Mr. Williams’ public services—religious habits—efforts as a
minister—Indians—private affairs—letter to John Whipple.
We are now approaching the close of Mr. Williams’ life. Years were
increasing upon him, and abating the vigor of his body and the ardor of
his mind. Yet we find his name in the records both of the town and
colony, so frequently, as to prove, that he retained his zeal for the
public welfare, and that he enjoyed, to the end of his life, a large
measure of public confidence. In the town meetings, he was often
appointed moderator. He was appointed as a member of numerous
committees, and was usually selected, when a skilful pen was needed for
the public service.
After serving the colony for two years, as President, and repeatedly as
Assistant, or Commissioner, under the first charter, he occupied a seat
in the General Assembly, under the new charter, as an Assistant, in the
years 1664, 1670, and 1671. He was chosen, in 1677, but he refused to
serve, on account, probably, of his age. He was a Deputy from
Providence, in May, 1667.
Of his religious habits we have little knowledge. We have satisfactory
reasons, however, for believing, that he preserved the character of an
upright Christian. His books and letters are distinguished by the
language of piety, and his general conduct exhibited its influence. Even
Cotton Mather confesses, that “in many things he acquitted himself so
laudably, that many judicious persons judged him to have had the root of
the matter in him, during the long winter of this retirement.”[335] He
had, it is true, no connection with any church; a circumstance, which we
must regret, because it injured his reputation and his usefulness, while
it diminished his personal enjoyment and spiritual growth. But we know
that his reason for this course was, an erroneous idea, that the true
church was, for a time, lost. He did not undervalue the benefits of
church fellowship, but ardently longed for the restoration of the
church. In his reply to George Fox, written about 1672, he says, (p.
66,) “After all my search, and examinations, and considerations, I said,
I do profess to believe, that some come nearer to the first primitive
churches, and the institutions and appointments of Christ, than others;
as in many respects, so in that gallant, and heavenly, and fundamental
principle, of the true matter of a Christian congregation, flock or
society, viz. actual believers, true disciples and converts, living
stones, such as can give some account how the grace of God hath appeared
unto them, and wrought that change in them. I professed, that if my soul
could find rest, in joining unto any of the churches professing Christ
Jesus now extant, I would readily and gladly do it, yea unto themselves,
whom I now opposed.”[336]
As a minister of the Gospel, we have evidence that he did not wholly
discontinue his labors; though he must, according to his principles,
have confined himself to “prophecy,” or a declaration of truth and
witness against error. Mr. Callender says, (p. 57,) “Mr. Williams used
to uphold a public worship, sometimes, though not weekly, as many now
alive [1738] remember, and he used to go once a month, for many years,
to Mr. Smith’s, in the Narraganset, for the same end.” If persons alive
in 1738, were present at Mr. Williams’ meetings, as Mr. Callender’s
expression seems to imply, those meetings must have been held towards
the close of his life. His visits to Narraganset were designed, it has
been supposed, for the benefit of the Indians; but this is doubtful.
There is reason to believe, that his object was to instruct the whites,
who either lived in that neighborhood, far from any Christian teacher,
or who were occasionally at Mr. Smith’s trading-house.[337]
He did, however, endeavor to instruct the Indians. “He made,” says Mr.
Callender, (p. 84) “some laudable attempts to instruct them, yet he was
much discouraged, not only by want of a lawful warrant, or an immediate
commission to be an apostle to them, but especially by (as he thought)
the insuperable difficulty of preaching Christianity to them in their
own language, with any propriety, without inspiration.” On this subject,
he speaks, in his “Bloody Tenet more Bloody.” He says, that he and
others have found “how hard it is for any man to attain a little
propriety of their language in common things, (so as to escape derision
among them) in many years, without abundant of conversing with them, in
eating, travelling and lodging with them.” He refers, for proof, to the
case of Mr. Eliot, who, notwithstanding his intimacy with the Indians,
could not always make himself understood.[338] Mr. Williams seemed to
think, that when the ministry should be restored, the gift of tongues
would be bestowed on missionaries, to qualify them for their work.
The Narraganset Indians were strongly opposed to the Gospel. It is said,
that they allowed Mr. Williams to preach to them, but would permit no
one else. They loved him, but they rejected his doctrines. His Key and
his letters prove, nevertheless, that his benevolent efforts were not
entirely in vain, and authorize the hope, that at the last day, he may
share, with Eliot, Mayhew and Brainerd, the blessing of ransomed souls
from among the unhappy native tribes.
