Antre[55] Beauraym et le parc de Hedin,

On moys[56] d'Aoust, qu'on soye les fromens,[57]

M'en aloye jouer[58] par un matin;

Si vi bergiers et bergieres[59] aux champs,

Qui tenoient là leurs parliers moult grans,[60]

Tant que Bochiers dist à Margot la broingne,[61]

Que l'en aloit[62] au traitté à Bouloigne,

Et que François et Anglois feront paix.

Elle respont: "Foy que doy Magueloigne,

Paix n'avez jà s'ilz ne rendent Calays."[63]

Lors vint avant Berthelot du Jardin,

Qui respondit: "La paix suis desirans;

Car je n'ose descouchier[64] le matin.

Pour les Anglois que nous sont destruisans;

Mais dire oy, il a passé dix ans.[65]

Qu'à leur dessoulz quierent tondis aloingne[66]

Pour mettre sus[67] leur fait et leur besoigne,

Et puis courent[68] le regne à grans eslays;[69]

Maint l'out veu,[70] et pour ce je tesmoigne,

Paix n'avez jà s'ilz ne rendent Calays."

Après parla, par grant courroux,[71] Robin

A Berthelot, et lui dist: "Tu te mens,

Car les François et les Anglois enfin

Veulent la paix, il en est dès or temps;[72]

Trop a duré la guerre et li contens,[73]

Ne je ne voy nul qui ne la ressoingne.[74]

Certes, tout ce ne vault une escaloigne."[75]

Ce lui respont Henris li contrefais:[76]

"Encor faulra chascun (prengne) sa broingne;[77]

Paix n'avez jà s'ilz ne rendent Calays.

Car l'autre jour oy maistre Martin,[78]

Qui racontoit le roy est mendre d'ans,[79]

Et qu'il estoit une loy[80] en Latin

Qui deffendoit[81] rien vendre des enfans.[82]

En Guyenne sont deux mille et cinq cens

Villes, chasteauls,[83] qu'Angleis veulent qu'on doingne.[84]

Et grant tas[85] d'or, et que le roy esloigne[86]

De roy en duc l'ommaige[87] qui est fais."

"Qui fera ce?" respon sote Caroingne;[88]

"Paix n'avez jà s'ilz ne rendent Calays."

Guichars si bruns, qui fu nez à Seclin,[89]

Dist que cilz faiz est doubreux et pesans:[90]

Voire, et qu'Englès y pensent mal engin[91]

De retenir ce port, qui est constans.

"Se ce ne fust bien se fussent rendans:[92]

Mais ils pensent barat,[93] guerre, et alloingne[94]

Faire au derrain.[95] Ne le duc de Bourgoingne

Et de Berry ne feroient jamais

Tel paix à eux. Qui voulra si me perdoingne,[96]

Paix n'avez jà s'ilz ne rendent Calays."

ENVOY.

Princes, là fu Bertrisons, et Hersans,

Et Alizons, qui moult orent de sens;[97]

Et jugierent, quand li parlers fu fait,

Que telle paix seroit orde et meschans;[98]

Et concluirent aux bergiers eulx disans:[99]

"Paix n'avez jà s'ilz ne rendent Calays."

FOOTNOTES:

[55] Between.

[56] Month.

[57] When they reap the wheat.

[58] I went to enjoy myself.

[59] I saw shepherds and shepherdesses.

[60] Very great talk.

[61] Stout.

[62] People were going.

[63] By the faith I owe the Magdalene, you will never have peace unless

they restore Calais.

[64] For I do not dare rise from bed.

[65] But I have heard say this ten years gone.

[66] That underneath they seek always delay.

[67] In order to cover.

[68] Overrun.

[69] Rapidity.

[70] Many have seen it.

[71] In great rage.

[72] It is high time for it.

[73] Contention.

[74] Who does not fear it.

[75] Is not worth an onion.

[76] Deformed.

[77] Everyone will still have to take his cuirass.

[78] I heard Master Martin.

[79] A minor.

[80] Law.

[81] Prohibited.

[82] Children's property.

[83] Castles.

[84] Will give.

[85] Heap.

[86] Alienate.

[87] Homage.

[88] Caroingue the fool.

[89] Guichard the brown, who was born at Seclin.

[90] Grave.

