valley, and, when Northumberland came back to meet him, questioned
him as follows: "What people are those who are below in the valley?"
The earl replied: "My lord, I do not know: I have seen none." "Look
before you then," said the Earl of Salisbury; "there they are." "By
St. John!" said the Bishop of Carlisle, "I believe they are your men,
for I distinguish your banner." "Northumberland," said the King, "if
I thought you wished to betray me, I would return to Conway!" "By
St. George! my lord," replied the earl, "you shall not return for
this month to come; for I shall conduct you to my lord, the Duke of
Lancaster, as I have promised him." As he spoke Erpingham came up with
all the people of the earl, his trumpets sounding aloud. The King and
his companions then saw well enough that they had been betrayed; and
said the King to the earl: "The God upon whom you have sworn reward
you and all your accomplices at the day of judgment!" Then turning to
his companions who were weeping, he said with a sigh: "Ah! my good and
faithful friends, we are all betrayed and given without cause into
the hands of our enemies; for God's sake have patience, and call to
mind our Saviour, who was undeservedly sold and given into the hands
of his enemies." "Dear sire," said the good Earl of Salisbury, "we
will patiently submit to our lot with you since it is the will of
God." So discoursing, with tears and lamentations, they came to Flint,
where they lodged the King and his companions in the castle; and the
earl and Erpingham set a strong guard over them: which done, the earl
immediately took five horsemen, and rode to Chester to relate to the
Duke of Lancaster how he had captured the King and conducted him to
Flint.
FOOTNOTES:
[101] A notorious traitor, torn to pieces at Aix-la-Chapelle by order
of Charlemagne.
ABDICATION AND DEATH (1399).
SOURCE.--Froissart's _Chronicle_ (Hafod Press, 1803), iv., pp.
668, 675, 688.
King Richard was released from his prison, and entered the hall that
had been prepared for the occasion, royally dressed, the sceptre in his
hand and the crown on his head, but without supporters on either side.
He addressed the company as follows: "I have reigned King of England,
Duke of Aquitaine, and Lord of Ireland, about twenty-two years, which
royalty, lordship, sceptre and crown, I now freely and willingly resign
to my cousin, Henry of Lancaster, and entreat of him, in the presence
of you all, to accept this sceptre."
He then tendered the sceptre to the Duke of Lancaster, who took it and
gave it to the Archbishop of Canterbury. King Richard next raised the
crown with his two hands from his head, and, placing it before him,
said: "Henry, fair cousin, and Duke of Lancaster, I present and give to
you this crown, with which I was crowned King of England, and all the
rights dependent on it...."
The inhabitants of Bourdeaux, Dax and Bayonne, were lost in
astonishment when they heard that their lord, King Richard, had been
arrested and was confined in the Tower of London, his principal
counsellors executed, and Duke Henry of Lancaster crowned King, and
would not at first believe that such melancholy events had happened in
England; but as the reports were confirmed daily by fresh intelligence
they were constrained to think them true. The gates of the three cities
were closed, and no person whatever suffered to go out, from the sorrow
they were in, more particularly those of Bourdeaux, for King Richard
had been educated among them. They were sincerely attached to him,
and he always received them kindly when they waited on him, inclining
naturally to comply with every request they made him. On first hearing
of his misfortune, they said: "Ah, Richard, gentle king! by God, you
are the most honourable man in your realm. This mischief has been
brewed for you by the Londoners, who never loved you, and their dislike
was still increased by your alliance with France. This misfortune is
too great for us to bear. Ah, King Richard! they have acknowledged
you their Sovereign two and twenty years, and now they imprison you,
and will put you to death; for, since they have crowned the Duke of
Lancaster King, that consequence must follow...."
It was not long after this that a true report was current in London of
the death of Richard of Bourdeaux. I could not learn the particulars
of it, nor how it happened, the day I wrote these chronicles. Richard
of Bourdeaux, when dead, was placed on a litter covered with black,
and a canopy of the same. Four black horses were harnessed to it, and
two varlets in mourning conducted the litter, followed by four knights
dressed also in mourning. Thus they left the Tower of London, where
he had died, and paraded the streets at a foot's pace until they came
to Cheapside, which is the greatest thoroughfare in the city, and
there they halted for upwards of two hours. More than twenty thousand
persons, of both sexes, came to see the King, who lay in the litter,
his head on a black cushion, and his face uncovered.
