§ 152. _The sham fight._--After the pole was anointed, the chiefs spoke

of pretending to engage with enemies. So a member of the [K]a^nze gens

(in modern times Mitcáqpe-jiñga or Maja^n´ha-¢i^n held this office) was

ordered by the keeper of the pole to summon the stout-hearted young men

to engage in the combat. Mitcaqpe-jiñga used to go to each brave man and

tell him quietly to come to take part in the fight. According to some he

proclaimed thus: "Ye young men, decorate yourselves and come to play.

Come and show yourselves." Then the young men assembled. Some put on

head-dresses of eagles' feathers, others wore ornaments of crow feathers

(and skins of coyotes) in their belts. Some decorated their horses.

Some were armed with guns; others with bows and arrows. The former

loaded their weapons with powder alone; the latter pulled their

bow-strings, as if against foes, but did not shoot the arrows.

The flaps of the skins in front of the long tent were raised from the

ground and kept up by means of the isag¢e or forked sticks. Within the

long tent were seated the chiefs (ten of them?--see above) and the two

keepers of the sacred tents. The chiefs had made four grass figures in

the shape of men, which they set up in front of the long tent.

After the young men assembled they rode out of the circle and went back

towards a hill. Then they used to send some one on foot to give the

alarm. This man ran very swiftly, waving his blanket, and saying, "We

are attacked!" All at once the horsemen appeared and came to the tribal

circle, around which they rode once. When they reached the Weji^ncte and

Ictasanda tents they dispersed, each one going wherever he pleased. Then

the occupants of the long tent took the places of the horsemen, being

thenceforth regarded as Dakotas. As soon as the horsemen dispersed the

pursuers of the foe started out from all parts of the tribal circle,

hastening towards the front of the long tent to attack the supposed

Dakotas. These pursuers evidently included many of the horsemen. They

shot first at the grass figures, taking close aim at them, and knocking

them down each time that they fired. Having shot four times at them,

they dismounted and pretended to be cutting up the bodies. This also was

done four times. Next the pursuers passed between the grass figures and

the place where the "ʇa" had been, in order to attack the occupants of

the long tent. Four times did they fire at one another, and then the

shooting ceased. Then followed the smoking of the two sacred pipes as

tokens of peace. These were filled by a member of the Hañga gens and

lighted by some one else. (See Sacred Pipes, § 17.) They were carried

first to the chiefs in the long tent, and then over to the young men

representing the pursuers. Here and there were those who smoked them.

The pipes were taken around four times. Then they were consigned by the

keeper of the pole to one of the men of his sub-gens, who took them back

to their own tent. When he departed he wrapped around them one of the

offerings made by the brave men to the sacred pole. He returned the

bundle to the keeper of the pipes without saying a word.

The writer has not been able to learn whether the ʇe-sa^n-ha was ever

exposed to public gaze during this ceremony or at any other time. Frank

La Flèche does not know.

After the anointing of the pole (and the conclusion of the sham fight)

its keeper took it back to its tent. This was probably at or after the

time that the sacred pipes were returned to the Iñke-sabě tent.

The tent skins used for the covering of the long tent consisted of those

belonging to the two sacred tents of the Hañga, and of as many others as

were required.

§ 153. _The Hede-watci._--Sometimes the ceremonies ended with the sham

fight, in which event the people started homeward, especially when they

were in a great hurry. But when time allowed the sham fight was followed

by a dance, called the Héde-watci[´]. When it occurred it was not under

the control of the keepers of the two sacred tents, but of the Iñke-sabe

keeper of the two sacred pipes.

On the evening of the day when the sham fight took place, the chiefs

generally assembled, and consulted together about having the dance. But

the proposition came from the keeper of the pipes. Then the chiefs said,

"It is good to dance." The dance was appointed for the following day. On

the morrow five, six, or seven of the Iñke-sabě men, accompanied by one

of their women, went in search of a suitable tree. According to La

Flèche and Two Crows, when the tree was found, the woman felled it with

her ax, and the men carried it on their shoulders back to the camp,

marching in Indian file. Frank La Flèche says that the tree was cut

during the evening previous to the dance; and early the next morning,

all the young men of the tribe ran a race to see who could reach the

tree first. (With this compare the tradition of the race for the sacred

pole, § 36, and the race for the tree, which is to be used for the

sun-dance, as practiced among the Dakotas). He also says that when the

sham fight ended early in the afternoon, the Hede-watci could follow the

same day. (In that event, the tree had to be found and cut on the

preceding day, and the race for it was held early in the morning before

the anointing of the sacred pole.) In the race for the tree, the first

young man who reached it and touched it, could carry the larger end on

his shoulder; the next one who reached it walked behind the first as

they bore the tree on their shoulders; and so on with the others, as

many as were needed to carry the tree, the last one of whom had to touch

the extreme end with the tips of his fingers. The rest of the young men

walked in single file after those who bore the tree. Frank La Flèche

never heard of the practice of any sacred rites previous to the felling

of the tree. Nothing was prepared for the tree to fall on, nor did they

cause the tree to fall in any particular direction, as was the case when

the Dakotas procured the tree for the sun-dance.[14]

In the sun-dance, the man who dug the "ujéʇi" in the middle of the

tribal circle for the sun-pole had to be a brave man, and he was obliged

to pay for the privilege. Frank La Flèche could not tell whether there

were similar requirements in the case of him who dug the ujéʇi for the

pole in the Hede-watci; nor could he tell whether the man was always

chosen from the Iñke-sabě gens.

[14] None of the questions answered by Frank La Flèche were asked by the

writer while Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows were in Washington; it was

not till he heard Miss Fletcher's article on the Dakota sun-dance that

it occurred to him that similar customs might have been practiced by the

Omahas in this Hede-watci.

When the men who bore the tree reached the camp they planted it in the

ujeʇi,[15] or hole in the ground, which had been dug in the center of

the tribal circle. After the planting of the tree, from which the

topmost branches had not been cut, an old man of the gens was sent

around the tribal circle as crier. According to Big Elk, he said, "You

are to dance! You are to keep yourselves awake by using your feet!" This

implied that the dance was held at night; but Frank La Flèche says that

none of the regular dancing of the Hede-watci occurred at night, though

there might be other dancing then, as a sort of preparation for the

Hede-watci. In like manner, Miss Fletcher told of numerous songs and

dances, not part of the sun-dance, which preceded that ceremony among

the Dakotas.

The Iñke-sabě men cut some sticks in the neighborhood of their tents and

sent them around the camp, one being given to the chief of each gens.

Then the latter said to his kinsmen, "They have come to give us the

stick because they wish us to take part in the dance." Then all the

people assembled for the dance. In modern times, those who thought much

of themselves (chiefs and others) did not go to witness this dance, but

staid at home, as did Joseph La Flèche. Nearly all the young men and

boys wore nothing but their breech-cloths, and their bodies were smeared

over with white clay. Here and there were young men who wore gay

clothing. The women and girls wore good dresses, and painted the

partings of their hair and large round spots on their cheeks with red

paint. Near the pole were the elder men of the Iñke-sabě gens, wearing

robes with the hair outside; some of them acted as singers and others

beat the drums and rattles; they never used more than one or two drums

and four gourd rattles. It is not certain which Iñke-sabě men acted as

singers, and which ones beat the drums and rattles. When Frank La Flèche

witnessed this dance he says that the singers and other musicians sat on

the west side of the pole and outside the circle of the dancers; but

Joseph La Flèche, Two Crows, and Big Elk agreed in saying that their

place was within the circle of the dancers and near the pole. This was

probably the ancient rule, from which deviations have been made in

recent times. The two sacred pipes occupied important places in this

dance; each one was carried on the arm of a young man of the gens, but

it was not filled.[16] These two young men were the leaders of the

dance, and from this circumstance originated the ancient proper name,

[T]a^n¢i^n-na^nba, Two Running. According to Frank La Flèche, these two

young men began the dance on the west side of the pole, standing between

the pole and the singers. The songs of this dance were sacred, and so

they are never sung except during this ceremony. Of the members of the

tribe, those on foot danced around the pole, while those who wished to

make presents were mounted and rode round and round the circle of the

dancers. The men and boys danced in a peculiar course, going from west

to south, thence east and north, but the women and girls followed the

course of the sun, dancing from the east to the south, thence by the

west to the north. The male dancers were nearer the pole, while the

females danced in an outer circle. When a horseman wished to make a

present he went to one of the bearers of the sacred pipes, and, having

taken the pipe by the stem, he held it toward the man to whom he desired

to give his horse. The man thus favored, took the end of the stem into

his mouth without touching it with his hand and pretended to be smoking,

while the other man held the pipe for him ("ui¢a^n"). The recipient of

the gift then expressed his thanks by extending his hands, with the

palms towards the donor, saying, "Hau, kageha!" _Thanks, my friend!_

Each male dancer carried a stick of hard willow trimmed at the bottom,

but having the branches left at the top (in imitation of the cottonwood

pole). Each stick was about five feet high, and was used as a staff or

support by the dancers. After all had danced four times around the

circle, all the males threw their sticks toward the pole; the young men

threw theirs forcibly in sport, and covered the heads of the singers and

musicians, who tried to avoid the missiles; This ended the ceremony,

when all the people went to their respective tents. Those who received

the horses went through the camp, yelling the praises of the donors.

[15] This word "ujeʇi" appears to be the Dakota "otceti," _fire-place_,

expressed in Omaha notation. As the household fire-place is in the

center of the lodge, so the tribal fire-place was in the center of the

tribal circle.

[16] Frank Fa Flèche said that the two pipes used in the Hede-watci were

the weawa^n, from which the ducks' heads were removed, and instead of

them were put on the red pipe bowls of the sacred pipes. (See § 30.)

§ 154. _Division of the tribe into two hunting parties during the summer

hunt._--Sometimes the tribe divided, each party taking in a different

route in search of the buffalo. In such cases each party made its

camping circle, but without pitching the tents according to the gentes;

all consanguinities and affinities tried to get together. Those who

belonged to the party that did not have the two sacred Hañga tents could

not perform any of the ceremonies which have been described in §§ 143

and 151. All that they could do was to prepare the hides and meat for

future use. They had nothing to do with the anointing of the sacred

pole, sham fight, and Hede-watci, which ceremonies could not be

performed twice during the year.

§ 155. When the two parties came together again, if any person in either

party had been killed, some one would throw himself on the ground as

soon as they got in sight, as a token to the others of what had

occurred.

§ 156. _Two tribes hunting together._--Occasionally two tribes hunted

together, as was often the case with the Omahas and Ponkas. Frank La

Flèche says that when this was done some of the Ponkas joined the Omahas

in the sham fight; but he does not know whether the Ponkas have similar

ceremonies. They have no sacred pole, ʇe-sa^n-ha, nor sacred tents,

though they claim a share in the sacred pole of the Omahas, and they

have sacred pipes.

§ 157. _Hunting party attacked by foes._--When a hunting party was

suddenly attacked by an enemy the women used to dig pits with their

knives or hoes, and stoop down in them in company with the children, to

avoid the missiles of the combatants. If the tribe was encamped at the

time, the pits were dug inside the tribal circle. Sometimes the children

were placed in such pits and covered with skins, over which a quantity

of loose earth was quickly thrown; and they remained concealed till it

was safe for them to come forth. On one occasion, when the Dakotas had

attacked the camp, an Omaha woman had not time to cover the children

with a skin and earth, so she threw herself over them and pretended to

be dead. The Dakotas on coming up thought that she was dead, so they

contented themselves with scalping her, to which she submitted without a

cry, and thus saved herself as well as the children.

When there was danger of such attacks the people continued their journey

throughout the night. So the members of the different households were

constantly getting separated. Mothers were calling out in the darkness

for their little ones, and the young men replied in sport, "Here am I,

mother," imitating the voices of the children.

§ 158. _Return of the tribe from the summer hunt._--The people started

homeward immediately after the sham fight and the Hede-watci. But there

were always four runners who were sent about five or six days in advance

of the main body. These runners were always volunteers. They traveled

all the time, each one carrying his own food. Not one waited for the

others. They never pitched a tent, but simply lay down and slept.

Whenever one waked, even though it was still night, he started again,

without disturbing the others if they were asleep. They always brought

pieces of meat to those who had remained at home. Their approach was the

signal for the cry, "Ikima^n´¢i^n ag¢íi, hŭ^n+!"--_The messengers have

come back, halloo!_ In the course of a few days all of the people

reached home; but there were no religious ceremonies that ensued. They

always brought tongues to those who had staid at home.

§ 159. _Abae, or hunting the larger animals._--No religious ceremonies

were observed when a man went from home for a few days in order to

procure game. The principal animals hunted by the Omahas and Ponkas were

the elk, deer, black bear, grizzly bear, and rabbit.