[91] It is true that the English have an ill design in their thoughts.

[92] They would restore it.

[93] Strife.

[94] Delay.

[95] To make it last.

[96] Who will, let him pardon me.

[97] Who had much sense.

[98] Disgraceful and injurious.

[99] Saying to them.

SUPPOSED PLOTS (1397).

SOURCE.--Froissart's _Chronicle_ (Hafod Press, 1803), iv. 546,

552, 553.

[This story, given by Froissart and the Monk of St. Denis, both

admirers of Richard, seems to be absolutely unfounded.]

The Duke of Gloucester would gladly have seen this nephew, called John,

Earl of March, on the throne of England, and King Richard deposed from

it, saying he was neither worthy nor capable to hold the government of

England; and this opinion he made no secret of to those who were in his

confidence.

He invited this Earl of March to come and see him; and, when at Pleshy,

he unbosomed himself to him of all the secrets of his heart, telling

him that he had been selected for King of England; that King Richard

and his Queen were to be confined, but with ample provision for their

maintenance, as long as they lived; and he earnestly besought his

nephew to believe all he said, for he should make it a point to put

his plans into execution, and that he was already joined by the Earl

of Arundel, Sir John Arundel, the Earl of Warwick, and many prelates

and barons of England.... The King of England had received positive

information that the Duke of Gloucester and Earl of Arundel had

plotted to seize his person, and that of the Queen, and carry them to

a strong castle, where they should be confined under proper guards,

but allowed sufficiently for their table and other necessary expenses.

That four regents should be appointed over the kingdom, of whom the

Dukes of Lancaster and York were to be the chief, and have under them

the government of all the northern parts, from the Thames to the Tyne,

and as far as the Tweed, that runs by Berwick, and comprehend all

Northumberland, and the borders of Scotland. The Duke of Gloucester was

to have for his government London, Essex, and that part of the country

to the mouth of the Humber, and likewise all the coast from the Thames

to the water of Southampton, and westward comprehending Cornwall. The

Earl of Arundel was to have Sussex, Kent, Surrey, Berkshire, and all

the country from the Thames to Bristol, and the river Severn that

divides England from Wales, where there are very extensive lordships,

with power of punishing by death all offenders. But their chief design

was to find out some means of re-kindling the war with France; and, if

the King of France wished to have his daughter again, it might be done,

for she was still very young, not more than eight years and a half

old, and, perchance, when she was marriageable, she might repent of

this connection, for she was innocently, and without her being able to

judge for herself, married, and, beside, it was unjust to break off her

match with the heir of Brittany; but should she wish to abide by her

marriage, she would in justice remain Queen of England, and enjoy her

dower, but she should never be the companion of the King of England.

Should the King die before she was of a proper age, she was to be sent

back to France.

These were the plans that had been concerted by many of the English,

particularly the Londoners, for they hated the King, and several now

repented they had checked the mobs that attacked London from the

different counties of England; for they had determined, according to

their confessions when put to death, to murder the King, the Earl of

Salisbury, the Earl of Oxford, and the whole of the King's Council.

Had this been done the kingdom would soon have found another head; and

the citizens, with the consent of the country, and the aid of the Duke

of Gloucester (who took great pains to excite trouble and confusion),

have selected a fit person to wear the crown, and place the government

and kingdom in a different state to what it then was.

RICHARD'S REVENGE (JULY, 1397).

SOURCE.--Froissart's _Chronicle_ (Hafod Press, 1803), 558-559,

583-591.

The King under pretence of deer-hunting, went to a palace he had at

Havering-at-the-bower, in Essex: it is about twenty miles from London,

and as many from Pleshy, where the Duke of Gloucester generally

resided. The King set out, one afternoon, from Havering, without many

attendants, for he had left them behind with the Queen at Eltham, and

arrived at Pleshy at about five o'clock; the weather was very hot: and

he came so suddenly to the castle, no one knew of it, until the porter

cried out, "Here is the King!" The Duke of Gloucester had already

supped, for he was very temperate in his diet, and never sat long at

dinner or supper. He immediately went out to meet the King in the court

of the castle, and paid him all the respect due to his sovereign, as

did the duchess and her children.