Some pitied him when they saw him in this state, but others not,
saying he had for a long time deserved death. Now consider, ye kings,
lords, dukes, prelates and earls, how very changeable the fortunes of
this world are. This King Richard reigned twenty-two years in great
prosperity, and with much splendour; for there never was a King of
England who expended such sums, by more than one hundred thousand
florins, as King Richard did in keeping up his state and his household
establishments. I, John Froissart, canon and treasurer of Chimay, know
it well, for I witnessed and examined it, during my residence with him,
for a quarter of a year.
THE CHARACTER OF RICHARD II., AS DESCRIBED BY A MONK OF EVESHAM.
SOURCE.--_Vita R. Ricardi II._ (ed. Hearne, 1729), 169.
King Richard was of common stature. His hair was yellow, his face
white, round, and effeminate, sometimes flushed; he was abrupt and
stammering in his speech, capricious in his ways, since spurning
the counsels of the elder nobles, he adhered rather to that of the
young. In his gifts he was prodigal, in his banquets and dress
splendid beyond measure, timid and unsuccessful in war against foreign
enemies, ill-tempered with his domestics, arrogant, rapacious, and
too much given over to luxury. He was a great lover of late hours,
so that sometimes till midnight, sometimes till morning, he would
remain drinking and committing other unspeakable excesses. Grievously
extorting tithes and taxes, and other subsidies, from his people,
throughout his reign, scarcely a year passed in which he did not
have a tenth, or a fifteenth, or their halves, from Parliament.
And while these grants came into his treasury, under pretext of
repelling national enemies, everything was foolishly wasted upon his
extravagances.
However, there were two praiseworthy features to be found in him: the
one, that he loved and promoted the Church of God and the persons of
the clergy, especially the Black Monks; the other, that he endowed the
Church of Westminster with rents to the value of 500 marks to pray for
the salvation of his soul on his anniversary, although he is not buried
there. May God have mercy on his soul. Amen.
RICHARD THE REDELESS (1399).
SOURCE.--William Langland's _Richard the Redeless_ (about
1362-1399).
PROLOGUS II. 1-36.
And as I passid in my preire[102] . ther prestis[103] were at messe,
In a blessid borugh[104] . that Bristow[105] is named,
In a temple of the trinite . the toune even amyddis,[106]
That Cristis chirche is cleped[107] . amonge the comune peple,
Sodeynly ther sourdid[108] . selcouthe[109] thingis,
A grett wondir to wyse men . as it well mygth,[110]
And dowtes[111] ffor to deme[112] . ffor drede comynge after.
So sore were the sawis[113] . of bothe two sidis,
Of Richard that regned . so riche and so noble,
That whyle he werrid[114] be west . on the wilde Yrisshe,
Henrri was entrid[115] . on the est half,
Whom all the londe loued . in lengthe and in brede,
And ros with him rapely[116] . to rightyn his wronge,
Ffor he shulde hem serue . of the same after.
Thus tales me troblid . ffor they trewe were,
And amarride[117] my minde rith moche[118] . and my wittis eke:[119]
Ffor it passid[120] my parceit[121] . and my preifis[122] also,
How so wondirffull werkis . wolde haue an ende.
But in sothe whan they sembled . some dede repente,
As knowyn is in cumpas . of Cristen londis,
That rewthe[123] was, if reson . ne had reffourmed
The myssecheff and the mysserule . that men tho in endurid.[124]
I had pete[125] of his passion . that prince was of Walis,
And eke our crouned kynge . till Crist woll no lenger;
And as a lord to his liage . though I lite[126] hade,
All myn hoole herte[127] was his . while he in helthe regnid.
And ffor I wuste not witterly[128] . what shulde ffall,
Whedir God wolde geue[129] him grace . sone to amende,
To be oure gioure[130] ageyn . or graunte it another,
This made me to muse . many tyme and ofte,
For to written him a writte[131] . to wissen[132] him better,
And to meuve him of mysserewle . his mynde to reffresshe,
Ffor to preise[133] the prynce . that paradise made,
To fullfill him with ffeith . and ffortune aboue,
And not to grucchen a grott[134] . ageine godis sonde[135]
But mekely to suffre . what so him sente were.