When a deer was killed it was generally divided into four parts. Two

parts were called the "ʇe-¢íʇi^n" or ribs, with which were given the

fore legs and the "ʇe-na^n´qa" or hump. Two parts were the "ʇe-jéga" or

thighs, _i. e._, the hind quarters. When the party consisted of five men

the ʇe-na^nqa was made the share of the fifth; and when there were more

persons present the fore legs were cut off as shares. When an elk was

killed it was generally divided into five parts. The "ʇe-ju" or fore

quarters were two parts, with which went the fore legs. The ʇe-jega or

hind quarters made two more parts, with one of which went the paunch,

and with the other the entrails. The ʇe-na^nqa was the fifth part; and

when the elk was large a sixth share was formed by cutting off the

"ʇe-mañge" or chest.

Frank La Flèche does not know how the black bears used to be divided, as

there have been none found on the Omaha reservation for the past

fourteen years.

§ 160. If one shoots a wild turkey or goose (mi^nxa), another person

standing near may run up and take the bird if he can get there first,

without saying anything. The slayer cannot say, "Give it to me." He

thinks that he can get the next one which he kills. The same rule

applies to a raccoon. But when one catches a beaver in a trap he does

not give it away.

§ 161. _Trapping._--Since the coming of the white men the Omahas have

been making small houses or traps of sticks about a yard long, for

catching the miʞasi (prairie wolves), big wolves, gray foxes, and even

the wild cat.

FISHING CUSTOMS.

§ 162. Before the advent of the white man the Omahas used to fish in two

ways. Sometimes they made wooden darts by sharpening long sticks at one

end, and with these they speared the fish. When the fish appeared on the

surface of the water they used to shoot them with a certain kind of

arrows, which they also used for killing deer and small game. They spoke

of the arrows as "násize gáxe," because of the way in which they were

prepared. No arrowheads were used. They cut the ends of the shafts to

points; then about four inches of the end of each arrow next the point

was held close to a fire, and it was turned round and round till it was

hardened by the heat.

Since the coming of the whites, the Omahas have learned to make

fishing-lines of twisted horsehair, and these last a long time. They do

not use sinkers and floats, and they never resort to poison for securing

the fish. Both Ponkas and Omahas have been accustomed to fish as follows

in the Missouri River: A man would fasten some bait to a hook at the end

of a line, which he threw out into the stream, after securing the other

end to a stake next the shore; but he took care to conceal the place by

not allowing the top of the stick to appear above the surface of the

water. Early the next morning he would go to examine his line, and if he

went soon enough he was apt to find he had caught a fish. But others

were on the watch, and very often they would go along the bank of the

river and feel under the water for the hidden sticks, from which they

would remove the fish before the arrival of the owner of the lines.

_Hú-bigide, weirs or traps for catching fish._--La Flèche and Two Crows

do not think that this was an ancient practice. Children now catch fish

in this manner. They take a number of young willows of the species

called "¢íxe-sagi," or hard willow, and having bent them down, they

interlace them beneath the surface of the water. When the fish attempt

to force their way through they are often caught in the interstices,

which serve as meshes. But if the fish are large and swim on the surface

they can leap over and escape.

The Omahas eat the following varieties of fishes: ʇúzě, or Missouri

catfish; hu-í-buʇa, "round-mouthed-fish," or buffalo-fish; hu-hi^n´pa,

or sturgeon; hú-[p]a-[s]néde, "long-nosed fish," or gar; and the

hu-g¢éje, or "spotted fish." The last abounds in lakes, and is generally

from 2-^1/_{2} to 3 feet long. It has a long nose.

CULTIVATION OF THE GROUND.

§ 163. This is regulated by the Hañga gens, as corn and the buffalo meat

are both of great importance, and they are celebrated in the sacred

songs of the Hañga when the feast is made after the offering of the

buffalo hearts and tongues. (§ 143.)

Corn is regarded as a "mother" and the buffalo as a "grandfather." In

the Osage tradition corn was bestowed on the people by four buffalo

bulls. (See Calumet dance, § 123, and several myths, in Part I,

Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. VI.)

At harvest one of the keepers of the Hañga sacred tents (Frank La Flèche

thinks it is the Wacabe or [T]e-sa^n-ha keeper) selects a number of ears

of red corn, which he lays by for the next planting season. All the ears

must be perfect ones. (See Calumet dance, § 123.)

In the spring, when the grass comes up, there is a council or tribal

assembly held, to which a feast is given by the head of the Hañga gens.

After they decide that planting time has come, and at the command of the

Hañga man, a crier is sent through the village. He wears a robe with the

hair outside, and cries as he goes, "Wa¢a`e te, ai a¢á u+!"--_They do

indeed say that you will dig the ground! Halloo!_ He carries the sacred

corn, which has been shelled, and to each household he gives two or

three grains, which are mixed with the ordinary seed-corn of that

household. After this it is lawful for the people to plant their corn.

Some of the Iñke-sabě people cannot eat red corn. This may have some

connection with the consecration of the seed-corn.

CHAPTER VIII.

INDUSTRIAL OCCUPATIONS (CONTINUED).

FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION.

§ 164. _Meat._--They ate the "ʇa," or dried meat of the buffalo, elk,

deer, but seldom tasted that of the beaver. They cut the meat in slices

(wága), which they cut thin (máb¢eʞa), that it might soon dry. It was

then dried as explained in § 150. Before drying it is "ʇa-núʞa," wet

or fresh meat. The dried meat used to be cooked on glowing coals. When

the meat was dried in the summer it lasted for the winter's use, but by

the next summer it was all consumed. In the [T]a[p]a and Weji^ncte

gentes venison and elk meat could not be eaten, and certain parts of the

buffalo could not be eaten or touched by the Iñke-sabě, Hañga,

[T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ, [T]e-sĭnde, and Iñg¢e-jide. (See §§ 31, 37, 49, 59,

and 67.)

The marrow, wajíbe, was taken from the thigh bones by means of narrow

scoops, or wébagude, which were made out of any kind of stick, being

blunt at one end. They were often thrown away after being used.

The vertebræ and all the larger bones of the buffalo and other animals

are used for making wahi-weg¢i, _bone grease_, which serves as butter

and lard. In recent times hatchets have been used to crush the bones,

but formerly stone axes (i^n´-igaga^n or i^n´-igacíje) were employed,

and some of these may still be found among the Omahas. Now the Omahas

use the i^n´-wate, a large round stone, for that purpose. The fragments

of the bones are boiled, and very soon grease arises to the surface.

This is skimmed off and placed in sacks for future use. Then the bones

are thrown out and others are put in to boil. The sacks into which the

grease is put are made of the muscular coating of the stomach of a

buffalo, which has been dried, and is known as "ínijeha."

They ate the entrails of the buffalo and the elk. Both the small and

large intestines were boiled, then turned inside out and scraped to get

off the remains of the dung which might be adhering to them. Then they

were dried. According to Two Crows, the iñg¢e, or dung of the buffalo,

is not "b¢a^n-píäjĭ," _offensive_, like that of the domestic cow. Though

the buffalo cow gives a rich milk, the Indians do not make use of that

of such as they kill in hunting.

§ 165. La Flèche and Two Crows never heard of any Omahas that ate lice,

but the writer saw an aged Ponka woman eat some that she took from the

head of her grandson. The following objects are not eaten by any of the

gentes: Dried fish, slugs, dried crickets, grasshoppers, or other

insects, and dried fish-spawn. Nor do they ever use as drinks fish-oil

or other oils.

§ 166. _Corn_, Wata^nzi--La Flèche and Two Crows mention the following

varieties as found among the Omahas: 1. Wata^n´zi skă, white corn, of

two sorts, one of which, wata^n´zi-kúg¢i, is hard; the other, wata^n´zi

skă proper, is wat'éga, or tender. 2. Wata^n´zi ʇu, blue corn; one sort

is hard and translucent, the other is wat'ega. 3. Wata^n´zi zi, yellow

corn; one sort is hard and translucent, the other is wat'ega. 4.

Wata^n´zi g¢ejé, spotted corn; both sorts are wat'ega; one is covered

with gray spots, the other with red spots. 5. Wata^n´zi ʇú-jide, a "a

reddish-blue corn." 6. Wata^n´zi jíděqti, "very red corn." 7. Wata^n´zi

ígaxúxu, zí kĭ jíde iháhai, ugáai éga^n, _figured corn, on which are

yellow and red lines, as if painted_. 8. Wa¢ástage, of three sorts,

which are the "sweet corn" of the white people; wa¢ástage skă, which is

translucent, but not very white; wa¢astage zi, which is wat'ega and

yellow, and wa¢astage ʇu, which is wat'ega and blue. All of the above

varieties mature in August. Besides these is the Wajút`a^n-kú¢ě, "that

which matures soon," the squaw corn, which first ripens in July.

§ 167. _Modes of cooking the corn._--Before corn is boiled the men call

it wata^n´zi sáka, raw corn; the women call all corn that is not boiled

"sa¢áge." Wata^nzi skí¢veě sweet corn, is prepared in the following

ways: When the corn is yet in the milk or soft state it is collected and

boiled on the cob. This is called "wab¢úga" or "wab¢úga ʇañga," because

the corn ear (wahába) is put whole (b¢uga) into the kettle. It is boiled

with beans alone, with dried meat alone, with beans and dried meat, or

with a buffalo paunch and beans.

Sometimes the sweet corn is simply roasted before it is eaten; then it

is known as "wata^n´zi skí¢ě úha^n-bájĭ, _sweet corn that is not

boiled_." Sometimes it is roasted on the ear with the husks on, being

placed in the hot embers, then boiled, shelled, and dried in the sun,

and afterwards packed away for keeping in _parflèche_ cases. The grain

prepared in this manner has a shriveled appearance and a sweet taste,

from which the name is derived. It may be boiled for consumption at any

time of the year with but little trouble, and its taste closely

resembles that of new corn. Sometimes it is boiled, shelled, and dried

without being roasted; in this case, as in the preceding one, it is

called "wata^n´zi skí¢ě uha^ní, _boiled sweet corn_." This sweet corn

may be boiled with beans alone, or with beans, a buffalo paunch,

pumpkins, and dried meat; or with one or more of these articles, when

all cannot be had.

They used to make "wa¢ískiskída, corn tied up." When the corn was still

juicy they pushed off the grains having milk in them. These were put

into a lot of husks, which were tied in a bundle, and that was placed in

a kettle to boil. Beans were often mixed with the grains of corn before

the whole was placed in the husks. In either case wa¢iskiskida was

considered very good food.

Dougherty said, "They also pound the sweet corn into a kind of small

hominy, which when boiled into a thick mush, with a proper proportion of

the smaller entrails and jerked meat, is held in much estimation." The

writer never heard of this.

The corn which is fully ripe is sometimes gathered, shelled, dried, and

packed away for future use.

Hominy, wabi´ᴐnude or wanáᴐnudé¢ě, is prepared from hard corn by boiling

it in a lye of wood ashes for an hour or two, when the hard exterior

skin nearly slips off (náᴐnude). Then it is well washed to get rid of

the ashes, and rinsed, by which time the bran is rubbed off (biᴐnúde).

When needed for a meal it may be boiled alone or with one or more of the

following: Pumpkins, beans, or dried meat. Sometimes an ear of corn is

laid before the fire to roast (jé`a^nhe), instead of being covered with

the hot ashes.

Wanin´de or mush is made from the hard ripe corn by beating a few grains

at a time between two stones, making a coarse meal. The larger stone is

placed on a skin or blanket that the flying fragments may not be lost.

This meal is always boiled in water with beans, to which may be added

pumpkins, a buffalo paunch, or dried meat.

When they wish to make wanin´de-gáskě, or ash-cake, beans are put on to

boil, while the corn is pounded in a mortar that is stuck into the

ground. When the beans have begun to fall to pieces, but before they are

done, they are mixed with the pounded corn, and made into a large cake,

which is sometimes over two feet in diameter and four inches thick. This

cake is baked in the ashes. Occasionally corn-husks are opened and

moistened, and put over the cake before the hot ashes are put on.

At times the cake is made of mush alone, and baked in the ashes with or

without the corn husks.

₵ib¢úb¢uga, corn dumplings, are made thus: When the corn has been

pounded in a mortar, some of it is mixed with water, and beans are added

if any can be had. This is put in a kettle to boil, having been made

into round balls or dumplings, which do not fall to pieces after

boiling. The rest of the pounded corn is mixed with plenty of water,

being "nig¢uze," _very watery_, and is eaten as soup with the dumplings.

Another dish is called "A^n´bag¢e." When this is needed, they first boil

beans. Then, having pounded corn very fine in a mortar, they pour the

meal into the kettle with the beans. This mixture is allowed to boil

down and dry, and is not disturbed that night. The next day when it is

cold and stiff the kettle is overturned, and the a^nbag¢e is pushed out.

Wacañ´ge is made by parching corn, which is then pounded in a mortar;

after which the meal is mixed with grease, soup made from meat, and

pumpkins. Sometimes it is mixed, instead with honey. Then it is made up

into hard masses (¢iskíski) with the hands. Dougherty says that with

wacañge and waninde "portions of the ʇe-cibe, or smaller intestines of

the buffalo are boiled, to render the food more sapid."

[Illustration: FIG. 26.--Figures of pumpkins.

The waʇa^nqti is at the top; the next is the waʇa^n muxa; the third is

the waʇa^n-jide; and the bottom one, the waʇa^n ninde bazu.]