The King entered the hall and the apartment, where the table was again

laid out for the King, who ate some little; but he had before told

the duke, "Fair uncle, have your horses saddled, not all, but five or

six, for you must accompany me to London, as I am to have a meeting

to-morrow with the citizens; and we shall surely meet my uncles of

Lancaster and York, but I shall advise with you what answer to make to

the Londoners' demands. Tell your house-steward to follow us with your

servants to London, where they will find you." The duke, suspecting

nothing evil intended against him, too easily consented; and the King,

having soon supped, rose from table. Everything being ready, the King

took leave of the duchess and her children, mounted his horse, and the

duke did the same, attended only by three squires and four varlets.

They took their way to Bondelay, to avoid the high road to London, and

Brentwood, with the other towns through which it passes. They rode

hard, for the King pretended impatience to get to London, and conversed

all the way with the Duke of Gloucester. On their arrival at Stratford,

near the Thames, where an ambuscade had been laid, the King galloped

forwards, leaving his uncle behind, on which the earl-marshal advanced

to the rear of the duke, with a large body of men, and said: "I arrest

you in the King's name." The duke was panic-struck, for he saw he had

been betrayed, and cried aloud after the King. I know not if the King

heard him, but he did not turn back, galloping on faster than before,

and followed by his attendants.... The King of England left the Tower

of London at a very early hour, and rode to Eltham, where he remained.

This same day, towards evening, the Earls of Arundel and Warwick were

brought to the Tower by the King's officers, and there confined, to

the great surprise of the citizens. Their imprisonment caused many to

murmur, but they were afraid to act, or do anything against the King's

pleasure, lest they might suffer for it. It was the common conversation

of the knights, squires, and citizens of London and in other towns: "It

is useless or us to say more on this matter, for the Dukes of Lancaster

and of York, brothers to the Duke of Gloucester, can provide a remedy

for all this whenever they please: they assuredly would have prevented

it from happening, if they had suspected the King had so much courage,

or that he would have arrested their brother; but they will repent of

their indolence; and, if they are not instantly active, it will end

badly."

THE "APPEAL" OF THE APPELLANTS (1397).

SOURCE.--_Chronicle of Adam of Usk_ (edited and translated by

Sir E. Maunde Thompson, 1904), 152 _et seq._

[This Parliament was packed by the sheriffs in the King's interest;

his constitutional rule for the past nine years had been a determined

preparation for this moment of revenge.]

A Parliament was holden in London, at Westminster, on St. Lambert's

Day [September 17], a Monday, in the year of our Lord 1397; in which

Parliament I, the writer of this chronicle, was present every day.

In the first place, a speech in the form of a sermon was made by

Edmund Stafford, Bishop of Exeter, then Chancellor, wherein he kept

his discourse to the one point: that the power of the King lay singly

and wholly in the King, and that they who usurped or plotted against

it were worthy of the penalties of the law. Wherefore to the end was

it ordained in Parliament: first, to enquire after those who molest

the power of the King and his royalty; secondly, what penalties such

molesters should receive; thirdly, that things be so ordered that

henceforth such molesting do not ensue....

On the Tuesday [September 18] Sir John Bushy[100] was presented by

the Commons to the King their speaker.... Then straightway spake he

thus before the King: "In that, my lord the King, we are bound by

your dread command to make known to your Royal Highness who they be

who transgressed against your royalty, we say that Thomas Duke of

Gloucester, and Richard Earl of Arundel, did in the tenth year of your

reign traitorously force you, by means of him who is now Archbishop of

Canterbury, and who was then Chancellor, thereby doing you grievous

wrongs, to grant to them a commission to govern your kingdom and to

order its estate, to the prejudice of your majesty and royalty."

And the same day that same commission was made of none effect, with all

and every the acts thereon depending or caused thereby.

Also a general pardon, granted after the great Parliament by their

means, and a special pardon granted to the Earl of Arundel, were

recalled. It was also prayed by the Commons, still by the mouth of

their speaker, that whereas that special pardon had been gotten for a

traitor by Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, then Chancellor

of England, he, the procurer of the same, who should rather by virtue

of his office have been against it, should be declared a traitor. And

the Archbishop rose up, wishing to make answer; but the King said:

"To-morrow." But thenceforth he appeared not there again. The King also

said, as to this petition, that he would take counsel.