* * * * *
PASSUS PRIMUS.
Now, Richard the redeless[136] . reweth[137] on you-self
That lawelesse leddyn youre lyf . and youre peple bothe;[138]
Ffor thoru the wyles and wronge . and wast in your tyme,
Ye were lyghtlich y-lyfte . ffrom that you leef thoughte,[139]
And ffrom youre willffull werkis: youre will was channgid,
And rafte was youre riott . and rest,[140] ffor youre daiez
Weren wikkid thoru youre cursid counceill . youre karis[141] weren newed,
And coueitise hath crasid[142] . youre croune ffor euere!
_Radix omnium malorum cupiditas._[143]
Of alegeaunce now lerneth . a lesson other tweyne,
Wher-by it standith . and stablithe moste--
By drede, or by dyntis[144] . or domes untrewe,[145]
Or by creaunce of coyne . ffor castes of gile,[146]
By pillynge[147] of youre peple . youre prynces to plese;
Or that youre wylle were wroughte . though wisdom it nolde;
Or be tallage of youre townes . without ony werre,
By rewthles routus[148] . that ryffled euere,
By preysinge of polaxis[149] . that no pete hadde,
Or be dette ffor thi dees . deme as thou ffyndist;
Or be ledinge of lawe . with loue well ytemprid,[150]
* * * * *
Ffor legiaunce without loue . litill thinge availith.
But graceles gostis[151] . gylours[152] of hem-self,
That neuere had harnesse . ne hayle-schouris,[153]
But walwed in her willis[154] . ffor-weyned[155] in here youthe,
They sawe no manere sizth . saff solas and ese,[156]
And cowde no mysse amende . whan mysscheff was vp,
But sorwed ffor her lustus . of lordschipe they hadde,[157]
And neuere ffor her trespas[158] . oo tere wolde they lete![159]
* * * * *
PASSUS II.[160]
But moche now me merueilith[161] . and well may I in sothe,
Of youre large leuerey[162] . to leodis[163] aboute,
That ye so goodliche gaf[164] . but if gile letted,[165]
As hertis y-heedyd[166] . and hornyd of kynde,[167]
So ryff[168] as they ronne . youre rewme[169] thoru-oute
That non at youre nede[170] . youre name wolde nempne,[171]
In ffersnesse ne in ffoltheed,[172] . but ffaste ffle away-ward,
And some stode astonyed[173] . and stared ffor drede,
Ffor eye of the egle[174] . that oure helpe broughte.
* * * * *
Now liste[175] me to lerne . ho[176] me lere[177] coude,
What kynnes conceyll[178] . that the kyng had,
Or meued him most . to merke his liegis,[179]
Or serue hem with signes[180] . that swarmed so thikke,
Thoru-oute his lond . in lengthe and in brede,
That ho so had hobblid . thoru holtes and tounes,
Or y-passid the patthis . ther the prynce dwellyd,
Of hertis or hyndis . on hassellis brestis,
Or some lordis leveré . that the lawe stried,
He should have ymette . mo than ynowe,[181]
Ffor they accombrede[182] the contré . and many curse seruid,[183]
And carped[184] to the Comounes . with the kyngys mouthe,
Or with the lordis . ther they belefte[185] were
That no renke[186] shulde rise . reson to schewe;
They plucked the plomayle[187] . ffrom the pore skynnes,
And schewed her signes[188] . ffor men shulde drede,
To axe ony mendis . ffor her mys-dedis.[189]
* * * * *
So trouthe to telle . as toune-men said,
Ffor on that ye merkyd[190] . ye myssed ten schore
Of homeliche hertis[191] . that the harme hente.
Thane was it ffoly . in ffeith, as me thynketh
To sette siluer in signes . that of nought serued
I not what you eylid[192] . but if it ese[193] were;
Ffor frist at youre anoyntynge . alle were youre owene,
Both hertis and hyndis . and helde of non other;
No lede[194] of youre lond . but as a liege aughte,[195]
Tyl ye, of youre dulnesse . deseuerance made,
Thoru youre side[196] signes . that shente all the browet,
And cast adoun the crokk . the colys amyd.[197]
FOOTNOTES:
[102] Prayer.