§ 168. _Melons, pumpkins, etc._, Saka¢ide uke¢i^n, the common

watermelon, was known to the Omahas before the coming of the white men.

It has a green rind, which is generally striped, and the seeds are

black. It is never dried, but is always eaten raw, hence the name. They

had no yellow saka¢ide till the whites came; but they do not eat them.

Waʇa^n´, _Pumpkins_--The native kinds are three: waʇa^n´-qti,

waʇa^n´-kukúge, and waʇa^n´-múxa. Waʇa^n-qti, the real pumpkins are

generally greenish, and "bícka," round but slightly flattened on sides

like turnips. They are usually dried, and are called "waʇa^n´-gazan´de,"

because they are cut in circular slices and hung together, as it were,

in festoons (gazande).

The second variety is large, white, and striped; it is not good for

drying. The waʇa^n-muxa are never dried. Some are white, others are

"sábě ʇu éga^n, a sort of black or dark blue," and small. Others, the

waʇa^n´-múxa g¢ejé, are spotted, and are eaten before they become too

ripe. In former days, these were the only sweet articles of food.

Sometimes pumpkins are baked on coals (jég¢a^n).

Modern varieties are two: The wata^n-nin´de bazú and the wata^n´-jíde.

The Omahas never plant the latter, as they do not regard it as

desirable. They plant the former, which is from 2 to 2-^1/_{2} feet

long, and covered with knots or lumps. The native pumpkins are

frequently steamed, as the kettle is filled with them cut in slices with

a very small quantity of water added. Pumpkins are never boiled with

ʇe-cibe or buffalo entrails; but they can be boiled with a buffalo

paunch, beans, dried meat, and with any preparation of corn.

§ 169. _Fruits and berries._--Taspa^n´, red haws, are seldom eaten; and

then are taken raw, not over two or three at a time. Clumps of the

hawthorn abound on Logan Creek, near the Omaha reserve, and furnish the

Omaha name for that stream, Taspa^n´-hi báʇe.

Wajíde-níka, which are about the size of haws, grow on low bushes in

Northwest Nebraska. They are edible in the autumn.

Buffalo berries, the wajídě-qti, or real wajide, are eaten raw, or they

are dried and then boiled before eating.

[K]añde, plums, though dried by the Dakotas, are not dried by the ₵egiha

and [T]ᴐiwere, who eat them raw.

Na^n´pa, choke-cherries, are of two kinds. The larger ones or

na^n´pa-ʇañ´ga, abound in a region known as [P]izábahehe, in Northwest

Nebraska, where they are very thick, as many as two hundred being found

on a single bush. Some of the bushes are a foot high, others are about

two feet in height. The choke-cherries are first pounded between two

stones, and then dried. The smaller variety, or na^n´pa-jiñ´ga, grow on

tall bushes. These cherries are dried.

Gube, hackberries, are the size of black peppers or the smaller cherries

(na^npa-jiñga). They are fine, sweet, and black. They grow on large

trees (_Celtis occidentalis_), the bark of which is rough and inclined

to curl up.

Ag¢añkamañge, raspberries, are dried and boiled. Bacte, strawberries,

are not dried. They are eaten raw.

Ja^n-qude-ju are berries that grow near the Niobrara River; they are

black and sweet, about the size of buffalo berries. They are dried.

Nacama^n is the name of a species of berry or persimmon (?), which

ripens in the later fall. It hangs in clusters on a small stalk, which

is bent over by the weight of the fruit. The nacama^n is seldom eaten by

the Omahas. It is black, not quite the size of a hazel nut; and its seed

resemble watermelon seed.

Hazi, grapes--one kind, the fox grape, is eaten raw, or dried and

boiled.

§ 170. _Nuts._--The "búde" is like the acorn, but it grows on a

different tree, the trunk of which is red (the red oak?). These nuts are

ripe in the fall. They are boiled till the water has nearly boiled away,

when the latter is poured out, and fresh water and good ashes are put

in. Then the nuts are boiled a long time till they become black. The

water and ashes are thrown out, fresh water is put in the kettle, and

the nuts are washed till they are clean, when they are found to be

"náʇube," cooked till ready to fall to pieces. Then they are mixed with

wild honey, and are ready for one to eat. They are "íb¢a^nqtiwá¢ě,"

capable of satisfying hunger to the utmost, but a handful being

necessary for that end.

A^n´jiñga, hazel nuts, are neither boiled nor dried; they are eaten raw

The same may be said of "ʇáge," black walnuts.

§ 171. Fruits were preserved in wild honey alone, according to J. La

Flèche. Since the arrival of the white people a few of the Omahas have

cultivated sorghum; but in former days the only sugars and sirups were

those manufactured from the sugar maple and box elder or ash-leaved

maple.

The Omahas know nothing about pulse, mesquite, and screw-beans. Nor do

they use seeds of grasses and weeds for food.

Previous to the arrival of the whites they did not cultivate any garden

vegetables; but now many of the Omahas and Ponkas have raised many

varieties in their gardens.

§ 172. _Roots used for food._--The núg¢e or Indian turnip is sometimes

round, and at others elliptical. When the Omahas wish to dry it, they

pull off the skin. Then they cut off pieces about two inches long, and

throw away the hard interior. Then they place these pieces in a mortar

and pound them, after which they dry them. When they are dried they are

frequently mixed with grease. Occasionally they are boiled with dried

meat without being pounded. The soup is very good.

Nú uké¢i^n, or _Pomme de terre_, the native potato, is dug in the winter

by the women. There are different kinds of this root, some of which have

good skins. Several grow on a common root, thus: [illustration] These

potatoes are boiled; then the skins are pulled off, and they are dried.

The "si^n" is an aquatic plant, resembling the water-lily. It is also

called the "si^n´-uké¢i^n," being the wild rice. In order to prepare it

as food it is roasted under hot ashes.

The other rice is the "si^n´-wanin´de"; the stalk on which it grows is

the "si^n´-wanin´de-hi," a species of rush which grows with rice in

swamps. The grain is translucent, and is the principal article of diet

for those Indians who reside in very cold regions north of the Ponkas.

Si^n´-skuskúba, which some Ponkas said was the calamus, is now very

rare. Few of the Omahas know it at present. They used to eat it after

boiling it. Frank La Flèche said that this could not be calamus, as the

Omahas called that maka^n-ninida, and still eat it.

§ 173. _Beans._--Beans, hi^nb¢iñ´ge or ha^nb¢iñ´ge, are planted by the

Indians. They dry them before using them. Some are large, others are

small, being of different sizes. The Indians speak of them thus:

"búʇa-hna^ni, b¢áska éga^n," _they are generally curvilinear, and are

some what flat_.

La Flèche and Two Crows speak of many varieties, which are probably of

one and the same species: "Hi^nb¢iñge sábě g¢ejé, beans that have black

spots. 2. Skă g¢ejé, those with white spots. 3. Zi´g¢ejé, those with

yellow spots. 4. Jíde g¢ejé, those with red spots. 5. Qúde g¢ejé, those

with gray spots. 6. Jíděqti, very red ones. 7. Sáběqti, very black ones.

8. Jíde cábe éga^n, those that are a sort of dark red. 9. Skă, white.

10. [T]u éga^n sábě, dark blue. 11. Ji´ éga^n sábě, dark orange red. 12.

Skă, ug¢e tě jide, white, with red on the "ug¢e" or part that is united

to the vine. 13. Hi-ug¢é tě sabě, those that are black on the "ug¢e."

14. [T]u g¢eje ega^n, blue, with white spots. 15. A^npa^n hi^n ega^n,

qude zi ega^n, like the hair of an elk, a sort of grayish yellow.

The hi^nb¢i^n´`abe, or hi^nb¢iñge ma^ntanaha, wild beans, are not

planted. They come up of their own accord. They are flat and

curvilinear, and abound under trees. The field-mice hoard them in their

winter retreats, which the Indians seek to rob. They cook them by

putting them in hot ashes.

§ 174. _[T]e¢awe_ is the name given to the seeds and root of the

_Nelumbium luteum_, and is thus described by an Omaha: The ʇe¢awe is the

root of an aquatic plant, which is not very abundant. It has a leaf like

that of a lily, but about two feet in diameter, lying on the surface of

the water. The stalk comes up through the middle of the leaf, and

projects about two feet above the water. On top is a seed-pod. The seed

are elliptical, almost shaped like bullets, and they are black and very

hard. When the ice is firm or the water shallow, the Indians go for the

seed, which they parch by a fire, and beat open, then eat. They also eat

the roots. If they wish to keep them for a long time, they cut off the

roots in pieces about six inches long, and dry them; if not, they boil

them.

§ 175. Hi^n´qa is the root of a sahi or water grass which grows beneath

the surface of Lake Nik'umi, near the Omaha Agency, Nebraska. This root,

which is about the size of the first joint of one's forefinger, is

bulbous and black. When the Omaha boys go into bathe they frequently eat

it in sport, after pulling off the skin. Two Crows says that adults

never eat it. J. La Flèche never ate it, but he has heard of it.

§ 176. _Savors, flavors, etc._--Salt, ni-skí¢ě, was used before the

advent of the whites. One place known to the Omahas was on Salt River,

near Lincoln, Nebr., which city is now called by them "Ni-ski¢ě." At

that place the salt collected on top of the sand and dried. Then the

Omahas used to brush it together with feathers and take it up for use.

What was on the surface was very white, and fit for use; but that

beneath was mixed with sand and was not disturbed. Rock salt was found

at the head of a stream, southwest of the Republican, which flowed into

the northwest part of the Indian Territory, and they gave the place the

name, "Ni-skí¢ě sagí ¢a^n, _Where the hard salt is_." In order to get

this salt, they broke into the mass by punching with sticks, and the

detached fragments were broken up by pounding.

Peppers, aromatic herbs, spices, etc., were not known in former days.

Clay was never used as food nor as a savor.

§ 177. _Drinks._--The only drinks used were soups and water. Teas, beer,

wine, or other fermented juices, and distilled liquors, were unknown.

(See § 109.)

§ 178. _Narcotics._--Native tobacco, or niní. The plant, niní-hi was the

only narcotic known previous to the coming of our race. It differs from

the common tobacco plant; none of it has been planted in modern times.

J. La Flèche saw some of it when he was small. Its leaves were "ʇúqude

éga^n," a sort of a blue color, and were about the size of a man's hand,

and shaped somewhat like a tobacco leaf. Mr. H. W. Henshaw, of the

United States Geological Survey, has been making some investigations

concerning the narcotics used by many of the Indian tribes. He finds

that the Rees and other tribes did have a native tobacco, and that some

of it is still cultivated. This strengthens the probability that the

niní of the Omahas and Ponkas was a native plant.

Mixed tobacco or killickinnick is called ninígahi by the Omahas and

Ponkas. This name implies that native or common, tobacco (niní) has been

mixed (igahi) with some other ingredient. "This latter is generally the

inner bark of the red willow (_Cornus sericea_), and occasionally it is

composed of sumac leaves (_Rhus glabrum_). When neither of these can be

had the inner bark of the arrow wood (_Viburnum_) or ma^n´sa-hi is

substituted for them. The two ingredients are well dried over a fire,

and rubbed together between the hands." (Dougherty, in _Long's

Expedition_, I.)

"In making ninígahi, the inner bark of the dogwood, to which are

sometimes added sumac leaves, is mixed with the tobacco. Sometimes they

add wajide-hi ha, the inner bark of rose-bushes. When they cannot get

dogwood or sumac they may use the bark of the ma^nśa hi or arrow-wood.

The bark of the ¢ixe sagi, or hard willow, is not used by the Omahas."

(Frank La Flèche.)

CLOTHING AND ITS PREPARATION.

§ 179. Garments were usually made by the women, while men made their

weapons. Some of the Omahas have adopted the clothing of the white man.

There is no distinction between the attire of dignitaries and that of

the common people.

§ 180. There were no out-buildings, public granaries, etc. Each

household stored away its own grain and other provisions. There were no

special tribal or communal dwellings, but sometimes two or more families

occupied one earth lodge. When a tribal council was held, it was in the

earth lodge of one of the principal chiefs, or else two or three common

tents were thrown into one, making a long tent.

There were no public baths, as the Missouri River was near, and they

could resort to it when they desired. Dances were held in earth lodges,

or else in large skin tents, when not out of doors.

§ 181. _Dressing hides._--The hides were stretched and dried as soon as

possible after they were taken from the animals. When a hide was

stretched on the ground, pins were driven through holes along the border

of the hide. These holes had been cut with a knife. While the hide was

still green, the woman scraped it on the under side by pushing a

wébajábe over its surface, thus removing the superfluous flesh, etc. The

wébajábe was formed from the lower bone of an elk's leg, which had been

made thin by scraping or striking ("gab¢eʞa"). The lower end was

sharpened by striking, having several teeth-like projections, as in the

accompanying figure (B). A withe (A) was tied to the upper end, and this

was secured to the arm of the woman just above the wrist.

[Illustration: FIG. 27.--The Webajabe.]

