Controversy with the Quakers—Philip’s war—letters—Mr. Williams’ death.
We will now give a brief account of Mr. Williams’ controversy with the
Quakers. It was an unhappy strife, in which all parties displayed more
zeal than Christian meekness or charity. It was especially unfortunate
for Mr. Williams, for it plunged him, in his old age, into a dispute, in
which he could not hope to effect much good, and which was certain to
draw upon him much odium.
His motives, however, ought to be clearly understood. The colony of
Rhode-Island had incurred reproach among the other colonies, because she
refused to join in a persecution of the Quakers. Rhode-Island was the
refuge of these persons, some of the magistrates, at this time, were of
that sect, and it was asserted, that the public feeling in Rhode-Island
was friendly to their doctrines and practices. Mr. Williams declares, in
his book on the controversy, that he was induced to engage in a dispute
with them, in order to bear public testimony, that while he was
decidedly opposed to any measures which tended to impair liberty of
conscience, he nevertheless disapproved the principles of the
Quakers.[342] He says, that when he met them at Newport, on the first
day of the dispute, “I took my seat at the other end of the house
opposite to them, and began telling them, that the Most High was my
witness, that not out of any prejudice against, or disrespect to, the
persons of the Quakers, many of whom I knew and did love and honor, nor
any foolish passion of pride or boldness, for I desired to be sensible
of my many decays of my house of clay, and other ways; nor any earthly
or worldly ends I had, that occasioned this trouble to myself and them.”
p. 26.
Candor must admit, that his motives were laudable—a zeal for the honor
of the colony, and for what he believed to be the truth. He accordingly
took occasion, when the celebrated George Fox[343] was in Rhode-Island,
to propose a public discussion, at Newport and Providence, in which the
principles of the Quakers should be examined, in a friendly debate.
The challenge was in these words:
“To George Fox, or any other of my countrymen at Newport, who say they
are the apostles and messengers of Christ Jesus. In humble confidence of
the help of the Most High, I offer to maintain, in public, against all
comers, these fourteen propositions following, to wit: the first seven
at Newport, and the other seven at Providence. For the time when, I
refer it to George Fox and his friends, at Newport.”
Such public debates were not uncommon during the reformation, in
Germany, and in later times, in England. They have been held, in our own
days, but their effect has seldom been beneficial to the cause of truth.
They are more adapted to irritate than to convince. Few men have
sufficient self-command to preserve their temper, in a controversy
conducted through the press. When brought into personal contact, before
a large assembly, the meekest men could scarcely avoid being chafed and
petulant. Such contests are like the battles of old times, when the
spear or the sword was the chief weapon, and the combatants, being
brought hand to hand, fought with embittered rancor and dreadful
carnage. Modern battles, in which the parties are at a greater distance,
are less sanguinary. The result of these disputes, moreover, is as
uncertain a test of truth and justice, as the termination of the ancient
appeals to personal combat. Stronger lungs and greater self-conceit have
sometimes enabled the advocate of error to win the victory.
The fourteen propositions of Mr. Williams we shall not quote. They
affirmed, that the principles of the Quakers were unscriptural and
pernicious.
Mr. Williams sent these propositions to Newport, but George Fox left the
town for England, without seeing them. Mr. Williams asserted, that Fox
departed in order to avoid the debate, and he condescended to a pun on
“George Fox’s _slily_ departing.” This insinuation was unfounded and
unjustifiable. Fox unceremoniously charged him with lying, but this
gross accusation cannot be admitted. Mr. Williams undoubtedly thought
his assertion true,[344] though he ought not to have made it without
better authority.
The debate commenced, however, at Newport, on the 9th of August, 1672.
Mr. Williams rowed, in a boat, to Newport, thirty miles, a feat which
few men of seventy-three years could perform, in these degenerate days.
He arrived at Newport about midnight.[345] The next day the debate
commenced, in the Quaker meeting-house. John Stubs, John Burnyeat and
William Edmundson were the champions opposed to him. He speaks of the
two former as able and learned men. The debate continued three days. It
was, according to his account, a very disorderly scene. There was no
moderator, and Mr. Williams complains of frequent and rude
interruptions. His health was feeble, and he says, that, on the morning
of the second day, “I heartily wished that I might rather have kept my
bed, than have gone forth to a whole day’s fresh disputes.” His brother,
Robert Williams, then a schoolmaster in Newport, attempted to aid him,
but his interference was not permitted by his opponents. Mr. Williams’
demeanor, during the controversy, was, apparently, patient and
collected. The debate was renewed at Providence on the 17th, and
continued one day, when it was terminated, without producing any change
of opinion on either side.
