staff on Division Hill, and built

an office, and a mess-room for the officers.

The situation was a very picturesque one. In front were the ridges of

Division Hill, with two neighbouring eminences, all crowned with our

trenches, to the left wooded slopes, and towards Fort Yi-tzu Shan a

small but glistening stream, with banks covered with slender, waving

grasses. (See Map IV.)

[Illustration: GENERAL MAP OF THE KUAN-TUNG PENINSULA

Map No. 2.

London: Hugh Rees, Ltd.

_Stanford’s Geogl. Estabt., London._]

FOOTNOTES:

[32] See Maps II. and VI.

[33] 1 pood = 38 lb.

[34] The inhabitants of Dalny received the news of the battle of Nan

Shan on the evening of the 26th, and were ordered to proceed to Port

Arthur at eleven that night (see Official History, Part III., p. 12).

[35] That between Triple Peak and An-tzu Ling (see Map VI.).

[36] Better known as Orphan Hill; shown on British official maps as

Kan-ta Shan, that being its Chinese name.

[37] Called by the Russians the Green Hills.

[38] Known by the Russians as the Wolf Hills.

[39] The Russian name is Bokovi (Side) Hill.

[40] Near Lieh-shu-fang.

[41] As its name implies, the station 11 versts from Port Arthur.

[42] Our Official History states that only three companies of the 5th

Regiment were allotted to this section, but adds later that the 5th and

6th Companies were brought up and absorbed in the fighting line. They

are here given as being in reserve.

[43] A village 1-1/2 miles north-east of Hou-chia-tun.

[44] Ta-po Shan had actually been captured by the Japanese the previous

evening about ten o’clock, two counter-attacks afterwards failing.

[45] Not to be confused with a hill of the same name on the Western

Front of the Port Arthur defences.

[46] Probably a hill between Vodymin and Hou-chia-tun.

[47] A village midway between Vodymin and 11th Verst station.

My Experiences at Nan Shan and Port Arthur with the Fifth East Siberian Rifles · 第 3 / 12 章