Also it was decreed that any man henceforth convicted of acting against

the Government of our lord the King should be declared a false traitor,

and the fitting punishment of treason be awarded to him. Also it was

decreed, with assent of the prelates, that criminal charges henceforth

be determined without their agreement, in every Parliament. And then,

having leave, they withdrew.

Then there was, as is wont to be, some bustle. And thereupon the

King's archers, who, to the number of four thousand, surrounded the

Parliament-house, which was set up to this end in the middle of the

palace-yard, thought that some quarrel or strife had arisen in the

house; and, bending their bows, they drew their arrows to the ear, to

the great consternation of all who were there: but the King quieted

them.

* * * * *

On Friday [September 21], which fell on St. Matthew's Day, the Earls

of Rutland, Kent, Huntingdon, Nottingham, Somerset, Salisbury, the

Lord Despenser and Sir William Scrope, in a suit of red robes of silk

banded with white silk and powdered with letters of gold, set forth the

appeal which they had already proclaimed before the King at Nottingham;

wherein they accused Thomas Duke of Gloucester, Richard Earl of

Arundel, Thomas Earl of Warwick, and Sir Thomas Mortimer, knight of

the aforesaid treasons, and also of armed revolt at Haringhay-park

traitorously raised against the King.

FOOTNOTES:

[100] Walshingham, in his account of this Parliament, adds: "A knight

of the county of Lincoln, a man of great discretion and very eloquent."

THE STATE OF IRELAND (1399).

SOURCE.--_Roll of Proceedings of the King's Council in Ireland_

(Rolls Series), Appendix, 264.

Item. As regards other matters touching the state of the said land, be

it known that the Irish enemies are strong and arrogant and of great

power, and there is neither rule nor power to resist them, for the

English archers are not able, nor are they willing, to ride against

them, without stronger paramount power.

Item. The English families in all parts of the land which are rebels,

as the Butyllers, Powers, Gerardynes, Bermynghames, Daltons, Barrettes,

Dillons, and the others, who will not obey the law nor submit to

justice, but destroy the poor, liege people of the land, and take their

living from them and rob them, will needs be called gentlemen of blood

and idlemen, whereas they are sturdy robbers and are not amenable

to the law, and will make prisoners of the English and put them to

greater duress than do the Irish enemies, and this from default of the

execution of justice.

Item. In addition to this the said English rebels are accomplices of

the Irish enemies and will not displease them, and thus between the one

and the other the loyal English are destroyed and injured.

Item. By the rebellion and falseness of the English rebels on the one

side, and by the war of the Irish enemies on the other, the King has no

profit of the revenues of the land, because the law cannot be executed,

nor any officer dare put it, nor go to put it, in execution.

THE BETRAYAL OF THE KING (AUGUST, 1399).

SOURCE.--_Traison et Mort du Roy Richart_ (English Historical

Society), 195 _et seq._

[Translated from manuscript (Bibliothèque du Roi) No. 904, Fonds St.

Victor.]

Item. The same day that the Earl of Huntingdon, Duke of Exeter, went

to seek the Duke [Henry of Lancaster], he found him lodging in his own

city of Chester, with his army. And that same day, which was Sunday,

the twentieth day of August, the year aforesaid, the duke sent to King

Richard the Earl of Northumberland, who was aged, that the King might

the rather believe his words and not be so overbearing with him as

with a younger person; and the said earl had with him a company of one

hundred lancers and two hundred archers. And know that, as soon as the

Duke of Lancaster and the Earl of Huntingdon had spoken together, the

Earl of Huntingdon sent one of his people, by the command of the duke,

to the Earl of Northumberland, and gave him two letters, one of which

he was to take to the King from his brother, requesting him to believe

the message he should deliver to him, and the other to the Earl of

Northumberland.

It is a truth that the Earl of Northumberland went to King Richard with

(only) seven attendants, for he had left his people in ambush between

two mountains, and had commanded them that they should not stir till

they had tidings from him, or of the King, whom they much longed to

hold. And when the said earl went towards the King, he found him in

an exceedingly strong castle, surrounded on all sides by the sea,

which is called Conway; and thither he went, with all submission, he

and his seven attendants and saluted the King very humbly, as did his

attendants. The King had with him not more than five or six notable

persons....