Mr. Williams wrote an account of this dispute, in a large book, of 327
pages. It was entitled, “George Fox digged out of his Burrowes,” &c., in
allusion to a book which Fox and his friend Edward Burrowes (or
Burrough) had written. Of Mr. Williams’ book we shall give a further
account. It is able and acute, but it is disfigured by much severe
language.
Fox and Burnyeat wrote a reply, entitled, “A New-England Firebrand
Quenched,” in which they railed at Mr. Williams, in a coarse and bitter
style.[346]
The following letter of Mr. Williams alludes to the publication of his
book against Fox:[347]
“My dear friend, Samuel Hubbard,
“To yourself and aged companion, my loving respects in the Lord
Jesus, who ought to be our hope of glory, begun in this life, and
enjoyed to all eternity. I have herein returned your little, yet
great remembrance of the hand of the Lord to yourself and your son,
late departed. I praise the Lord for your humble kissing of his holy
rod, and acknowledging his just and righteous, together with his
gracious and merciful, dispensation to you. I rejoice, also, to read
your heavenly desires and endeavors, that your trials may be gain to
your own souls, and the souls of the youth of the place, and all of
us. You are not unwilling, I judge, that I deal plainly and friendly
with you. After all that I have seen and read and compared about the
seventh day, (and I have earnestly and carefully read and weighed
all I could come at in God’s holy presence) I cannot be removed from
Calvin’s mind, and indeed Paul’s mind, Col. ii. that all those
sabbaths of seven days were figures, types and shadows, and
forerunners of the Son of God, and that the change is made from the
remembrance of the first creation, and that (figurative) rest on the
seventh day, to the remembrance of the second creation on the first,
on which our Lord arose conqueror from the dead. Accordingly, I have
read many, but see no satisfying answer to those three Scriptures,
chiefly Acts 20, 1 Cor. 16, Rev. 1, in conscience to which I make
some poor conscience to God as to the rest day. As for thoughts for
England, I humbly hope the Lord hath hewed me to write a large
narrative of all those four days’ agitation between the Quakers and
myself; if it please God I cannot get it printed in New-England, I
have great thoughts and purposes for old. My age, lameness, and many
other weaknesses, and the dreadful hand of God at sea, calls for
deep consideration. What God may please to bring forth in the
spring, his holy wisdom knows. If he please to bring to an absolute
purpose, I will send you word, and my dear friend, Obadiah Holmes,
who sent me a message to the same purpose. At present, I pray salute
respectively Mr. John Clarke and his brothers, Mr. Tory, Mr. Edes,
Edward Smith, William Hiscox, Stephen Mumford, and other friends,
whose preservation, of the island, and this country, I humbly beg of
the Father of Mercies, in whom I am yours unworthy,
R. W.”
The calamitous and decisive war with Philip claims our notice. This
chief, whose Indian name was Metacom, but who received the name of
Philip from the English, was the second son of Massassoit, the principal
sachem of the Pokanokets. Philip succeeded his brother Alexander, who
died in 1662, in consequence, it has been supposed, of his shame and
resentment for what he thought an insult from the whites. Philip was an
able and ambitious chief. He saw the increasing power of the colonists,
and clearly perceived, that the utter extinction of the Indians would be
the result, unless the progress of the whites could be arrested. It is
said, however, that he was averse to commencing hostilities, being aware
that the colonists were too powerful to be successfully resisted;[348]
but he was forced into the war by the ardor of his young warriors. All
the Indian tribes remained quiet, with the exception of a few hostile
indications, for nearly forty years after the destruction of the
Pequods.
Rumors of intended war on the part of Philip were circulated in 1671.