[103] Priests.
[104] Borough.
[105] Bristol.
[106] In the middle of.
[107] Named.
[108] Arose (Lat. _surgere_).
[109] Wonderful.
[110] Might.
[111] Doubts.
[112] Think.
[113] Sayings.
[114] Made war in.
[115] Entered.
[116] Rapidly.
[117] Disturbed.
[118] Very much.
[119] Also.
[120] Surpassed.
[121] Power of perception.
[122] Experience.
[123] Pity.
[124] Continued in.
[125] Pity.
[126] Little.
[127] My whole heart.
[128] Because I did not know for certain.
[129] Give.
[130] Guide.
[131] A writing.
[132] To show.
[133] More probably "preie" = pray.
[134] Not to grumble a groat--namely, not to grumble at all.
[135] God's visitation.
[136] Devoid of counsel (_cf._ Ethelred the _Unready_).
[137] Have pity.
[138] That lawless _led_ your life and _ruled_ your people.
[139] You were lightly lifted from that you thought dear.
[140] Your indulgence and rest were taken away.
[141] Cares.
[142] Covetousness has cracked.
[143] Cupidity is the root of all evils.
[144] Blows.
[145] Unjust judgments.
[146] By borrowing of coin for fraudulent contrivances.
[147] Pillaging.
[148] Ruthless gangs.
[149] Appraising by means of the King's officers. _Polaxis_ (=
pole-axes) here denote the men who used them--_i.e._, the King's
officers.
[150] The writer asks the King how is allegiance best promoted among
subjects--by dread, blows, unjust judgments, bad coinage, pillage of
the people, self-will of the King, taxes imposed in time of peace and
exacted by pitiless plunderers, and "by debts thou contractest in
dice-playing, judge as thou findest," or by guidance of the law, well
tempered with love?
[151] Spirits. An allusion to the King's favourites--De Vere, De la
Pole, etc.
[152] Deceivers.
[153] That never wore harness, nor felt showers of hail.
[154] Wallowed in their wills.
[155] Pampered.
[156] They saw no kind of sight, save amusement and ease.
[157] But sorrowed for their pleasures of lordship once enjoyed.
[158] Their trespasses.
[159] One tear would they let fall.
[160] The author is here inveighing against the King's servants,
particularly against their wearing badges.
[161] I marvel.
[162] Livery.
[163] Men.
[164] Liberally gave.
[165] Unless fraud hindered.
[166] Antlered harts. The white hart was the favourite badge of Richard
II.
[167] Horned by nature.
[168] Rife.
[169] Realm.
[170] In the time of your need.
[171] Name. Whoever wore a lord's livery was bound in honour to espouse
the cause of the donor in any quarrel.
[172] Neither in fierceness nor in folly.
[173] Astonished.
[174] For awe of the eagle. The eagle represents Henry, Duke of
Lancaster, afterwards Henry IV.
[175] It would please.
[176] Whoever.
[177] Teach.
[178] What sort of advice.
[179] To mark his servants.
[180] Or serve them with signs--_e.g._, badges.
[181] Whoso had travelled through woods and towns, or passed the roads
where the Prince dwelt, would see more than enough of hearts and hinds
on retainers' breasts, or else the livery of some lord who destroyed
the law.
[182] Cumbered.
[183] Deserved.
[184] Talked.
[185] Left.
[186] Man.
[187] Plumage.
[188] Their badges.
[189] In order that men should be afraid to ask any amendment against
their misdeeds.
[190] _I.e._, gave a badge to.
[191] Homely hearts. There is a play on the words "heart" and "hart":
"For one that you marked with a hart's badge you lost ten score of
homely hearts."
[192] Ailed.
[193] Luxuriousness.
[194] Man.
[195] Ought.
[196] Wide.
[197] That spilt all the broth and upset the pot among the coals.
ISABELLA OF FRANCE RETURNS TO HER OWN COUNTRY (1399).
SOURCE.--_Archæologia_ (London, 1824), xx. 237-241.