When the hide was dry the woman stretched it again on the ground, and

proceeded to make it thinner and lighter by using another implement,

called the wéubája^n, which she moved towards her after the manner of an

adze. This instrument was formed from an elk horn, to the lower end of

which was fastened a piece of iron (in recent times) called the wé`u-hi.

[Illustration: FIG. 28.--The Weubaja^n.

(1.) The horn. (2.) The iron (side view). (3.) Sinew tied around the

iron.]

[Illustration: FIG. 29.--Front view of the iron.

It is about 4 inches wide.]

When the hide was needed for a summer tent, leggings, or summer clothing

of any sort, the wéubája^n was applied to the hairy side. When the hide

was sufficiently smooth, grease was rubbed on it, and it was laid out of

doors to dry in the sun. This act of greasing the hide was called

"wawé¢iq¢i," because they sometimes used the brains of the elk or

buffalo for that purpose. Brains, wé¢iq¢i, seem to have their name from

this custom, or else from the primitive verb ¢iq¢i. Dougherty stated

that, in his day, they used to spread over the hide the brains or liver

of the animal, which had been carefully retained for that purpose, and

the warm broth of the meat was also poured over it. Some persons made

two-thirds of the brain of an animal suffice for dressing its skin. But

Frank La Flèche says that the liver was not used for tanning purposes,

though the broth was so used when it was brackish.

When the hide had been dried in the sun, it was soaked by sinking it

beneath the surface of any adjacent stream. This act lasted about two

days. Then the hide was dried again and subjected to the final

operation, which was intended to make it sufficiently soft and pliant. A

twisted sinew, about as thick as one's finger, called the wé¢ikĭnde, was

fastened at each end to a post or tree, about 5 feet from the ground.

The hide was put through this, and pulled back and forth. This act was

called wa¢íkĭnde.

On the commencement of this process, called ta^n´¢ě, the hides were

almost invariably divided longitudinally into two parts each, for the

convenience of the operator. When they were finished they were again

sewed together with awls and sinew. When the hides were small they were

not so divided before they were tanned. The skins of elk, deer, and

antelopes were dressed in a similar manner.

CHAPTER IX.

PROTECTIVE INDUSTRIES.

WAR CUSTOMS.

§ 182. The Indians say that Ictinike was he who taught their ancestors

all their war customs, such as blackening the face. (See myth of

Ictinike and the Deserted Children in Contributions to N. A. Ethnology,

Vol. VI, Part I.)

_Origin of wars._--Wars generally originated in the stealing of horses

and the elopement of women, and sometimes they are in consequence of

infringing on the hunting-grounds of one another. When a party of

warriors go on the war-path they do not always go after scalps only; the

object of the expedition may be to steal horses from the enemy. If they

can get the horses without being detected they may depart without

killing any one. But should they meet any of the people they do not

hesitate to attempt their lives. If the followers or servants fail to

bring away the horses it is the duty of the leaders to make an attempt.

§ 183. _Mode of fighting unlike that of nations of the Old World._--War

was not carried on by these tribes as it is by the nations of the Old

World. The ₵egiha and other tribes have no standing armies. Unlike the

Six Nations, they have no general who holds his office for life, or for

a given term. They have no militia, ready to be called into the field by

the government. On the contrary, military service is voluntary in all

cases, from the private to the commanders, and the war party is usually

disbanded as soon as home is reached. They had no wars of long duration;

in fact, wars between one Indian tribe and another scarcely ever

occurred; but there were occasional battles, perhaps one or two in the

course of a season.

DEFENSIVE WARFARE.

§ 184. When the foe had made an attack on the Omahas (or Ponkas) and had

killed some of the people it was the duty of the surviving men to pursue

the offenders and try to punish them. This going in pursuit of the foe,

called níka-¢íqě ¢é, was undertaken immediately without any of the

ceremonies connected with a formal departure on the war-path, which was

offensive warfare. When the Ponkas rushed to meet the Brulé and Ogala

Dakotas, June 17, 1872, Húta^n-gi´hna^n, a woman, ran with them most of

the way, brandishing a knife and singing songs to incite the men to

action. The women did not always behave thus. They generally dug pits as

quickly as possible and crouched in them in order to escape the missiles

of the combatants. And after the fight they used to seek for the fallen

enemy in order to mutilate them. When some of the upper Dakotas had

taken a prisoner they secured him to a stake and allowed their women to

torture him by mutilating him previous to killing him, _etiam genitalia

exciderunt_. But the writer never heard of the ₵egiha women's having

acted in this manner.

§ 185. _Preparation for the attack by the foe._--About thirty-two years

ago the Dakotas and Ponkas attacked the Omahas, but the latter had

timely notice of their intentions and prepared for them. Four Omahas had

found the camp of the enemy and reported to their friends that the foe

would make the attack either that night or the next morning. So the

Omahas made ready that night, having sent a crier around the tribal

circle, saying, "They say that you must make an intrenchment for the

children. The foe will surely come!" Then the people made an embankment

around the greater part of the circle. It was about 4 feet high, and on

the top were planted all the tent poles, the tents having been pulled

down. The tent poles were interlaced and over these were fastened all

the tent skins as far as they would go. This was designed as a screen

for the men, while for the women and children was dug a trench about 4

or 5 feet deep, inside the embankment.

Mr. J. La Flèche, who was present during the fight, says that the

embankment did not extend all around the circle, and that the area

previously occupied by the tents of the end gentes, Weji^ncte,

Ictasanda, etc., were not thus protected, and that he and others slept

on the ground that night. Some of the men dug trenches for the

protection of their horses. Early in the morning the crier went around,

saying, "They say that you must do your best, as day is at hand. They

have come!" The night scouts came in and reported having heard the

sounds made by the tramping of the host of the advancing foe. Then the

crier exhorted the people again, "They say that you must do your best!

You have none to help you. You will lie with your weapons in readiness.

You will load your guns. They have come!" Some of the Omahas fought

outside of the embankment, others availed themselves of that shelter,

and cut holes through the skins so that they might aim through them at

the enemy. These structures for defense were made by digging up the

earth with sticks which they had sharpened with axes. The earth thrown

up made the embankment for the men, and the hollows or trenches were the

u¢íhnucka into which the women and children retreated.

§ 186. _Old Ponka Fort._--At the old Ponka Agency, in what was Todd

County, Dakota Territory, may be seen the remains of an ancient fort,

which the Ponkas say was erected over a hundred years ago by their

forefathers. J. La Flèche saw it many years ago, and he says that the

curvilinear intrenchment used to be higher than a man; _i. e._, over six

feet high. Many earth-lodges used to be inside. At the time it was built

the Yanktons were in Minnesota, and the tribes who fought the Ponkas

were the Rees, Cheyennes, and Pádañka (Camanches). Then the only Dakotas

out of Minnesota were the Oglala and the Sitca^nxu or Brulés. The

former were on the White River and in the region of the Black Hills. The

latter were in Nebraska, at the head of the Platte.

The fort had but one entrance. The situation was well chosen. The

embankment occupied the greater part of a semi detached bluff. In front,

and at one side, was the low bench of land next to the Missouri; at the

rear was a ravine which separated it from the next bluff, and the only

means of approach was by one side, next the head of the ravine. Then one

had to pass along the edge of the ravine for over 200 yards in order to

reach the entrance. The following sketch was drawn from memory, and Mr.

La Flèche pronounced it substantially correct:

[Illustration: FIG. 30.--Old Ponka fort. The Missouri River is north of

it.]

OFFENSIVE WARFARE.

§ 187. The first proposition to go on the war-path cannot come from the

chiefs, who, by virtue of their office, are bound to use all their

influence in favor of peace, except under circumstances of extraordinary

provocation. It is generally a young man who decides to undertake an

expedition against the enemy. Having formed his plan, he speaks thus to

his friend: "My friend, as I wish to go on the war-path, let us go. Let

us boil the food for a feast." The friend having consented, the two are

the leaders or nuda^n´hañga, if they can induce others to follow them.

So they find two young men whom they send as messengers to invite those

whom they name. Each wág¢a or messenger takes one half of the gentile

circle (if the tribe is thus encamped), and goes quietly to the tent of

each one whom he has been requested to invite. He says at the entrance,

without going in, "Kagéha, ¢íkui hă, ca^n´¢iñkéi^nte."--_My friend, you

are invited_ (by such and such a one), _after he has been occupied

awhile_. If the man is there, his wife replies to the messenger, "₵ikáge

na`a^{n´} hě," _Your friend hears it_. Should the man be absent, the

wife must reply, "₵ikáge ¢iñgéě hě; cuhí taté."--_Your friend is not

(here); he shall go to you._ These invitations are made at night, and as

quietly as possible, lest others should hear of the feast and wish to

join the expedition; this, of course, refers to the organization of a

nuda^n-jiñga or small war-party, which varies in number from two persons

to about ten.

§ 188. _Small war party._--After the return of the messengers, the

guests assemble at the lodge or tent of their host. The places of the

guests, messengers, and nuda^nhañga are shown in the diagram.

[Illustration: FIG. 31.--A, the nuda^nhañga, or captains; B, the wag¢a,

or messengers; C, the guests; D, the food in kettles over the fire.]

The two wéku or hosts sit opposite the entrance, while the messengers

have their seats next the door, so that they may pass in and out and

attend to the fire, bringing in wood and water, and also wait on the

guests. Each guest brings with him his bowl and spoon.

When all have assembled the planner of the expedition addresses the

company. "Ho! my friends, my friend and I have invited you to a feast,

because we wish to go on the war-path." Then the young men say: "Friend,

in what direction shall we go"? The host replies, "We desire to go to

the place whither they have taken our horses."

Then each one who is willing to go, replies thus: "Yes, my friend, I am

willing." But he who is unwilling replies, "My friend, I do not wish to

go. I am unwilling." Sometimes the host says, "Let us go by such a day.

Prepare yourselves."

The food generally consists of dried meat and corn. [P]á¢i^n-na^npájĭ

said that he boiled fresh venison.

According to [P]á¢i^n-na^npájĭ, the host sat singing sacred songs, while

the leaders of those who were not going with the party sat singing

dancing songs. Four times was the song passed around, and they used to

dance four times. When the singing was concluded all ate, including the

giver of the feast. This is denied by La Flèche and Two Crows. (See §

196.)

A round bundle of grass is placed on each side of the stick on which the

kettle is hung. The bundles are intended for wiping the mouths and hands

of the men after they have finished eating. At the proper time, each

messenger takes up a bundle of the grass and hands it to the nuda^nhañga

on his side of the fire-place. When the nuda^nhañga have wiped their

faces and hands they hand the bundles to their next neighbors, and from

these two they are passed in succession around to the door. Then the

bundles are put together, and handed again to one of the nuda^nhañga,

for the purpose of wiping his bowl and spoon, passing from him and his

associate to the men on the left of the fire-place, thence by the

entrance to those on the right of the fire-place to the nuda^nhañga.

Then the messengers receive the bundle, and use it for wiping out the

kettle or kettles. Then the host says, "Now! enough! Take ye it." Then

the wag¢a put the grass in the fire, making a great smoke. Whereupon the

host and his associate exclaim, "Hold your bowls over the smoke." All

arise to their feet, and thrust their bowls into the smoke. Each one

tries to anticipate the rest, so the bowls are knocked against one

another, making a great noise. This confusion is increased by each man

crying out for himself, addressing the Wakanda, or deity of the thunder,

who is supposed by some to be the god of war. One says, "Núda^nhañgá,

wi^n´ t'éa¢ě támiñke."--O war-chief! I will kill one._ Another,

"Núda^nhañgá, cañ´ge wáb¢ize ag¢í."--_O war-chief! I have come back with

horses which I have taken._ (This and the following are really prayers

for the accomplishment of the acts mentioned.) Another: "Núda^nhañgá,

[p]á wi^n b¢íqa^n."--_O war-chief! I have pulled a head, and broken it

off._ Another, "Núda^nhañgá, ásku u¢íza^nqti wi^n b¢íze hă."--_O

war-chief! I, myself, have taken one by the very middle of his

scalp-lock._ Another, "Ú ¢iñgě´qti, núda^nhañgá, wi^n´ ub¢a^n´."--_O war

chief! I have taken hold of one who did not receive a wound._ And

another, "Ábag¢aqti éde ub¢a^n´ hă."--_He drew back as he was very

doubtful of success_ (in injuring me?), _but I_ (advanced and) _took

hold of him_. Those sitting around and gazing at the speakers are

laughing. These lookers on are such as have refused to join the party.

Then the guests pass in regular order around the circle, following the

course of the sun, and passing before the host as they file out at the

entrance. Each one has to go all around before he leaves the lodge.

§ 189. This feasting is generally continued four days (or nights); but

if the occasion be an urgent one the men make hasty preparations, and

may depart in less than four days. Each nuda^nhañgá boils the food for

one night's feast; and what he prepares must differ from what is boiled

by the other. Sometimes two leaders boil together on the same day;

sometimes they take separate days, and sometimes when they boil on

separate days they observe no fixed order, _i. e._, the first leader may

boil for two days in succession, then the second for one or two, or the

second leader may begin and the first follow on the next day, and so on.