The Governor of Plymouth, and several other gentlemen from Plymouth and
Massachusetts, invited Philip to meet them at Taunton; but he refused to
come, till, it is said,[349] Mr. Williams and Mr. Brown, of Swansea,
were employed as mediators. Mr. Williams’ agency was, as usual,
successful, and Philip met the Governor, disclaimed all hostile designs,
promised future fidelity, and surrendered about seventy guns, as a proof
of his sincerity. The war was thus delayed four years.
The interval was, it appears, employed by Philip in making preparations
for war. He endeavored to concert a general league among the Indians in
New-England, and it is said, that most of the tribes entered into his
plans. The Narragansets, especially, who still nourished a desire of
vengeance for the treacherous murder, as they viewed it, of their
sachem, Miantinomo, engaged to aid Philip, with a force of four thousand
warriors, in the spring of 1676.[350]
But, for some cause, hostilities commenced before the time appointed.
Philip is supposed to have been urged to begin the war, by the death of
John Sassamon, an Indian, who had served Philip as a secretary. He
communicated to the English the designs of Philip, and he was soon after
found murdered. Three Indians, who were believed to be his murderers,
were tried and executed, at Plymouth, in June, 1675. Philip, who was
thought to be implicated in the murder, immediately commenced
hostilities, by attacking the town of Swansea, on the 24th of June. The
war, being commenced, was prosecuted with great fury, many towns were
burnt, and many of the inhabitants killed. It was a mercy to the whites,
that the Indians had not fully matured their plans and begun the contest
in concert. The Narragansets renewed their league with the
colonists,[351] though they afterwards joined in the war against them.
The following letter of Mr. Williams to Governor Leverett, of
Massachusetts, is very interesting and characteristic:
“To the Governor at Boston, present. Per neighbor Samuel Whiffel.
“_Providence, 11, 8, 75, (so accounted.)_
“Sir,
“Yours of the 7th I gladly and thankfully received, and humbly
desire to praise that Most High and Holy Hand, invisible and only
wise, who casts you down, by so many public and personal trials, and
lifts you up again with any (_lucida intervalla_) mitigations and
refreshments. _Ab inferno nulla redemptio_: from the grave and hell
no return. Here, like Noah’s dove, we have our checker work, blacks
and whites come out and go into the ark, out and in again till the
last, whom we never see back again.
“The business of the day in New-England is not only to keep
ourselves from murdering, our houses, barns, &c. from firing, to
destroy and cut off the barbarians, or subdue and reduce them, but
our main and principal _opus diei_ is, to listen to what the Eternal
speaketh to the whole ship, (the country, colonies, towns, &c.) and
each private cabin, family, person, &c. He will speak peace to his
people; therefore, saith David, ‘I will listen to what Jehovah
speaketh.’ Oliver, in straits and defeats, especially at Hispaniola,
desired all to speak and declare freely what they thought the mind
of God was. H. Vane (then laid by) wrote his discourse, entitled “A
Healing Question,” but for touching upon (that _noli me tangere_)
State sins, H. Vane went prisoner to Carisbrook Castle, in the Isle
of Wight. Oh, Sir, I humbly subscribe (_ex animo_) to your short and
long prayer, in your letter. The Lord keep us from our own
deceivings. I know there have been, and are, many precious and
excellent spirits amongst you, (if you take flight before me, I will
then say you are one of them, without daubing,) but _rebus sic
stantibus_, as the wind blows, the united colonies dare not permit,
_candida et bona fide_, two dangerous (supposed) enemies: 1.
dissenting and non-conforming worshippers, and 2. liberty of free
(really free) disputes, debates, writing, printing, &c.; the Most
High hath begun and given some taste of these two dainties in some
parts, and will more and more advance them when (as Luther and
Erasmus to the Emperor, Charles V., and the Duke of Saxony,) those
two gods are famished, the Pope’s crown and the Monks’ bellies. The
same Luther was wont to say, that every man had a pope in his belly,
and Calvin expressly wrote to Melancthon, that Luther made himself
another Pope; yet, which of us will not say, Jeremiah, thou liest,
when he tells us (and from God) we must not go down to Egypt?
“Sir, I use a bolder pen to your noble spirit than to many, because
the Father of Lights hath shown your soul more of the mysteries of
iniquity than other excellent heads and hearts dream of, and
because, whatever you or I be in other respects, yet in this you
will act a pope, and grant me your love, pardon and indulgence.