Of Mr. Williams’ private affairs, we know little. Notices respecting
lands occasionally appear on the records of the town.[339]
His public spirit, and disposition to serve his fellow-citizens, appear
on various occasions. In 1666, a vote of the town was passed, “remitting
to him an engagement made by him to the town, for clapboards and nails
for the building of a town house.” The inference is, that the project
which he, perhaps, devised, and offered to promote, failed.
The following letter to the town, relates to a bridge. On the first
Monday of June, 1662, the town had ordered a bridge to be built over
Moshassuck river, “by Thomas Olney his house,” to be done before the
next hay-time. It would seem, that this order was not accomplished, and
that the following letter refers to the same project:
“_Providence, 10 Feb. 1667–8._
“Loving friends and neighbors,
“Unto this day, it pleased the town to adjourn for the answering of
the bill for the bridge and others. I have conferred with Shadrach
Manton and Nathaniel Waterman, about their proposal, and their
result is, that they cannot obtain such a number as will join with
them, to undertake the bridge upon the hopes of meadow. I am,
therefore, bold, after so many anchors come home, and so much
trouble and long debates and deliberations, to offer, that if you
please, I will, with God’s help, take this bridge unto my care, by
that moderate toll of strangers of all sorts, which hath been
mentioned; will maintain it so long as it pleaseth God that I live
in this town.
“2. The town shall be free from all toll, only I desire one day’s
work of one man in a year from every family, but from those that
have teams, and have much use of the bridge, one day’s work of a man
and team, and of those that have less use, half a day.
“3. I shall join with any of the town, more or few, who will venture
their labor with me for the gaining of meadow.
“4. I promise, if it please God, that I gain meadow in equal value
to the town’s yearly help, I shall then release that.
“5. I desire, if it please God to be with me, to go through such a
charge and trouble as will be to bring this to a settled way, and
then suddenly to take me from hence, I desire that before another,
my wife and children, if they desire it, may engage in my stead to
these conditions.
“6. If the town please to consent, I desire that one of yourselves
be nominated, to join with the clerk to draw up the writing.
R. W.”
It does not appear, whether the bridge was built, at this time, or not.
In February, 1711–12, Mr. Daniel Abbot was sent as an agent to
Massachusetts and Connecticut, to solicit aid in building “three great
bridges, upon the road leading from Connecticut toward Boston, viz. one
at Pawtuxet Falls, one at Weybosset in Providence,[340] and the other
over Pawtucket river.”
Mr. Williams omitted no opportunity of serving the Indians. The
following letter was written apparently, to the government of
Massachusetts:
“_Providence, 7th of May, 1668, (so called.)_
“I humbly offer to consideration my long and constant experience,
since it pleased God to bring me unto these parts, as to the
Narraganset and Nipmuck people.
“First, that all the Nipmucks were, unquestionably, subject to the
Narraganset sachems, and, in a special manner to Mexham, the son of
Canonicus, and late husband to this old squaw sachem, now only
surviving. I have abundant and daily proof of it, as plain and clear
as that the inhabitants of Newbury or Ipswich, &c. are subject to
the government of the Massachusetts colony.
“2. I was called by his Majesty’s Commissioners to testify in a like
case between Philip and the Plymouth Indians, on the one party, and
the Narragansets on the other, and it pleased the committee to
declare, that the King had not given them any commission to alter
the Indians’ laws and customs, which they observed amongst
themselves: most of which, although they are, like themselves,
barbarous, yet in the case of their mournings, they are more,
humane, and it seems to be more inhumane in those that professed
subjection to this the very last year, under some kind of feigned
protection of the English, to be singing and dancing, drinking, &c.
while the rest were lamenting their sachems’ deaths.
“I abhor most of their customs; I know they are barbarous. I respect
not one party more than the other, but I desire to witness truth;
and as I desire to witness against oppression, so, also, against the
slighting of civil, yea, of barbarous order and government, as
respecting every shadow of God’s gracious appointments.
“This I humbly offer, as in the holy presence of God.
ROGER WILLIAMS.”
The following letter[341] gives us a view of some of the trials which
Mr. Williams suffered:
“For John Whipple, jun. these.
“Neighbor Whipple,
“I kindly thank you, that you so far have regarded my lines as to
return me your thoughts, whether sweet or sour I desire not to mind.