When the supply of food fails the host may tell some of the wagáq¢a^n or

servants (who may be the messengers) to go after game.

§ 190. _Preparation for starting._--Each warrior makes up a bundle

composed of about fifteen pairs of moccasins, with sinew, an awl, and a

sack of provisions, consisting of corn which has been parched. The

latter is sometimes pounded and mixed with fat and salt. This is

prepared by the women several days in advance of the time for departure.

If the warriors leave in haste, not having time to wait for the sewing

of the moccasins, the latter are merely cut out by the women.

[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ said that nearly all of the party had some object

which was sacred, which they carried either in the belt or over one

shoulder and under the opposite arm. La Flèche and Two Crows deny this,

but they tell of such medicine in connection with the [P]a¢i^n-wasabe

society. (See Chapter X.)

§ 191. _Secret departure._--The departure takes place at night. Each man

tries to slip off in the darkness by himself, without being suspected by

any one. The leaders do not wish many to follow lest they should prove

disobedient and cause the enemy to detect their proximity.

Another reason for keeping the proposed expedition a secret from all but

the guests is the fear least the chiefs should hear of it. The chiefs

frequently oppose such undertakings, and try to keep the young men from

the war-path. If they learn of the war feast they send a man to find out

whither the party intends going. Then the leaders are invited to meet

the chiefs. On their arrival they find presents have been put in the

middle of the lodge to induce them to abandon their expedition. (See Two

Crows' war story, in Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. VI,

Part I.)

The next day the people in the village say, "Ha^n´adi nuda^n´

a¢a´-bikeamá."--_It is said that last night they went off in a line on

the war-path._

The warriors and the leaders blacken their faces with charcoal and rub

mud over them. They wear buffalo robes with the hair out, if they can

get them, and over them they rub white clay. The messengers or wag¢a

also wear plumes in their hair and gird themselves with macaka^n, or

women's pack-straps. All must fast for four days. When they have been

absent for that period they stop fasting and wash their faces.

§ 192. _Uninvited followers._--When a man notices others with weapons,

and detects other signs of warlike preparation, should he wish to

join the party he begs moccasins, etc., from his kindred. When he

is ready he goes directly after the party. The following day, when

the warriors take their seats, the follower sits in sight of them,

but at some distance. When one of the servants spies him he says to

his captain, "Núda^nhañgá, ¢éʇa aká wi^n´ atíi hă."--_O war chief!

this one in the rear has come._ Then the captain says to all the

warriors, "Hau, níkawasa^n´, íbaha^nba hi^nbé ctĭ ¢awái-gă. Ma^n´ tě

ctĭ wégaska^n¢ái-gà."--_Ho, warriors! recognise him, if you can, and

count your moccasins_ (to see if you can spare him any). _Examine your

arrows, too._ Then a servant is sent to see who the follower is. On his

return he says, "War-chief (_or_ captain), it is he," naming the man.

The captain has no set reply; sometimes he says, "Ho, warriors! the man

is active. Go after him. He can aid us by killing game." Or he may say,

"Hau, nikawasa^n´! ní é¢i¢i^n gí tě a¢i^n´ gíi-gă. Águdi ca^n´ʇañga

náxi¢í¢í¢ě ʞĭ, gaha a¢ija^n ga^n´¢ai ʞĭ, ca^n´ éja^n-mi^n´ hă."--_Ho,

warriors! go for him that he may bring water for you. If he wishes to

lie on you_ (_i. e._, on your bodies) _when the big wolves (_or_ the

foe) attack you, I think it is proper._ Then the scout goes after the

follower.

But if the man be lazy, fond of sleeping, etc., and the scout reports

who he is, they do not receive him. Once there was a man who persisted

in going with war parties though he always caused misfortunes. The last

time he followed a party the captains refused to receive him. Then he

prayed to Wakanda to bring trouble on the whole party for their

treatment of him. They were so much alarmed that they abandoned the

expedition.

§ 193. _Officers._--A small war party has for its chief officers two

nuda^nhañga, _partisans_, captains, or war chiefs. Each nuda^nhañga has

his nuda^n´hañga-q¢éxe or lieutenant, through whom he issues his orders

to the men. These lieutenants or adjutants are always chosen before the

party leaves the village. After the food has been boiled the giver of

the feast selects two brave young men, to each of whom he says,

"Nuda^n´hañga-q¢éxe hni^n´ taté," _You shall be a nuda^nhañga-q¢éxe._

In 1854 Two Crows was invited by four others to aid them in organizing a

large war party. But as they went to the feast given by the chiefs and

received the presents they forfeited their right to be captains. Two

Crows refused the gifts, and persisted in his design, winning the

position of first captain. Wanace-jiñga was the other, and

[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ and Sĭnde-xa^nxa^n were the lieutenants. In this case

a large party was intended, but it ended in the formation of a small

one. For the change from a small party to a large one see § 210.

§ 194. _Large war party._--A large war party is called

"Nuda^n´hi^n-ʇañ´ga." La Flèche and Two Crows do not remember one that

has occurred among the Omahas. The grandfather of Two Crows joined one

against the Panis about a hundred years ago. And Two Crows was called on

to assist in organizing one in 1854, when fifty men were collected for

an expedition which was prevented by the chiefs. Such parties usually

number one or two hundred men, and sometimes all the fighting men in the

tribe volunteer. Occasionally the whole tribe moves against an enemy,

taking the women, children, etc., till they reach the neighborhood of

the foe, when the non-combatants are left at a safe distance, and the

warriors go on without them. This moving with the whole camp is called

"áwaha^nqti ¢é," or "ágaq¢a^nqti ¢é", because they go in a body, as they

do when traveling on the buffalo hunt.

§ 195. When a large war party is desired the man who plans the

expedition selects his associates, and besides these there must be at

least two more nuda^nhañga; but only the planner and his friend are the

nuda^nhañga úju, or principal war chiefs. Sometimes, as in the case of

Wabaskaha (Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. VI, Part I, p. 394),

the man paints his face with clay or mud, and wanders around, crying to

Wakanda thus: "O Wakanda! though the foreigners have injured me, I hope

that you may help me!" The people hear him, and know by his crying that

he desires to lead a war party; so they go to him to hear his story.

Four wag¢a are sent to invite the guests, two taking each side of the

tribal circle, and hallooing as they pass each tent. There is no cause

for secrecy on such occasions, so the crier calls out the name of each

guest, and bids him bring his bowl. In the case of Wabaskaha, so great

was the wrong suffered that all the men assembled, including the chiefs.

This was the day after Wabaskaha had told his story. Then a pipe (the

war pipe) was filled. Wabaskaha extended his hands toward the people,

and touched them on their heads saying, "Pity me; do for me as you think

best." Then the chief who filled the sacred pipe said to the assembly,

"If you are willing for us to take vengeance on the Pawnees, put that

pipe to your lips; if (any of) you are unwilling, do not put it to your

lips." Then every man put the pipe to his lips and smoked it. And the

chief said, "Come! Make a final decision. Decide when we shall take

vengeance on them." And one said, "O leader! during the summer let us

eat our food, and pray to Wakanda. In the early fall let us take

vengeance on them." The four captains were constantly crying by day and

night, saying, "O Wakanda! pity me. Help me in that about which I am in

a bad humor." They were crying even while they accompanied the people on

the summer hunt. During the day they abstained from food and drink; but

at night they used to partake of food and drink water.

§ 196. _Feast._--It was customary for the guests invited to join a large

war party to go to the lodge designated, where four captains sat

opposite the entrance, and two messengers sat on each side of the door.

The ensuing ceremonies were substantially those given in § 188, with the

exception of the use of the wa¢íxabe or sacred bags, which are never

used except when large war parties are organized.

_Sacred bags._--These sacred bags, which are consecrated to the thunder

or war god, are so called because when the Indians went on the war-path

they used to ¢ixábe or strip off the feathers of red, blue, and yellow

birds, and put them into the sacred bags. There were five bags of this

sort among the Omahas. The principal one is kept by Wacka^n´-ma^n¢i^n,

of the Wajiñga-¢atájĭ subgens of the ₵átada. It is filled with the

feathers and skins of small birds, and is wrapped in a ʇahúpezi, or worn

tent-skin. This is the principal one. The second one is kept by the

daughter of [T]ahé-jiñga, of the Iñké-sabě; because the people pity her,

they allow her to keep the bag which her father used to have; but they

do not allow her to take any part in the ceremonies in which the sacred

bags are used. The third bag is in the custody of Máhi^n ¢iñ´ge of the

Weji^ncte gens. The fourth, when in existence, was kept by

[T]idé-ma^n¢i^n, of the [T]a-[p]a gens. And the fifth was made by

Wábaskaha, of the Iñg¢e´-jide gens. This, too, is no longer in

existence. According to La Flèche and Two Crows, the only wa¢ixabe used

in war are made of the (skin and feathers of the) g¢eda^n´, or

pigeon-hawk, the i^n´be-jañ´ka, or forked-tail hawk, and the nickúcku,

or martin. All three kinds were not carried by the same war party.

Sometimes one man carries an i^nbe-jañka, and the other a nickucku; at

other times one carries a g¢eda^n, and the other an i^nbe-jañka or

nickucku. [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ says that the weasel is very sacred. Two

Crows never heard this; and he says that the keeper of any very sacred

object never reveals what it is. These sacred bags are not heavy; yet

the bearer of one has no other work. He must wear his robe tied at the

neck, and drawn around him even in warm weather.

At the feast, the three wa¢ixabe are put in the middle of the lodge. The

keepers take their seats, and sing sacred songs, some of which are

addresses to the Thunder, while others are dancing songs. Among the

former is one of which a fragment was given by [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ:

"Wi-ʇi´-ga^n na^n´-pe-wa´-¢ě e-ga^n´,

Wi-ʇi´-ga^n na^n´-pe-wa´-¢ě e-ga^n´,

We´-ti^n kě g¢i´-ha^n-ha^n ʞĭ,

Na^n´-pe wá-¢ě----."

"As my grandfather is dangerous,

As my grandfather is dangerous,

When he brandishes his club,

Dangerous----."

When he had proceeded so far [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ stopped and refused to

tell the rest, as it was too sacred.

This song is also sung by the keepers of the wa¢ixabe after the return

of the warriors, when the ordeal of the wastégistú is tried. (See §

214.)

Though the keepers sometimes sing the songs four times, and the others

then dance around four times, this is not always done so often. After

the dance they enjoy the feast.

Presents are made by the giver of the feast to the keepers of the

wa¢ixabe, who are thus persuaded to lend their sacred bags with the

peculiar advantages or sacredness which they claim for them.

§ 197. The principal captains select the lieutenants, and assign to each

of the other captains a company of about twenty warriors. Each of the

minor captains camps with his own company, which has its own camp-fire

apart from the other companies. But only the two principal captains

select the scouts, police, etc.

When the fasting, etc., begins (see § 191), even the captains wear

plumes in their hair.

When the party is very large, requiring many moccasins, and they intend

going a long distance, a longer period than four days may be required

for their preparations.

According to [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ, the principal captains tie pieces of

twisted grass around their wrists and ankles, and wear other pieces

around their heads. This refers to the Thunder god. Two Crows says that

he never did this.

§ 198. _Opening of the bags._--When the principal captains wish to open

their sacred bags, they assemble their followers in a circle, making

them sit down. Any of the followers or servants (the terms are

interchangeable) may be ordered to make an "ujéʇi" in the center of the

circle, by pulling up the grass, then making a hole in the ground. Then

the sacred bags are laid at the feet of the principal captains, each one

of whom opens his own bag, holding the mouth of the bird towards the

foe, even when some of the warriors are going to steal horses.

§ 199. _Policemen or Wanáce._--These are selected after the party has

left the village, sometimes during the next day or night, sometimes on

the second day. The appointments are made by the principle captains. If

the war-party be a small one, few policemen (from seven to ten) are

appointed; but if it is a large party, many are appointed, perhaps

twenty. There is never any fixed number; but circumstances always

determine how many are required. For a small party, two

wanáce-nuda^n´hañga, or captains of police, are appointed, to whom the

principal captains say, "Wanáce ¢anúda^nhañ´ga taté," _You shall be

captains of the police_. Each of these wanáce-nuda^n´hañga has several

wanáce at his command. When any of the warriors are disobedient, or are

disposed to lag behind the rest, the policemen hit them at the command

of their own captains, the wanáce-nuda^n´hañga. When the wanáce see that

the men are straggling, they cry, "Wa^n<! wa^n<!" On hearing this, the

warriors say, "The policemen are calling"; so they run towards the main

body.

§ 200. _Order of march for any war party._--The scouts, or wada^n´be-ma,

go from two to four miles in advance during the day. There are only two

of these when the party is a small one; but a large party has four.

These scouts are sent ahead as soon as they have eaten their breakfasts.

They do not always go straight ahead. Should they come to a hill, they

do not ascend, preferring to make a detour by going along a "skída," or

high level forming an opening between two hills. If, when they reach

there, they detect no signs of a foe, they continue on their way. Some

of the warriors may go out as scouts of their own accord, before

requested to do so by the captains.