“Sir, since the doleful news from Springfield, here it is said that
Philip, with a strong body of many hundred cutthroats, steers for
Providence and Seekonk, some say for Norwich and Stonington, and
some say your forces have had a loss by their cutting off some of
your men, in their passing over a river. _Fiat voluntas Dei_, there
I humbly rest, and let all go but himself. Yet, Sir, I am requested
by our Capt. Fenner to give you notice, that at his farm, in the
woods, he had it from a native, that Philip’s great design is (among
all other possible advantages and treacheries) to draw C. Mosely and
others, your forces, by training and drilling and seeming flights,
into such places as are full of long grass, flags, sedge, &c. and
then inviron them round with fire, smoke and bullets. Some say no
wise soldier will so be caught; but as I told the young prince, on
his return lately from you, all their war is commootin; they have
commootined our houses, our cattle, our heads, &c., and that not by
their artillery, but our weapons; that yet they were so cowardly,
that they have not taken one poor fort from us in all the country,
nor won, nor scarce fought, one battle since the beginning. I told
him and his men, being then in my canoe, with his men with him, that
Philip was his cawkakinnamuck, that is, looking glass. He was deaf
to all advice, and now was overset, Cooshkowwawy, and catcht at
every part of the country to save himself, but he shall never get
ashore, &c. He answered me in a consenting, considering kind of way,
Philip Cooshkowwawy: I went with my great canoe to help him over
from Seekonk (for to Providence no Indian comes) to Pawtuxet side. I
told him I would not ask him news, for I knew matters were private;
only I told him that if he were false to his engagements, we would
pursue them with a winter’s war, when they should not, as musketoes
and rattlesnakes in warm weather, bite us, &c.
“Sir, I carried him and Mr. Smith a glass of wine, but Mr. Smith not
coming, I gave wine and glass to himself, and a bushel of apples to
his men, and being therewith (as beasts are) caught, they gave me
leave to say any thing, acknowledged loudly your great kindness in
Boston, and mine, and yet Capt. Fenner told me yesterday, that he
thinks they will prove our worst enemies at last. I am between fear
and hope, and humbly wait, making sure, as Haselrig’s motto was,
sure of my anchor in heaven, _Tantum in Coelis_, only in heaven.
Sir, there I long to meet you.
“Your most unworthy,
ROGER WILLIAMS.
“To Mrs. Leverett, and other honored and beloved friends, humble
respects, &c.
“Sir, I hope your men fire all the woods before them, &c.
“Sir, I pray not a line to me, except on necessary business; only
give me leave (as you do) to use my foolish boldness to visit
yourself, as I have occasion. I would not add to your troubles.”
The war occasioned great alarm and distress. It spread over New-England,
and threatened, for a while, the destruction of the colonies.
Many of the inhabitants of Providence and of other towns removed to
Newport, for safety; but a considerable number remained, among whom was
Mr. Williams, though it seems his wife and family removed to the
island.[352]
Mr. Williams was very active, notwithstanding his age. He accepted a
military commission, and the title, “Captain Roger Williams,” appears on
the records. It certainly displayed spirit and patriotism in a man of
seventy-seven years, to buckle on his armor for the defence of his home
and his fellow-citizens. He sent the following proposition to the town:
“I pray the town, in the sense of the late bloody practices of the
natives, to give leave to so many as can agree with William Field, to
bestow some charge upon fortifying his house, for security to women and
children. Also to give me leave, and so many as shall agree, to put up
some defence on the hill, between the mill and the highway, for the like
safety of the women and children in that part of the town.” This
proposal was signed by eleven persons, who subscribed various sums, to
defray the expense. The highest subscription was two pounds, six
shillings, except that of Mr. Williams, which was ten pounds, though we
may presume that he was not the richest man among them.
A garrison was established at Providence, by the General Assembly, with
seven men, under the command of Captain Arthur Fenner, with a provision,
however, that it should “not eclipse Captain Williams’ power in the
exercise of the train bands there.”
The town was attacked by the Indians, on the 29th of March, 1676, and
twenty-nine houses were burnt, among which was that, in which the
records of the town were kept. These were thrown into the mill-pond, and
afterwards recovered, though much injured.