When the King perceived the said earl, he caused him to rise, and

asked him, "What news?" Then said the earl, "My dear sire, I am sent

to you by your cousin Henry of Lancaster." The King asked him if he

had not met his brother, whom he had sent there. "Yes, dear sire; and

here is a letter he gave me [for you]." The King took the letter and

looked at the seal, and saw that it was the seal of his brother; then

he opened the letter and read it. All that it contained was this:

"My very dear lord; I commend me to you. I hope you will believe the

earl in everything that he shall say to you. For I found the Duke of

Lancaster at my city of Chester, who has a great desire to have a good

peace and agreement with you; and has kept me to attend upon him till

he shall know your pleasure." When the King had read the letter, he

said to the Earl of Northumberland: "Now then, Northumberland, what is

your message?" "My dear sire," said the earl, "my lord of Lancaster has

sent me to you to tell you what he most wishes for in this world is

to have peace and a good understanding with you, and greatly repents,

with all his heart, of the displeasure he hath caused you now and at

other times, and asks nothing of you in this living world, save that

you would consider him as your cousin and friend, and that you would

please only to let him have his land, and that he may be Seneschal of

England as his father and his predecessors have been, and that all

other things of bygone time may be put in oblivion between you two: for

which purpose he hath chosen umpires for yourself and for him; that is

to say, your brother, the Bishop of Carlisle, the Earl of Salisbury,

Maudelyn, and the Earl of Westmorland; and charges these five with [the

arrangement of] the differences that are between you and him. Give me,

if you please, an answer."

Then the King, with the Bishop of Carlisle, the Earl of Salisbury, Sir

Stephen Scrop, Fereiby, and the Gascon squire, withdrew into the chapel

of the castle; and the King said to them: "My lords, you have heard

what the earl says; what think you of it?" To which they replied: "My

lord, do you speak first." The King answered: "It seems to me that a

good peace would be made between us two, if it be as the earl says;

but, in truth, whatever agreement or peace he may make with me, if I

can ever get him into my power, I will cause him to be foully put to

death, just as he hath deserved." The Bishop of Carlisle said: "My

lord, peace is desirable; but it appears to me that it will be well

that you should make the Earl of Northumberland swear upon the Holy

Gospels, and on the body of our Lord, that what he has said is true."

The Earl of Salisbury and others said: "It is well spoken." The King

then said: "Tell Northumberland to come in." Upon which came in the

said earl, who can only be likened to Judas or to Guenelon,[101] for

he falsely perjured himself on the body of our Lord in everything

which he said. When he was in the presence, the King said to him as

follows: "Northumberland, if you will assure us by your loyal oath,

and swear upon the sacred body of our Lord, that what you have told us

from our cousin of Lancaster is true, we will believe you, and will

go and lodge at Flint; and there our good cousin of Lancaster can

come and speak to us." Then said the earl, who was old and venerable:

"Dear sire, I am quite ready to make what oath you wish." Upon which

the King commanded that they should chant the mass, for it was still

early; which he heard with much devotion as well as all his companions,

for he was a true Catholic. When mass had been chanted, he caused the

Earl of Northumberland to come forward, who placed his hand upon the

body of our Lord which was upon the altar in the presence of the King

and of the lords, and swore that all that he had said to the King from

Henry of Lancaster was true; in which he perjured himself wickedly and

falsely. After the oath had been taken, the King and those present

went to dinner, and the King ordered that everyone should get ready to

set out to go to Flint after dinner. When dinner was over, the King

said to the earl: "Northumberland, for God's sake, be sure you consider

well what you have sworn, for it will be to your damnation if it be

untrue." The earl replied: "Dear sire, if you find it untrue, treat me

as you ought to do a traitor." "Well, then," said the King, "we will

go to Flint trusting in God and in our opinion of your honesty." "Dear

sire," said the earl, "I will go forward to order your supper, and will

tell to my lord the duke what I have done." The King replied: "Go": and

the false earl said, on setting out: "Dear sire, make haste, for it is

already two o'clock or thereabouts." The earl then left, with his seven

attendants, as he had arrived, and rode to the mountain where he had

left his men in ambush, who all made very merry, for he said to them:

"We shall very soon have what we are looking for...."

War and Misrule (1307-1399) · 第 8 / 9 段