§ 201. When there is a large party, the two nuda^n´hañga-jiñ´ga, or

minor captains, bearing the sacred bags, go about a hundred yards in

advance of the others. Then march the captains, and after them follow

the warriors and those who are the servants of the captains. Each

captain has his servant, who carries his captain's baggage and rations,

waits on him, brings him food and water, and makes his couch when they

camp for the night. As the day advances and the warriors become tired,

they drop behind. Then the captains order those near them to halt and

sit down. If there are bearers of the wa¢ixabe, they are the first to

take their seats at the command of the captains, who sit next to them.

Then the nearest warriors are seated, and so on, as they come together.

Those in the rear sit where they please. It is important for the party

to keep together, for they might be exterminated if attacked when the

men are scattered. As soon as those in the rear have overtaken the rest,

all arise and resume the march.

The scouts having gone to the place designated, return to report, and

two of the captains go ahead to meet them. Having reported whether they

have seen traces of an enemy or of game, etc., they are relieved, and

others are sent ahead in their places. This change of day scouts takes

place as many times as the circumstances require. One of the men who

bears the kettle on his back, acts as if he were a captain, addressing

the warriors thus: "Ho, warriors! bring me water," or, "Ho, warriors!

bring me some wood."

§ 202. _Songs._--Sometimes when a man thinks that he will die fighting

the enemy he sings different songs. One of these songs given by

[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ, was intended to infuriate the warriors. He said that

it was the "Captive song," and was not regarded as sacred. Though he

said that it was sung by one of the wanáce-nuda^nhañga, as he danced

around the marching warriors, that is doubted by La Flèche and Two

Crows, who said that one of the nuda^nhañga was not always singing and

dancing around the others. The song, as sung, differs from the spoken

words.

Na^n´ku-¢é ha^n´-¢i^n-bi-go+ (_i. e._, Na^n´-ku-¢ě-a^n-¢i^n´-i-gă)

Na^n´ku-¢é ha^n´-¢i^n-bi-go+

Hó, nú-da^n-hañ-gá, ʇa^n´-be tě

U-á-hi-ta-má-ji no+ (i. e., Uahita-majĭ á¢a u+!)

Nú-da^n-hañ-gá, na^n´-ku-¢é-ha^n´-¢i^n-bi-go+

It may be translated thus:

O make us quicken our steps!

O make us quicken our steps!

Ho, O war chief! When I see him

I shall have my heart's desire!

O war chief, make us quicken our steps!

One of the sacred songs which follows is from the [T]ᴐiwere language,

and was sung by an Omaha captain. It is given, as sung in the Omaha

notation of the [T]ᴐiwere. The meaning of all the words cannot be given

by the collector.

Ma^n´-¢i^n ¢e hé ga+we+he-hé! (Ma^n-¢i^n, for ma-nyi, _to walk_.)

Ma^n´-¢i^n ¢e hé ga+we+he-he!

Tcé-do na-há! (Tce-ʇo naha, _buffalo bull, he who is_, or, _

The Buffalo bull_.)

Ma^n´-¢i^n ¢e hé ga+we+he-hé!

After singing this the captain addressed the men thus: "Ho, warriors! I

have truly said that I shall have my heart's desire! Truly, warriors,

they shall not detect me at all. I am now proceeding without any desire

to save life. If I meet one of the foe I will not spare him."

§ 203. The Míʞasi watcí or _Coyote Dance_.--This was danced by the

warriors before they retired for the night, to keep up their spirits. It

was not danced every night, but only when thought necessary. The

captains took no part in it. Some sang the dancing songs. All whitened

themselves (sa^nki¢a¢a). Each one carried a gourd rattle and a bow; he

wore his quiver in his belt, and had his robe around him. They imitated

the actions of the coyote, trotting, glancing around, etc.

§ 204. _Order of encamping._--As soon as they stop to camp for the night

four night scouts are sent out, one in advance, towards the country of

the foe, one to the rear, and one on each side of the camp, each scout

going for about a mile. Before they depart the captains say, "Ho,

warriors! When you feel sleepy come back," referring to midnight. Then

the scouts leave, and as soon as they reach their respective stations

they lie down and watch for any signs of the enemy.

At the command of the nuda^nhañga-q¢exe the camp is formed in a circle,

with the fire in the center. The warriors are told to go for wood and

water, and the servants of the captains prepare couches for their

respective masters by pulling grass, some of which they twist and tie up

for pillows. Each servant does this for his own captain. When bad

weather is threatening the lieutenants order the warriors to build a

grass lodge. For tent poles they cut many long saplings of hard willow

or of any other kind of wood, and stick them in the ground at acute

angles, and about one foot apart, if wood is plentiful, and small sticks

are interlaced. Then they cover this frame with grass. When wood is very

scarce the saplings are placed further apart.

Unlike the Iowas, the Omahas do not open their sacred bags when they

encamp for the night. All the bags are hung on two or three forked

sticks, the wa¢íxabe-u¢úbaʇig¢e, which are about three feet high. These

sticks are placed about five feet from the circle of warriors, close

enough to be seized at once in case of an attack.

Should any scout detect danger he must give the cry of a coyote or

míʞasi. By and by, when the scouts become sleepy, and there is no sign

of danger, they return to the camp, and lie down with their comrades

till nearly day. When it is time for roosters to crow, one of the

captains exclaims, "Ho, warriors! rise ye and kindle a fire." Then all

arise and dress in haste, and after they have eaten, the scouts are sent

ahead, as on the preceding morning.

§ 205. _New names taken._--When the warriors have been four nights on

the way, excluding the night of departure from the village, the warriors

generally take new names. But if any one likes his old name he can

retain it. According to La Flèche and Two Crows, the ceremony is very

simple. The captain tells all present that such a man has changed his

name; then he addresses the Deity in the sky and the one under the

ground: "Thou Deity on either side, hear it; hear ye that he has taken

another name."

According to [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ, the warriors collect clothing and

arrows, which they pile up in the center of the circle. As each man

places his property on the pile, he says, "I, too, O war chief, abandon

that name which is mine!" (This is probably addressed to the Thunder

god.) Then one of the principal captains takes hold of the man by the

shoulders, and leads him all around the circle, following the course of

the sun. When he has finished the circumambulation (which is denied by

La Flèche and Two Crows), the captain asks the man, "What name will you

have, O warrior?" The man replies, "O war chief, I wish to have such and

such a name," repeating the name he wishes to assume. The captain

replies, "The warrior is speaking of having a very precious name!" Then

one of the men is sent to act as crier, to announce the name to the

various deities. The addresses to the deities vary in some particulars.

The following was the proclamation of the Ponka, Cúde-gáxe, when the

chief, Nuda^n´-axa, received his present name: "He is truly speaking, as

he sits, of abandoning his name, halloo! He is indeed speaking of having

the name Cries-for-the-war-path, halloo! Ye big head-lands, I tell you

and send it (my voice) to you that ye may hear it, halloo! Ye clumps of

buffalo grass, I tell you and send it to you that ye may hear it,

halloo! Ye big trees, I tell you and send it to you that ye may hear it,

halloo! Ye birds of all kinds that walk and move on the ground, I tell

you and send it to you that ye may hear it, halloo! Ye small animals of

different sizes, that walk and move on the ground, I tell you and send

it to you that ye may hear it, halloo! Thus have I sent to you to tell

you, O ye animals! Right in the ranks of the foe will he kill a very

swift man, and come back after holding him, halloo! He speaks of

throwing away the name Naji^n´-ti¢e, and he has promised to take the

name Nuda^n´-axa, halloo!" The original ₵egiha will be found on pages

372, 373 of Part I, Vol. VI, "Contributions to N. A. Ethnology."

According to the Omaha [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ, the following proclamation was

made when he received his present name; but this is disputed by La

Flèche and Two Crows:

"He is indeed speaking of abandoning his name! He is

indeed speaking (as he stands) of having the name,

He-fears-not-a-Pawnee-when-he-sees-him. Ye deities on either side (_i.

e._, darkness and the ground), I tell you and send it to you that you

may hear it, halloo! O Thunder, even you who are moving in a bad humor,

I tell you and send it to you that you may hear it, halloo! O ye big

rocks that move, I tell you and send it to you that ye may hear it,

halloo! O ye big hills that move, I tell you and send it to you that

ye may hear it, halloo! O ye big trees that move, I tell you and send

it to you that ye may hear it, halloo! O all ye big worms that move

(_i. e._, O ye snakes that are in a bad humor, ye who move), I tell you

and send it to you that ye may hear it, halloo! All ye small animals,

I tell you and send it to you that ye may hear it, halloo! O ye large

birds that move, I tell you and send it to you that you may hear it,

halloo!" To this address was added some of the following promises, all

of which were not used for the same person: "Watí¢ída^nbadíqti wi^n´

na^n´pěqti ta^n´ wégaq¢ `í¢ě ta^n á¢a!--_He speaks as he stands of

striking down one in the very midst of the ranks of the foe, who shall

stand in great fear of him!_" "Watí¢ uhañ´geqti tě´di wi^n´ wégaq¢ `í¢ě

ta^n á¢a!--_He is speaking of striking down one at the very end of the

ranks of the foe._" "Watí¢e uka^n´ska ída^nbadiqti wi^n´ wégaq¢ `í¢ě

ta^n á¢a!--_He is speaking of striking down one in the very middle

of the enemy's ranks, having gone directly towards him._" "Watí¢e

uhañ´gadiqti wi^n t'éwaki¢ `í¢ě ta^n á¢a!--_He is speaking of slaying

one at the very end of the enemy's ranks!_" "Gaza^n´adiqti wi^n ú ¢iñgé

u¢a^n´ `í¢ě ta^n á¢a!--_He is speaking of taking hold of one without

a wound right in the midst of the foe_ (_i. e._, when surrounded by

them)!"

§ 206. _Behavior of those who stay at home._--The old men who stay at

home occasionally act as criers, day and night. They go among the

lodges, and also to the bluffs, where they exhort the absent warriors,

somewhat after this manner: "Do your best. You have gone traveling (_i.

e._, on the war path) because you are a man. You are walking over a land

over which it is very desirable for one to walk. Lie (when you die) in

whatever place you may wish to lie. Be sure to lie with your face

towards the foe!" They do not keep this up all the time, nor do they

always make such exhortations.

§ 207. The women, too, address the distant warriors. The following is a

song referring to Hebadi-ja^n, of the [K]a^nze gens:

"Wa-na´-q¢i^n-ă! Á-¢a-`a^n´ ¢á-¢i^n-cé-i^n-te

[T]í-nu-há, ¢a-a^n´-¢a ca^n´ ¢a-¢i^n-cé.

He-bá-di-ja^n´, Cá-a^n-jiñ´-ga kú¢ě a¢i^n gí-ă!"

Hasten! What are you doing that you remain away so long?

Elder brother, now, at length, you have left him behind.

O Hebadi-ja^n! be returning quickly with a young Dakota!

La Flèche and Two Crows never heard this song; but they do not dispute

its correctness. It was told the writer by [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ.

§ 208. _Report of scouts._--When the scouts return and report having

found the enemy, stating also how they are encamped, if the party is a

large one, the sacred bags are opened by the principal captains, with

the mouth of each bag towards the enemy, as stated in § 198.

[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ says that they then give the scalp-yell, and each one

repeats what he has promised to do on meeting the enemy; but this is

disputed by La Flèche and Two Crows.

§ 209. _Capture of horses._--Two men who are active go to steal horses

from the enemy. This departure is called "ʇí-gaqá a¢ai," _they have gone

to get the better of_ (those in) _the lodges_ (of the enemy), and is

explained by "wama^n´¢a^n a¢aí," _they have gone to steal_. The two men

may go together or may separate and try to steal horses at whatever

places they can find any. Should these followers fail, two of the

officers must make an attempt. These officers may be either the captains

or the lieutenants. Sometimes a youth steals off from the warriors, and

tries to capture a horse. The policemen try to prevent this, as the

youth might alarm the foe. No matter who captures the horses, he must

deliver them to the two principal captains. If many horses have been

captured, the men take them to a safe distance, and then they are

distributed among the members of the party. He who captured the horses

is always the first to receive one from the captains. Each of the

(principal) captains has his special followers, who are obliged to bring

to him all the horses which they capture. And the captain, in like

manner, shares his booty with his followers. Thus, when

[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ captured horses from the Dakotas, when he was one of

the captains, he distributed eight horses among his own followers. (See

p. 442, Part I, Vol. VI, Contributions to N. A. Ethnology.) When he

recovered the horses from the enemy, the warriors thanked him, saying

that on account of his act they would not be compelled to make their

feet sore from walking home. When but few horses have been taken, only

the elder men receive them; but when many have been captured, all of the

party share alike.