It is said, that when the Indians approached Providence, Mr. Williams
took his staff, and went to meet them on the heights north of the cove.
He remonstrated with the sachems, and warned them of the power and
vengeance of the English. “Massachusetts,” said he, “can raise thousands
of men at this moment, and if you kill them, the King of England will
supply their place as fast as they fall.” “Well,” answered one of the
chieftains, “let them come. We are ready for them. But as for you,
brother Williams, you are a good man. You have been kind to us many
years. Not a hair of your head shall be touched.”[353]
We cannot narrate the incidents of this dreadful war. The Indians
suffered a severe defeat, December 19, 1675, at the capture of their
fort, situated in a swamp in the present town of South-Kingstown. In the
battle, about a thousand of the Indians are supposed to have been
killed, and about two hundred of the whites, including six captains.
Philip was finally killed, August 12, 1676, near Mount Hope, by an
Indian, under the command of Col. Church. The war now closed. It decided
the fate of the New-England Indians. The Pokanokets were nearly
exterminated. The Narragansets never recovered from the blow. Thousands
of the natives were killed, and many who were made prisoners, were sent
out of the country and sold as slaves.
But the victory was dearly bought by the colonists. Their whole
disposable force was put in requisition. Thirteen towns were entirely
destroyed by the Indians; six hundred dwelling-houses were burnt, and
about the same number of the colonists, including twelve captains, were
killed, so that almost every family lost a relative. The destruction of
property, and the cost of the war, were immense. The disbursements of
the colonies were estimated at one hundred and fifty thousand pounds
sterling.[354]
The terror and distress which this war produced may explain, if they
cannot justify, many acts of the whites. The body of Philip was treated
with an indignity, which dishonored his captors. His head was sent to
Plymouth, where it was exposed on a gibbet, and his hand was sent to
Boston. His little son was taken prisoner, and several of the divines
were of opinion, that he ought to be put to death, on the strength of
Jewish precedents; but he was spared, only to be sold as a slave in
Bermuda.
At Providence, the following occurrence took place, in August, after the
death of Philip:
“August 25. One Chuff, an Indian, so called in time of peace, because of
his surliness against the English, could scarcely come in, being wounded
some few days before, by Providence men. His wounds were corrupted and
stank, and because he had been a ring-leader all the war to most of the
mischiefs to our houses and cattle, and what English he could, the
inhabitants of the town cried out for justice against him, threatening
themselves to kill him, if the authority did not. For which reason the
Captain Roger Williams caused the drum to be beat, the town council and
council of war to be called. All called for justice and execution. The
council of war gave sentence, and he was shot to death, to the great
satisfaction of the town.”
At a town meeting, August 14, 1676, a list was made of persons “who
stayed and went not away,” and to these persons, it was judged, certain
Indians, who were captives, ought to be delivered as slaves, or
servants, for a term of years. A committee was appointed on the subject,
who presented the following report:
“_Report of the Committee on sale of Indians._
“We, whose names are underwritten, being chosen by the town, to set
the disposal of the Indians now in town, we agree, that Roger
Williams, Nathan Waterman, Thomas Fenner, Henry Ashton, John Mowry,
Daniel Abbott, James Olney, Valentine Whitman, John Whipple, sen.,
Ephraim Pray, John Pray, John Angell, James Angell, Thomas Arnold,
Abraham Mann, Thomas Field, Edward Bennett, Thomas Clements, William
Lancaster, William Hopkins, William Hawkins, William Harris,
Zachariah Field, Samuel Winsor, and Captain Fenner, shall have each
a whole share in the product. Joseph Woodward, and Richard Pray,
each three fourths of a share. John Smith, miller, Edward Smith,
Samuel Whipple, Nelle Whipple, and Thomas Walim, each half share.
“Inhabitants wanting to have Indians at the price they sell at
Rhode-Island or elsewhere:
“All under five years, to serve till thirty; above five and under
ten, till twenty-eight; above ten to fifteen, till twenty-seven;
above fifteen to twenty, till twenty-six years; from twenty to
thirty, shall serve eight years; all above thirty, seven years.
ROGER WILLIAMS,
THOMAS HARRIS, sen.
THOMAS ANGELL, (his mark.)
