M^r L. Martin seconded the Motion.[96]

[96] After Martin's second, according to Yates:

"M^r Madison. I oppose the motion--there are no

difficulties, but they may be obviated in the details

connected with the subject."--Yates, _Secret Proceedings_,

etc., 149.

Col. Hamilton considered the Motion as intended manifestly to transfer

the election from the people to the State Legislatures, which would

essentially vitiate the plan. It would increase that State influence

which could not be too watchfully guarded ag^{st}. All too must admit

the possibility, in case the Gen^l Gov^t sh^d maintain itself, that the

State Gov^{ts} might gradually dwindle into nothing. The system

therefore sh^d not be engrafted on what might possibly fail.

M^r Mason urged the necessity of retaining the election by the people.

Whatever inconveniency may attend the democratic principle, it must

actuate one part of the Gov^t. It is the only security for the rights of

the people.

M^r Sherman, would like an election by the Legislatures best, but is

content with the plan as it stands.

M^r Rutlidge could not admit the solidity of the distinction between a

mediate & immediate election by the people. It was the same thing to act

by oneself, and to act by another. An election by the Legislature would

be more refined than an election immediately by the people: and would be

more likely to correspond with the sense of the whole community. If this

Convention had been chosen by the people in districts it is not to be

supposed that such proper characters would have been preferred. The

Delegates to Cong^s he thought had also been fitter men than would have

been appointed by the people at large.

M^r Wilson considered the election of the 1^{st} branch by the people

not only as the Corner Stone, but as the foundation of the fabric: and

that the difference between a mediate & immediate election was immense.

The difference was particularly worthy of notice in this respect: that

the Legislatures are actuated not merely by the sentiment of the people;

but have an official sentiment opposed to that of the Gen^l Gov^t and

perhaps to that of the people themselves.

M^r King enlarged on the same distinction. He supposed the Legislatures

w^d constantly choose men subservient to their own views as contrasted

to the general interest; and that they might even devise modes of

election that w^d be subversive of the end in view. He remarked several

instances in which the views of a State might be at variance with those

of the Gen^l Gov^t: and mentioned particularly a competition between the

National & State debts, for the most certain & productive funds.

Gen^l Pinkney was for making the State Gov^{ts} a part of the General

System. If they were to be abolished, or lose their agency, S. Carolina

& other States would have but a small share of the benefits of Gov^t.

On the question for Gen^l Pinkney motion to substitute election of the

1^{st} branch in such mode as the Legislatures should appoint, in stead

of its being elected by the people"

Mass^{ts} no. Con^t ay. N. Y. no. N. J. ay. P^a no. Del. ay.

M^d div^d. V^a no. N. C. no. S. C. ay. Geo. no.

General Pinkney then moved that the 1^{st} branch be elected _by the

people_ in such mode as the Legislatures should direct; but waived it on

its being hinted that such a provision might be more properly tried in

the detail of the plan.

The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1 · 第 63 / 114 题