§ 210. _Preparations for attacking the enemy._--Before the attack is

made, it is usually the custom for scouts to make a thorough survey of

the enemy's camp. So, when Two Crows led his party against the Yanktons,

in 1854, and had discovered the proximity of the foe, he first sent one

of the lieutenants, [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ, to count the lodges. On his

return, another lieutenant, Sĭn´de-xa^n´xa^n, was sent by Two Crows, for

the purpose of learning if the enemy were sleeping. The latter having

reported, Two Crows himself, being one of the captains, went with

Sĭnde-xa^n´xa^n, to make a final examination. Having ascertained the

location of the sleepers, they returned to their party, and began the

attack at midnight. When [T]ahé-jiñga and Níku¢íb¢a^n had led a small

party against the Pawnee Loups, they sent back a messenger to the Omaha

camp, and when four scouts were sent from the camp, Wabaskaha, who was

one of the small war party, deceived them, saying that the Cheyennes

were in the camp near at hand. Then many of the Omahas joined the small

party changing it into a nuda^nhi^n-ʇañga. This was after the death of

the chief Black Bird, in the early part of this century. When the main

body of the Omahas had joined the others, they proceeded without delay

to surprise the camp of the Pawnees. Having arrived just at the outside

of the village, they crawled towards it in perfect silence, going by

twenties, each one holding the hand of the man next to him. The

captain, Niku¢ib¢a^n, or Gia^nhabi, had a sacred bag, which he opened

(_four times_, said Big Elk) with its mouth towards the foe, that the

wind might waft the magic influence of the bag to the lodges, and make

the sleepers forget their weapons and their warlike spirit (denied by La

Flèche and Two Crows). He also had a war-club with an iron point, which

he used as a sacred thing, waving it four times toward the foe. When

they were very near the lodges, but while it was yet dark, one of the

attacking party pulled his bow with all his might, sending an arrow very

far. But the arrow could not be seen. They continued drawing nearer and

nearer, exhorting one another, but speaking in whispers. At last it was

daylight, which is the usual time for making the attack, as people are

supposed to be sound asleep. Then Niku¢ib¢a^n pulled his bow, and sent

an arrow, which could be seen. He waved the sacred bag four times, and

gave the attacking cry of the leader (the wa`i^n´ba^n) once, whereupon

all of his party gave the scalp-yell (ug¢á`a`a), and began the fight by

shooting at the lodges. (See § 193.)

Each combatant tries to find a shelter, from behind which he may fire at

the enemy, though brave men now and then expose themselves to great

danger when they rush towards the ranks of the enemy and try to capture

a man, or to inflict a blow on him. Those who are the first to strike or

touch a fallen enemy in the presence of his comrades, who are generally

watching their opportunity to avenge his fall, are also regarded as very

brave.

Protracted warfare, or fighting for several days in succession, has not

been the Omaha custom.

§ 211. _Preparation for an attack on a single foe._--In the story of

I´cibájĭ of the [T]e-sĭn´de gens, we read thus: "At length the warriors

detected a man coming towards them. They told the war-chief, who said,

'Ho! Oh warriors, he is the one whom we seek. Let us kill him.' Then the

warriors prepared themselves. They painted themselves with yellow earth

and white clay. Icibajĭ picked up the pieces dropped by the others, and

the war-chief made his back yellow for him, in imitation of the

sparrow-hawk. Then the warriors pulled off their leggings and moccasins,

which they gave to Icibajĭ to keep. When Icibajĭ, having gained the

consent of his captain, had peeped over the bluff at the advancing man,

he ran to meet him, having no weapon but his club. Having overtaken the

man, he killed him with the club. And when the others took parts of the

scalp, Icibajĭ did not take any of it."

§ 212. When one of the principal captains was killed, that always

stopped the fight, even if he belonged to the side of the victors.

If any one heard that one of his kindred was killed or captured, he

would try to go to him, and both generally perished together. When the

Omahas were fleeing from the Dakotas, in a fight which occurred about A.

D. 1846, some one told an old man that his son had been killed. "Ho!"

said he, "I will stop running." So he turned around and went to the

place where his son's body was. He rushed headlong among the

combatants, who were standing very thick, and at last perished with his

son.

§ 213. _Return of the war-party._--On the way home the booty is divided.

[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ said that "They stop for the night at a point about

two miles from the village," but La Flèche and Two Crows deny this,

saying that the warriors come into the village when they please, as they

are hungry and wish to see their wives and children.

If they have brought back scalps or horses, they set the grass afire. On

seeing this the villagers say "Nuda^n´ ama´ agíi, eb¢e´ga^n. Usaí."--_I

think that the warriors are coming back. They have set the grass afire._

[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ said that if they have brought scalps, they put some

of the hair in the fire, and the smoke is black. But if they put a

horse's tail in the fire, the smoke is very yellow.

La Flèche and Two Crows said that there is no difference in the meaning

of the colors of the smoke, though déje jíde or red grass, sidúhi, and

other kinds of grass, are set afire, and make different kinds of smoke.

When guns are fired it signifies that a foe has been killed. But when

none are fired, and the grass is not set afire, it is a sign of an

unsuccessful expedition.

As soon as the people hear the guns, they shout, "The warriors have come

back!" Then the warriors ride back and forth, moving here and there

among themselves in the distance. Then the old men proclaim through the

village what each warrior has achieved, calling him by name--"This one

has killed a foe!" "This one has broken off a head!" "This one would not

allow the others to anticipate him in seizing one of the foe by the

scalp-lock," etc.

§ 214. _Ordeal of the sacred bags._--When the warriors have had a rest

of about two days, they assemble for a dance, called the "Wéwatci," or

Scalp-dance. Before the dance, however, the successful warriors receive

the rewards or insignia of valor from the nuda^nhañga who has the three

wa¢íxabe ʇañ´ga or wastégistú. The three bags are placed in a row, and

all the warriors stand in a row. Each warrior having selected the

wa¢ixabe to which he intends speaking, he makes a present to it. Then

the keeper of the wa¢ixabe addresses him, reminding him that Wakanda

sees him, and that if he speaks falsely, he may not expect to stay much

longer on the earth. Then the young man says, "Wi^n´ake. Wakan´da aká

íbaha^ni."--_I tell the truth. Wakanda knows it._ As he says this, he

holds up his right hand towards the sky. Then he addresses the wa¢ixabe

itself, as follows: "Hau, i^nc`áge-ha! edáda^n uwíb¢a támiñke ¢a^n´ja,

i¢áusi´cta^n-májĭ uwíb¢a tá miñke."--_Ho, O venerable man! though I will

tell you something, I will not lie when I tell it to you._ When he says

this, he lets fall a small stick which has been cut beforehand. He is

obliged to hold the stick up high when he drops it. Should the stick

fall on the sacred bag and remain there, it is a sign that he has spoken

the truth; but if it falls off, they believe that he has been guilty of

falsehood, and did not do in the fight that which he has claimed for

himself.

_Rewards of bravery._--When all the warriors have thus been tested, they

are addressed by the holder of the wa¢ixabe. To one who was the first to

take hold of a foe, he says, "[K]áxe mí¢ag¢a^n´te hă," _You shall wear

the crow in your belt_. Sometimes he adds, "Sábě ¢aʞíckaxe te. [K]áxe

ájaja ¢aʞíckaxe te hă."--_You shall blacken yourself. You shall make

spots on yourself, resembling crows' dung._ This warrior must blacken

his body, and then mark here and there spots with white clay.

[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ said that the second who took hold of a foe had the

following reward: He was allowed to blacken his body from the waist to

the shoulders, and to rub white clay down the tops of his shoulders. To

him was said, "Máca^n-skă, ʇáhi^n-wág¢a^n á¢ag¢a^n´ te hă."--_You shall

stick in your hair white eagle feathers, and wear the deer's-tail

head-dress._ La Flèche and Two Crows said that this man was allowed to

wear the ʇahi^n-wag¢a^n alone on his head, and to put the crow in his

belt.

According to [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ, the third warrior who caught hold of the

foe blackened his body thus: On the arms, at the elbows, on the ribs,

and hiusagi, he could make places as large as a hand (or, he could make

one side of his body black--sic). To him was said, "[T]áhi^n-wág¢a^n

máca^n ¢iñgé á¢ag¢a^n´ te hă," _You shall wear the_ ʇahi^n-wag¢a^n

_without any feathers_. But La Flèche and Two Crows said that this man

was told to wear the crow in his belt; and the fourth who took hold of

the foe was told to wear the ʇahi^n-wag¢a^n without any other

decoration.

[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ said that he who disemboweled a fallen enemy with a

knife was permitted to stick a red feather in his hair. He blackened his

body from the waist up to the shoulder, and over the shoulder, then down

the back to the waist. He could redden his knife and dance as a grizzly

bear. But Two Crows, who has attended the scalp-dance, never saw

anything of this sort.

According to [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ, he who killed a foe was rewarded in

several ways. He could wear the ʇehuq¢abe[17] necklace, called the

"gadádaje waci^n´, and was addressed thus: "Gadádaje waci^n´

na^n´¢ap'i^n te hă," _You can wear the_ ʇehuq¢abe _necklace_.

"Ma^n´-u¢úbaski ái¢agá¢a te hă," _You shall carry the ramrod on your

arm_. "[T]áhi^n-wág¢a^n sía^n¢é á¢ag¢a^n´ te hă," _You shall wear the_

ʇahi^n-wag¢a^n _alone in your hair_. (These were disputed by La Flèche

and Two Crows.) "Ma^n´sa gasú jíde¢ě na^n¢ap'i^n´ te hă," _You shall

wear an arrow shaft, scraped and reddened, suspended from your neck_.

(Confirmed by La Flèche and Two Crows.)

He who struck a foe with a hatchet, bow, etc., was allowed to redden it

and carry it to the dance, if he wished.

[17] The fat on the outside of the stomach of a buffalo or domestic cow.

Sometimes a warrior gave a gun, etc., to an old man, who went through

the camp telling of the generosity of the giver.

All who had parts of scalps were told to wear ʇahi^n-wag¢a^n on their

heads.

§ 215. _The scalp dance_ (of the women).--One of the women had to carry

the scalp around on a pole during the dance. This act is ái¢a-báju.

When a man killed a foe with a knife, gun, hatchet, etc., it was taken

by his wife, who held it as she danced. Such women dressed themselves in

gay attire, decorated themselves with various ornaments, wore

head-dresses of ʇeji^nhi^nde, painted their cheeks, and reddened the

déugáza^n or parting of the hair of the head.

This scalp-dance is the women's dance; the men take no part but that of

singing the dancing songs for the women and beating the drums. When any

of the Omahas had been killed by the enemy, this dance could not be had;

but when the Omahas were fortunate enough to kill some of the foe

without losing any of their own party the men said, "Wéwatci añ´ki¢e

taí," _Let them dance the scalp-dance_. Then the men went first with

one, two, or three drums to a place bare of undergrowth, and began to

beat the drums. By and by the women would hear it, and assemble. There

was no feast and no invitations were made by criers. Any women and girls

who wished to dance could do so. The only men allowed to sing the

dancing songs for the women were those who had killed foes, or had taken

hold of them.

The women did not dance in a circle, but "kiáqpaqpág¢a" (moving in and

out among themselves) and "íki¢íb¢a^n" (mixed, in disorder), as they

pleased. Sometimes they danced all night till the next morning;

sometimes they continued the dance for two or three days. This wewatci

has not been danced by the Omaha women for about fourteen years. It is

not considered a sacred dance, but one of rejoicing.

§ 216. The He¢ucka _dance_ (of the men).--The corresponding dance for

the men is the He¢úcka.[18] The only members of the He¢ucka dancing

society are such as have distinguished themselves in war, and boys whose

fathers are chiefs. When Frank La Flèche was a boy he was admitted to

the He¢ucka solely because his father was a chief.

"The first four to take hold of the foe were decorated with the

ʇahi^n-wag¢a^n head-dress, the 'crow' in the belt, and garters of

otter-skin.

"He who had killed a foe with a gun reddened the barrel for about nine

inches or a foot from the muzzle, wore the 'crow,' and stuck several

swan feathers around the muzzle. He also wore a feather in his hair.

"Those who struck some of the foe, but did not inflict fatal blows, made

on their bodies the signs of blows; having blackened their hands, they

put them here and there on their bodies, leaving black impressions.

Sometimes they blackened the whole body, and over the black they made

white hands, after rubbing white clay on their own hands. They wore

feathers in their hair, as did all except the four who were the first to

take hold of the foe.

[18] Known among the Kansas as the Ilucka, and among the Osages as the

Iñʞ¢ŭ^ncka.

"He who had been wounded by the foe, without receiving a fatal blow,

blackened his body, and put on a red spot and stripe to denote the wound

and the dripping of the blood. He wore a red feather in his hair.

"Those who had brought back horses, wore lariats, "núsi-áq¢a" (over the

left shoulder and under the right arm), and carried their whips on their

arms.

"All these were promoted to the rank of wanáce or policemen, to act as

such during the buffalo hunt." (_La Flèche_ and _Two Crows_.)

"There were many singers. They had a drum, but no rattles of any sort.

They danced as they moved around the fire-place, from left to right.

This was always after a feast. They had no regular number of times for

dancing around the circle.

"The man who first held a foe ranked as number one; the slayer came

next; the second who held the foe ranked third; the third to hold the

foe ranked fourth, and the fifth was he who cut off the head and threw

it away.