THOMAS FIELD,
JOHN WHIPPLE, jr.
_August 14, 1676._”
We cannot, at this day, determine, fairly, the question, how far the
sale of the Indian captives was necessary or just. It is, however,
painful to our feelings; and we cannot but be surprised and sorry, to
see the name of Roger Williams connected with such a transaction.
In May, 1677, Mr. Williams was elected an Assistant, but he declined, on
account, probably, of his age. About this time, he wrote thus to the
town of Providence: “I pray the town, that the place of meeting be
certain, and some course settled for payment; that the clerk and
sergeant be satisfied, according to moderation, that the town business
may go on cheerfully; that the business of the rate (paid by so many
already) be finished; that the old custom of order be kept in our
meetings, and those unruly be reproved, or upon obstinacy, cast out from
sober and free men’s company; that our ancient use of arbitration be
brought into esteem again; that (it being constantly reported, that
Connecticut is upon the gaining of his Majesty’s consent to _enslave us
to their parish worship_) we consider what we ought to do.”[355]
In October, 1677, commissioners from the several colonies met at
Providence, to settle the long contested disputes between Mr. Harris and
others about lands. Mr. Harris laid before the Court a long statement,
in which he preferred heavy charges against Mr. Williams, and the latter
made counter statements, in a similar style. The result of the
examination was favorable to the claims of Mr. Harris and his friends,
who obtained five verdicts from a jury. But the disputes were not
settled, till more than thirty years afterwards.[356] Our limits do not
allow us to enter into particulars, which could not be detailed without
a tedious and unprofitable prolixity. They properly belong to a history
of the State.
Of the few last years of Mr. Williams’ life, we have scanty notices. The
following letter[357] contains a reference to his age and health, and is
a specimen of his constant zeal to serve his friends:
“_Narraganset, 21 July, 1679, (ut vulgo.)_
“Roger Williams, of Providence, in the Narraganset Bay, in
New-England, being (by God’s mercy) the first beginner of the mother
town of Providence, and of the colony of Rhode-Island and Providence
Plantations, being now near to fourscore years of age, yet (by God’s
mercy) of sound understanding and memory; do humbly and faithfully
declare, that Mr. Richard Smith, senior, who for his conscience to
God left fair possessions in Glocestershire, and adventured, with
his relations and estate, to New-England, and was a most acceptable
inhabitant, and a prime leading man in Taunton and Plymouth colony;
for his conscience sake, many differences arising, he left Taunton
and came to the Narraganset country, where, (by God’s mercy and the
favor of the Narraganset sachems) he broke the ice at his great
charge and hazard, and put up in the thickest of the barbarians, the
first English house amongst them. 2. I humbly testify, that about
forty years from this date, he kept possession, coming and going
himself, children and servants, and he had quiet possession of his
housing, lands and meadow; and there, in his own house, with much
serenity of soul and comfort, he yielded up his spirit to God, (the
Father of spirits) in peace. 3. I do humbly and faithfully testify
as abovesaid, that since his departure, his honored son, Capt.
Richard Smith, hath kept possession, (with much acceptance with
English and pagans) of his father’s housing, lands and meadows, with
great improvement also by his great cost and industry. And in the
late bloody Pagan war, I knowingly testify and declare, that it
pleased the Most High to make use of himself in person, his housing,
goods, corn, provisions and cattle, for a garrison and supply for
the whole army of New-England, under the command of the ever to be
honored General Winslow, for the service of his Majesty’s honor and
country of New-England. 4. I do also humbly declare, that the said
Capt. Richard Smith, junior, ought, by all the rules of equity,
justice and gratitude, (to his honored father and himself) to be
fairly treated with, considered, recruited, honored, and, by his
Majesty’s authority, confirmed and established in a peaceful
possession of his father’s and his own possessions in this pagan
wilderness, and Narraganset country. The premises I humbly testify,
as now leaving this country and this world.
ROGER WILLIAMS.”
The following note was directed to Mr. Daniel Abbott, the town clerk of
Providence.[358] The “considerations presented touching rates,” seem to
have accompanied it. They deserve to be preserved, for many reasons.