I humbly hope, that as you shall never find me self-conceited nor
self-seeking, so, as to others, not pragmatical and a busy-body as
you insinuate. My study is to be swift to hear, and slow to speak,
and I could tell you of five or six grounds (it may be more) why I
give this my testimony against this unrighteous and monstrous
proceeding of Christian brethren helping to hale one another before
the world, whose song was lately and loudly sung in my ears, viz.
the world would be quiet enough, were it not for these holy
brethren, their divisions and contentions. The last night, Shadrach
Manton told me that I had spoken bad words of Gregory Dexter (though
Shadrach deals more ingenuously than yourself saying the same thing,
for he tells me wherein,) viz. that I said he makes a fool of his
conscience. I told him I said so, and I think to our neighbor Dexter
himself; for I believe he might as well be moderator or general
deputy or general assistant, as go so far as he goes, in many
particulars; but what if I or my conscience be a fool, yet it is
commendable and admirable in him, that being a man of education, and
of a noble calling, and versed in militaries, that his conscience
forced him to be such a child in his own house, when W. Har.
strained for the rate (which I approve of) with such imperious
insulting over his conscience, which all conscientious men will
abhor to hear of. However, I commend that man, whether Jew, or Turk,
or Papist, or whoever, that steers no otherwise than his conscience
dares, till his conscience tells him that God gives him a greater
latitude. For, neighbor, you shall find it rare to meet with men of
conscience, men that for fear and love of God dare not lie, nor be
drunk, nor be contentious, nor steal, nor be covetous, nor
voluptuous, nor ambitious, nor lazy-bodies, nor busy-bodies, nor
dare displease God by omitting either service or suffering, though
of reproach, imprisonment, banishment and death, because of the fear
and love of God.
“If W. Wickenden received a beast of W. Field, for ground of the
same hold, I knew it not, and so spake the truth, as I understood
it. 2. Though I have not spoke with him, yet I hear it was not of
that hold or tenure, for we have had four sorts of bounds at least.
“First, the grant of as large accommodations as any English in
New-England had. This the sachems always promised me, and they had
cause, for I was as a right hand unto them, to my great cost and
travail. Hence I was sure of the Toceheunguanit meadows, and what
could with any show of reason have been desired; but some, (that
never did this town nor colony good, and, it is feared, never will,)
cried out, when Roger Williams had laid himself down as a stone in
the dust, for after-comers to step on in town and colony, ‘Who is
Roger Williams? We know the Indians and the sachems as well as he.
We will trust Roger Williams no longer. We will have our bounds
confirmed us under the sachems’ hands before us.’
“2. Hence arose, to my soul cutting and grief, the second sort of
bounds, viz. the bounds set under the hands of those great sachems
Canonicus and Miantinomo, and were set so short (as to Mashapaug and
Pawtucket, and at that time,) because they would not intrench upon
the Indians inhabiting round about us, for the prevention of strife
between us.
“The third sort of bounds were of favor and grace, invented, as I
think, and prosecuted by that noble spirit, now with God, Chad
Brown. Presuming upon the sachems’ grant to me, they exceeded the
letter of the sachems’ deed, so far as reasonably they judged, and
this with promise of satisfaction to any native who should
reasonably desire it. In this third sort of bounds, lay this piece
of meadow hard by Captain Fenner’s ground, which, with two hogs,
William Wickenden gave to W. Field for a small beast, &c.
“Beside these three sort of bounds, there arose a fourth, like the
fourth beast in Daniel, exceeding dreadful and terrible, unto which
the Spirit of God gave no name nor bounds, nor can we in the first
rise of ours, only boundless bounds, or a monstrous beast, above all
other beasts or monsters. Now, as from this fourth wild beast in
Daniel, in the greater world, have arisen all the storms and
tempests, factions and divisions, in our little world amongst us,
and what the tearing consequences yet will be, is only known to the
Most Holy and Only Wise.
“You conclude with your innocence and patience under my clamorous
tongue, but I pray you not to forget that there are two basins.
David had one, Pilate another. David washed his hands in innocence,
and so did Pilate, and so do all parties, all the world over. As to
innocence, my former paper saith something. As to patience, how can
you say you are patient under my clamorous tongue, when that very
speech is most impatient and unchristian? My clamor and crying shall
be to God and men (I hope without revenge or wrath) but for a little
ease, and that yourselves, and they that scorn and hate me most,
may, if the Eternal please, find cooling in that hot, eternal day
that is near approaching. This shall be the continual clamor or cry
of
“Your unworthy
friend and neighbor,
“R. W.
“_Providence, 8th July, 1669, (so called.)_”
This letter is interesting for several reasons. The reference to Mr.
Dexter’s refusal to pay his taxes, from conscientious scruples, shows,
that Mr. Williams accurately discriminated between the rights of
conscience, and a perversion of those rights. It is worthy of notice,
too, that Mr. Williams condemned the conduct of Mr. Dexter, though an
intimate friend; and approved, in part, at least, that of Mr. Harris,
though a bitter hostility existed between them.