[Translation of a French Metrical History of the Deposition of Richard
II.]
The English were disposed to fulfil her restoration to her country,
together with all the jewels which she had, when, after her marriage,
she quitted France. She then passed through France to Paris, where her
coming caused many a tear and smile.[198] Let us now beseech God, who
humbly suffered his naked body to be suspended upon the Cross, for the
redemption and restoration of sinners from the false foes of hell, that
he will speedily avenge the great evils and ingratitude, the outrage
and injustice, which the wicked English have committed against their
King and Queen. For I protest to you of a truth, that I greatly desire
to behold this, on account of the wickedness which I have seen among
them. And if every one knew their disposition and how they hate the
French I firmly believe that before three months were passed we should
see many a vessel filled with men and stores to make war upon them. For
anyone may plainly see that they are a very wicked people and negligent
to do well. And if I have spoken too freely of them in any way which
may displease, I humbly and heartily beg pardon. For I solemnly declare
that, according to my ability, I have uttered no evil or slander of
them whereof they have not been guilty. Because I beheld their actions
for seven whole months, and rode with them in many countries, and
parts of Ireland and England. The good Earl of Salisbury also, when he
was taken with King Richard, was pleased most earnestly to request,
and humbly entreat me, that I would publish the whole of their bad
behaviour and disloyal treason. And, certes, I promised it him with
free will and loyal heart. For which cause, I have taken the trouble to
fulfil the promise that I made him, in the great sorrow and peril in
the which I left him. Besides, I am sure that the truth of the taking
of the King, and how he was falsely drawn out of his strong and fair
castles in Wales, by treaty and parley with the Earl of Northumberland,
could have been little known. So I sincerely beseech all those, who
shall read to the end of this treatise, which I have made concerning
the English and their affairs, that if I have committed any fault in
rhyme or in prose, or in elegance of rhyme, they would have me excused
because I am not skilled therein. Amen.
FOOTNOTES:
[198] In Monstrellet's _Chronicle_ it is stated that though Isabella
was "most honourably sent over," yet there was "no rent nor revenue
assigned for her dowry; whereat many of the princes of France were not
well content with the said King of England; and greatly desired that
the King of France would prepare war upon him."
APPENDIX
EDUCATION IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY
A NORMAL SCHOOLBOY.
SOURCE.--Harleian MS. 2255, fols. 60-61_b_.
[From Dan John Lydgate's Testament. Lydgate was born in 1389, and
probably sent at an early age to a monastic school.]
Duryng the tyme of this sesoun _ver_
I meene the seson / of my yeerys greene
Gynning fro childhood / streechithe up so fer
to the yeerys / accountyd ful Fifteene
bexperience / as it was wel seene
The gerisshe seson / straunge of condicions
Dispoosyd to many / unbridlyd passiouns
Voyd of reson / yove to wilfulnesse
Froward to vertu / of thrift gaf litil heede
loth to lerne / lovid no besynesse
Sauf pley or merthe / straunge to spelle or reede
Folwyng al appetites / longng to childheede
lihtly tournyng wylde / and seelde sad
Weepyng for nouht / and anoon afftir glad
For litil wroth / to stryve with my felawe
As my passiouns / did my bridil leede
Of the yeerde somtyme / I stood in awe
to be scooryd / that was al my dreede
loth toward scole / lost my tyme in deede
lik a yong colt / that ran with-owte brydil
Made my freendys / ther good to spend in ydll
I hadde in custom / to come to scole late
Nat for to lerne / but for a contenaunce
With my felawys / reedy to debate
to jangle and jape / was set al my plesaunce
wherof rebukyd / this was my chevisaunce
to forge a lesyng / and thereupon to muse
Whan I trespasyd / my silven to excuse
To my bettre / did no reverence
Of my sovereyns / gaf no fors at al
Wex obstynat / by inobedience.
Ran in to gardyns / applys ther I stal
To gadre frutys / sparyd hegg nor wal
to plukke grapys / in othir mennys vynes
Was moor reedy / than for to seyn matynes
My lust was al / to scorne folk and jape
Shrewde tornys / evir among to use
to skoffe and mowe / lyk a wantoun Ape
Whan I did evil / othre I did accuse.