They show the unabated zeal of Mr. Williams, for the public welfare. The
opposition to the payment of taxes was a sore evil, which he often
mentioned and condemned:
“My good friend, loving remembrance to you. It has pleased the
Most High and Only Wise, to stir up your spirit to be one of the
chiefest stakes in our poor hedge. I, therefore, not being able to
come to you, present you with a few thoughts about the great
stumbling-block, to them that are willing to stumble and trouble
themselves, our rates. James Matison had one copy of me, and
Thomas Arnold another. This I send to yourself and the town, (for
it may be I shall not be able to be at meeting.) I am grieved that
you do so much service for so bad recompense; but I am persuaded
you shall find cause to say, the Most High God of recompense, who
was Abraham’s great reward, hath paid me.
_Considerations presented touching rates._
“1. Government and order in families, towns, &c. is the ordinance of
the Most High, Rom. 13, for the peace and good of mankind. 2. Six
things are written in the hearts of all mankind, yea, even in
pagans: 1st. That there is a Deity; 2d. That some actions are
nought; 3d. That the Deity will punish; 4th. That there is another
life; 5th. That marriage is honorable; 6th. That mankind cannot keep
together without some government. 3. There is no Englishman in his
Majesty’s dominions or elsewhere, who is not forced to submit to
government. 4. There is not a man in the world, except robbers,
pirates and rebels, but doth submit to government. 5. Even robbers,
pirates and rebels themselves cannot hold together, but by some law
among themselves and government. 6. One of these two great laws in
the world must prevail, either that of judges and justices of peace
in courts of peace, or the law of arms, the sword and blood. 7. If
it comes from the courts of trials of peace, to the trial of the
sword and blood, the conquered is forced to seek law and government.
8. Till matters come to a settled government, no man is ordinarily
sure of his house, goods, lands, cattle, wife, children or life. 9.
Hence is that ancient maxim, _It is better to live under a tyrant in
peace, than under the sword, or where every man is a tyrant_. 10.
His Majesty sends governors to Barbadoes, Virginia, &c. but to us he
shews greater favor in our charter, to choose whom we please. 11. No
charters are obtained without great suit, favor or charges. Our
first cost a hundred pounds (though I never received it all;) our
second about a thousand; Connecticut about six thousand, &c. 12. No
government is maintained without tribute, custom, rates, taxes, &c.
13. Our charter excels all in New-England, or _in the world, as to
the souls of men_. 14. It pleased God, Rom. 13, to command tribute,
custom, and consequently rates, not only for fear, but for
conscience sake. 15. Our rates are the least, by far, of any colony
in New-England. 16. There is no man that hath a vote in town or
colony, but _he hath a hand in making the rates by himself or his
deputies_. 17. In our colony the General Assembly, Governor,
magistrates, deputies, towns, town-clerks, raters, constables, &c.
have done their duties, the failing lies upon particular persons.
18. It is but folly to resist, (one or more, and if one, why not
more?) God hath stirred up the spirit of the Governor, magistrates
and officers, driven to it by necessity, to be unanimously resolved
to see the matter finished; and it is the duty of every man to
maintain, encourage, and strengthen the hand of authority. 19. Black
clouds (some years) have hung over Old and New-England heads. God
hath been wonderfully patient and long-suffering to us; but who sees
not changes and calamities hanging over us? 20. All men fear, that
this blazing herald from heaven[359] denounceth from the Most High,
wars, pestilence, famines; is it not then our wisdom to make and
keep peace with God and man?
“Your old unworthy servant,
“ROGER WILLIAMS.
“_Providence, 15th Jan. 1680–1, (so called.)_”
The following letter to Governor Bradstreet,[360] of Massachusetts,
contains a notice of Mr. Williams’ health, and other interesting topics:
“To my much honored, kind friend, the Gov. Bradstreet, at Boston,
present.
“_Providence, 6 May, 1682, (ut vulgo.)_
“Sir,
“Your person and place are born to trouble as the sparks fly upward;
yet I am grieved to disturb your thoughts or hands with any thing
from me, and yet am refreshed with the thought, that sometimes you
subscribe [your willing servant:] and that your love and willingness
will turn to your account also.
“Sir, by John Whipple of Providence, I wrote lately (though the
letter lay long by him) touching the widow Messinger’s daughter,
Sarah Weld, of Boston, whom I believe Joseph Homan, of Boston, hath
miserably deluded, slandered, oppressed (her and his child) by
barbarous inhumanity, so that I humbly hope your mercy and justice
will gloriously in public kiss each other.
“Sir, this enclosed tells you that being old and weak and bruised
(with rupture and colic) and lameness on both my feet, I am
directed, by the Father of our spirits, to desire to attend his
infinite Majesty with a poor mite, (which makes but two farthings.)
By my fire-side I have recollected the discourses which (by many
tedious journeys) I have had with the scattered English at
Narraganset, before the war and since. I have reduced them unto
those twenty two heads, (enclosed) which is near thirty sheets of my
writing: I would send them to the Narragansets and others; there is
no controversy in them, only an endeavor of a particular match of
each poor sinner to his Maker. For printing, I am forced to write to
my friends at Massachusetts, Connecticut, Plymouth, and our own
colony, that he that hath a shilling and a heart to countenance and
promote such a soul work, may trust the great Paymaster (who is
beforehand with us already) for an hundreth for one in this life.
Sir, I have many friends at Boston, but pray you to call in my kind
friends Capt. Brattle and Mr. Seth Perry, who may, by your wise
discretions, ease yourself of any burthen. I write to my honored
acquaintance at Roxbury, Mr. Dudley and Mr. Eliot, and Mr.
Stoughton, at Dorchester, and to Capt. Gookins, at Cambridge, and
pray yourself and him to consult about a little help from
Charlestown, where death has stript me of all my acquaintance. Sir,
if you can return that chapter of my reply to G——ton, concerning
New-England, I am advised to let it sleep, and forbear public
contests with Protestants, since it is the design of hell and Rome
to cut the throats of all the protestors in the world. Yet I am
occasioned, in this book, to say much for the honor and peace of
New-England.
“Sir, I shall humbly wait for your advice where it may be best
printed, at Boston or Cambridge, and for how much, the printer
finding paper. We have tidings here of Shaftsbury’s and Howard’s
beheading, and contrarily, their release, London manifestations of
joy, and the King’s calling a Parliament. But all these are but
sublunaries, temporaries and trivials. Eternity (O eternity!) is our
business, to which end I am most unworthy to be
“Your willing and faithful servant,
“ROGER WILLIAMS.
“My humble respects to Mrs. Bradstreet, and other honored friends.”
The foregoing letter furnishes proof, that Mr. Williams, even after
Philip’s war, and consequently after he had passed his 77th year, went
to Narraganset, and delivered discourses. His zeal for the salvation of
men was not extinguished by his age, nor was he prevented from efforts
to save them, by his theory respecting the ministry. That zeal is
displayed in his desire to print these discourses, after disease
confined him to his home. The letter, too, leads us to infer his
poverty. He would not, probably, have solicited aid to print so small a
work, if he had possessed the means. His son’s letter, quoted in a
preceding page,[361] intimates, that Mr. Williams was dependent on his
children, to some extent, at least, during the last years of his life.
Poverty was honorable in a man, who had spent his best days in the
public service, and who had been more intent on making others happy,
than on the promotion of his own private interests.
Of the immediate cause and exact time of Mr. Williams’ death, we are not
informed. It is certain, however, that he died, at some time between
January 16, 1682–3, and May 10, 1683. On the former day, he signed a
document which was intended as a settlement of the controversy
respecting the Pawtuxet lands. On the 10th of May, Mr. John Thornton
wrote to the Rev. Samuel Hubbard, from Providence: “The Lord hath
arrested by death our ancient and approved friend, Mr. Roger Williams,
with divers others here.”[362] He was in the 84th year of his age. It
would be gratifying to have some account of his last hours, but we have
every reason to believe, that his end was peace. He “was buried,” says
Mr. Callender (p. 93,) “with all the solemnity the colony was able to
show.” His remains were deposited, in his own family burying-ground, on
his town-lot, a short distance only from the place where he landed, and
from the spot where his dwelling-house stood. His wife probably survived
him,[363] and all his children, it is believed, were living at his
death.[364]
Thus terminated the long and active life of the founder of Rhode-Island,
fifty-two years of which elapsed, after his arrival in America. It now
remains, to present a summary view of his writings, and some comments on
his character.