My wittys five / in wast I did abuse
Rediere chirstoonys / for to telle
Than gon to chirche / or heere the sacry belle.
Loth to ryse / lother to bedde at eve
With unwassh handys / reedy to dyneer
My _pater noster_ /, my _Crede_, or my beleeve
Cast at the Cok /, loo this was my maneer
Wavid with eche wynd / as doth a reed speer
Snybbed of my frendys / such techchys for ta mende
Made deff ere / lyst nat / to them attende.
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION.
During the years of my boyhood, up to fifteen, I was void of reason,
prone to wilfulness, and loved no work but play and mirth. I loved
to fight, but stood in awe of being scored by the rod. Loth towards
school, I lost my time like a young colt without bridle. I came to
school late, and was always ready to talk, and lied to get off blame.
I mocked my masters, and was always disobedient. I stole apples and
grapes. My delight was to mock and play tricks on people. I liked
counting cherry stones better than church. I disliked getting up and
going to bed: came to dinner with unwashed hands, and threw my _Pater
noster_, etc., at the cook. I was deaf to the snubbings of my friends.
BEGGAR'S BRATS ARE BOOK-LEARNED.
SOURCE.--Langland's _Pierce the Ploughman's Crede_ (ed. Skeat),
ll. 744-764.
Now mot ich soutere hys sone . seten to schole,
And ich a beggares brol . on the book lerne,
And worth to a writere . and with a lorde dwelle
Other falsly to a frere . the fend for to serven;
So of that beggares brol . a bychop shal worthen,
Among the peres of the lond . prese to sytten,
And lordes sones lowly . to the losels alowte,
Knyghtes crouketh hem to . and cruccheth ful lowe;
And his syre a soutere . y-suled in grees
His teeth with toylyng of lether . tatered as a sawe
Alaas! that lordes of the londe . leveth swiche wrecchen,
And leveth swych lorels . for her lowe wordes.
They shulden maken bichopes her owen bretheren childre
Other to som gentil blod. And so yt best semed,
And fostre none faytoures . ne swich false freres
To maken fat and fulle . and her flesh combren.
For her kynde were more . to y-clense diches
Than ben to sopers y-set first . and served with sylver
A grete bolle-ful of benen . were better in hys wombe
And with the bandes of bakun . his baly for to fillen
Than pertryches or plovers . or pecockes y-rosted.
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION.
Now every cobbler's son and beggar's brat becomes book-learned and a
writer and dwells with a lord. The beggar's brat becomes a bishop,
and lords' sons crouch before him, and his father a cobbler, soiled
with grease, and his teeth jagged as a saw with working on leather!
Alas! that the lords of the land love such as these; they should make
gentlemen bishops, not these, who are more fit to clean dishes than sit
in places of honour at supper, and be served with silver; and ought to
eat beans and bacon rind, not partridges, or plovers, or roast peacocks.
CAUSES OF THE IMPAIRING OF OUR LANGUAGE.
SOURCE.--Malcom's _Manners and Customs of London_ (London,
1811), 65, [quoting Higden in his _Polychronicon_: translated by
Trevisa].
"One is because children that go to school learn to speak first
English, and then are compelled to construe their lessons in French,
and that has been the custom since the Normans came to England. Also
gentlemen's children are learned and taught from their youth to speak
French, and uplandish men will counterfeit and liken themselves to
gentlemen, and are busy to speak French, for to be more set by;
wherefore it is said by the common proverb: 'Jack would be a gentleman
if he could speak French.'"
[Trevisa, the translator, adds: "This manner was much used before the
great death (1349 or 1361), but since it is some deal changed; for Sir
John Cornwall, a master of grammar, changed the teaching in grammar
schools and construction of French; and other schoolmasters use the
same way now in the year of our Lord 1365, the 9th year of King Richard
the Second, and leave all French in schools and use all construction in
English; wherein they have advantage one way, that is, they learn the
sooner their grammar; and in another, disadvantage, for now they learn
no French, nor con none, which is hurt for them that shall pass the
sea; and also gentlemen have much left[199] to teach these children to
speak French."]
FOOTNOTES:
[199] Difficulty.
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