"Sometimes the fourth man did this. Only the first, second, and third of

these men were regarded as having gained great honors, and these three

laded out the food at the feast.

"Only those who held or touched the foe made the impression of hands on

their bodies.

"Those who struck living foes wore feathers erect in their hair, while

those who hit dead enemies had to wear their feathers lying down."

(_Frank La Flèche._)

Mr. J. La Flèche gave the following as a very ancient song of this

dance:

"Wakan´da aká a^n¢iñ´ge te, ai éga^n,

A^n¢iñ´ge támiñke."

"Wakanda having said that I shall not be,

I shall not be."

In this song, "A^n¢iñ´ge ta´miñke" is equivalent to "At'é támiñke," _I

shall die_. The idea is that the singer thought he would not die until

Wakanda spoke the word, and then he must die. Till then he would be

safe, no matter what dangers he encountered.

For the song in honor of the Ponka chief, Ubískă, see pp. 380, 381, Part

I, Vol. VI., Contributions to N. A. Ethnology.

§ 217. _The He-watcí._--The concluding part of the He¢ucka was called

the "Hé-watcí." It was danced only by one man, a member of the He¢ucka

society. After the feast, the head of a dog or deer was generally given

to one of the guests, who ate it clean and laid it down after imitating,

as he danced, some of his acts in battle. The man arose suddenly of his

own accord, taking the head in both hands and holding it in front of

him. When no head had been boiled he danced without one. The drum was

beaten, but there were no songs. The dancer wore the "crow," and grasped

a club or hatchet, which had been purposely placed in the middle of the

circle. His acts resembled those of the four visitors when the

Égi`a^n-watcigaxe was danced. (See § 271.) Pointing in various

directions with his club or hatchet, with which he struck the ground

each time, he said, "Níaci^nga wi^n gaé`a^n:" _I did thus to a man_;

"Níaci^nga wi^n áq¢i," _I killed a man_; "Níaci^nga wi^n ub¢a^n," _I

took hold of a man_; or some other expression. When he finished the

He¢ucka dance was ended.

§ 218. _The Mandan dance with fallen friends._--When the Omahas lost any

of their number in a fight they had the Mandan dance on their homeward

way, or after they reached home. If they had the bodies of their dead

they placed the latter in the middle of a lodge, making them sit

upright, as if alive and singing. And they made them hold rattles of

deers' claws on their arms.

In the war story of [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ, recorded in Part I, Vol. VI,

Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, the narrator says: "All the people

danced in groups, dancing the Mandan dance. I rode the horse which I had

brought home. I painted my face and wore good clothing. I hit the drum:

'Ku+!' I said, 'Let Wáqa-náji^n take that for himself,' referring to the

horse. I presented the horse to one who was not my relation."

§ 219. When the war party return home, whether they have been successful

or not, the captains invite the warriors to a feast. The warriors, in

turn, invited the captains to a feast. There was no regular order; if

the warriors boiled first they were the first to invite (the captains)

to a feast.

§ 220. A battle may be ended either by the death of one of the principal

captains or by sending a man with a sacred pipe towards the ranks of the

enemy. The sacred pipe is a peace pipe, and is used instead of a flag of

truce. (See Punishment of a murderer, § 309.)

§ 221. _Treatment of the wounded foes._--If they fell into the power of

the men of the victorious side they were killed and their bodies were

cut in pieces, which were thrown towards the retreating foes, who cried

with rage and mortification. Their treatment at the hand of the women

has been described in § 184.

§ 222. _Treatment of captives._--Captives were not slain by the Omahas

and Ponkas. When peace was declared the captives were sent home, if they

wished to go. If not they could remain where they were, and were treated

as if they were members of the tribe; but they were not adopted by any

one. When Gahíge-jiñ´ga, father of Wacúce, of the Iñke-sabě gens, was a

small boy he was captured by the Ponkas as they were fighting with the

Omahas, who were camped near their adversaries. The Omahas having

overcome the Ponkas, the latter sent the aged Hañ´ga-ckáde, whom the

Omahas admired, with a peace pipe, and, as an earnest of their

intentions, they sent with him the boy whom they had captured that day.

He was restored to his tribe, and peace was declared. (See International

Law, § 306.)

§ 223. _Bravery._--The following anecdotes were told by Mr. La Flèche as

illustrating the bravery of his people:

An old man had a son who reached manhood, and went into a fight, from

which he returned wounded, but not dangerously so. The son asked his

father saying, "Father, what thing is hard to endure?" He expected the

father to say, "My child, for one to be wounded in battle is hard to

endure." Had he said this, the son would have replied, "Yes, father; I

shall live." The father suspected this, so he made a different reply:

"Nothing, my child. The only thing hard to bear is to put on leggings

again before they have been warmed by the fire." So the son became angry

and said, "My father, I will die."

A certain old man had been very brave in his youth; he had gone many

times on the war-path, and had killed many persons belonging to

different tribes. His only children were two young men. To them he gave

this advice: "Go on the war-path. It will be good for you to die when

young. Do not run away. I should be ashamed if you were wounded in the

back; but it would delight me to learn of your being wounded in the

chest." By and by there was war with another tribe, and the two young

men took part in it. Their party having been scared back, both young men

were killed. When the men reached home some one said, "Old man, your

sons were killed." "Yes," said he, "that is just what I desired. I will

go to see them. Let them alone; I will attend to them." He found the

eldest son wounded all along the back, but lying with his face towards

home. Said he, "Wă! kí ga^n´¢aqti kéana. Gátěʇa úgaq¢e ¢aja^n´ te, ehé

¢a^n´ctĭ."--_Why! he lies as if he felt a strong desire to reach home! I

said heretofore that you were to lie facing that way._ So taking hold of

his arms, he threw the body in the other direction, with the face

towards the enemy. He found the younger son wounded in the chest, and

lying with his face toward the foe. "Ho! this is my own son. He obeyed

me!" And the father kissed him.

§ 224. _Grades of merit or bravery_, Úwahéhajĭ-má, were of two sorts. To

the first class belonged such as had given to the poor on many

occasions, and had invited guests to many feasts, being celebrated for

the latter as "wéku-cta^n." To the second class belonged those, who,

besides having done these things many times, had killed several of the

foe and had brought home many horses. In connection with war customs,

see Property (Chapter XII), and Regulative Industries (Chapter XI).

Another protective industry is the practice of medicine. (See Dancing

Societies, Chapter X.)

CHAPTER X.

AMUSEMENTS AND CORPORATIONS.

§ 225. _Riddles_, Wá¢ade.--"Níaci^nga wi^n ní kě´di hí éga^n, da^n´be

ʞĭ, xagé gí. Edáda^n ă?--_A person having gone to the water, and

looked at it is coming back weeping. What is that?_" The answer is,

"₵éxé amé. Ní kě í¢ijai ʞĭ, a¢i^n´ agíi ʞĭ, ga`ě´`ě. É xagé,

ai."--_It is a kettle. When it is dipped into the water, and, one is

bringing it back, it is dripping. That, they say, is weeping._

[P]ahé ʇañgáqti wi^n ědedí¢i^n ʞĭ´jĭ, q¢abé ábaéqtia^n! Cañ´ge

ědedíama; hi^n sábě, jíde ctĭ, skă ctĭ. Indáda^n ă?"--_There is a

mountain that is covered with trees. Horses are moving there; some have

black hair, some red, and some white. What is it?_ The answer is, "A

person's head is the mountain; the hairs are trees, and lice are the

horses."

"Gawéxe wi^n ědedí¢a^n. Indáda^n ă?"--_There is a place cut up by

gulleys. What is it?_ Answer: Wa`ujiñga ĭndé hă, _An old woman's face_.

(It is furrowed with wrinkles.)

§ 226. _Proverbs_, Wíu¢a.--Sometimes they say of an obstinate man,

"Waníʇa éga^n áha^n," _He is like an animal_, meaning that he is

"naxíde-¢iñgé." Another ancient comparison is this: "Jé éga^n áha^n.

Wana^n´pajĭ áha^n."--_He is like the membrum virile! He fears the sight

of nothing!_ This refers to a bad man, who fears not to commit a wrong,

but pushes ahead, in spite of opposition, or, as the Omahas say,

"áʞi[p]atcíje," regardless of the consequences to others or to

himself.

A proverb about the "Wanaxe piäjĭ," the bad spirit, is a modern one,

introduced after coming in contact with the white men.

Ictínikeqtia^n´i, _He is like Ictinike_; _i. e._, he is very cunning.

Miʞá [p]a núʞagi¢ai, _The raccoon wet his head_. This refers to one

who talks softly when he tries to tempt another.

§ 227. _Puns._--Two youths accompanied their mother's brother when he

hunted game. Having killed a deer, the two young men proceeded to cut it

up, while the uncle looked on. He made this observation to them: "Sábě

a^n¢a^n´da ¢a^n´ja, ga^n´adi í¢isábe hă."--Though I was born _black_

(sabě), now you _suffer_ (i¢isabe).

GAMES.

§ 228. _Plumstone shooting_, [K]a^n´-si kíde.--This game was thus

described by Dougherty. "Five plumstones are provided, three of which

are marked on one side only with a greater or smaller number of black

dots or lines, and two of them are marked on both sides; they are,

however, sometimes made of bone of a rounded or flattened form, somewhat

like an orbicular button-mold, the dots in this case being impressed. A

wide dish and a certain number of small sticks by the way of counters

are also provided. Any number of persons may play this game, and

agreeably to the number engaged in it, is the quantity of sticks or

counters. The plumstones or bones are placed in a dish, and a throw is

made by simply jolting the vessel against the ground to make the seeds

or bones rebound, and they are counted as they lie when they fall. The

party plays around for the first throw. Whoever gains all the sticks in

the course of the game wins the stake. The throws succeed each other

with so much rapidity that we vainly endeavored to observe their laws of

computation, which it was the sole business of an assistant to attend

to."

The seeds used in this game are called ʞa^n´-si gě. Their number

varies. Among the Ponkas and Omahas, only five are used, while the Otos

play with six. Sometimes four are marked alike, and the fifth is black

or white (unmarked). Generally three are black on one side, and white or

unmarked on the other, while two have each a star on one side and a moon

on the other.

The players must always be of the same sex and class; that is, men must

play with men, youths with youths, and women with women.

There must always be an even number of players, not more than two on

each side. There are about twenty sticks used as counters. These are

made of deska or of some other grass.

The seed are put in a bowl, which is hit against a pillow, and not on

the bare ground, lest it should break the bowl.

When three seeds show black, and two have the moon on the upper side, it

is a winning throw; but when one is white, one black, a third black (or

white), the fourth showing a moon, and the fifth a star, it is a losing

throw. The game is played for small stakes, such as rings and necklaces.

§ 229. Banañ´ge-kíde, _Shooting at the_ banañge or _rolling

wheel_.--This is played by two men. Each one has in his hand two sticks

about as thick as one's little finger, which are connected in the middle

by a thong not over four inches in length. The sticks measure about

three feet and a half in length. Those of one player are red, and those

of the other are black. The wheel which is rolled is about two feet and

a half in diameter, its rim is half an inch thick, and it extends about

an inch from the circumference towards the center. On this side of the

rim that measures an inch are four figures. The first is called "Máxu,"

_Marked with a knife_, or "Mág¢eze," _Cut in stripes with a knife_. The

second is "Sábě tě," _The black one_. The third is "Áki¢ítě," _Crossing

each other_. The fourth is "Jiñgá tcě," _The little one_, or "Máxu jiñgá

tcě," _The little one marked with a knife_. The players agree which one

of the figures shall be "waqúbe" for the game; that is, what

card-players call "trumps."

The wheel is pushed and caused to roll along, and when it has almost

stopped each man hits gently at it to make it fall on the sticks. Should

the sticks fall on the top of the wheel, it does not count. When a

player succeeds in lodging his sticks in such a way that he touches the

waqube, he wins many sticks, or arrows. When figures are touched by one

or both of his sticks, he calls out the number. When any two of the

figures have been touched, he says, "Na^nba^n´a-ú hă,"_I have wounded it

twice_. If three figures have been hit, he says, "₵áb¢i^n a-ú hă,"_I

have wounded three_. Twenty arrows or sticks count as a blanket,

twenty-five as a gun, and one hundred as a horse.

[Illustration: FIG. 32.--The banañge.]

[Illustration: FIG. 33.--The sticks.]

§ 230. [T]abé-gasi, _Men's game of ball._--This is played by the Omahas

and Ponkas with a single ball. There are thirty, forty, or fifty men on

each side, and each one is armed with a curved stick about two feet

long. The players strip off all clothing except their breech-cloths. At

each end of the play-ground are two posts from 12 to 15 feet apart. The

play-ground is from 300 to 400 yards in length. When the players on the

opposite side see that the ball is liable to reach A they try to knock

it aside, either towards B or C, as their opponents would win if the

ball passed between the posts at A. On the other hand, if the party

represented by A see that the ball is in danger of passing between the

posts at D they try to divert it, either towards E or F.

[Illustration: FIG. 34.--Na^nba^n au hă.]

The stakes may be leggings, robes, arrows, necklaces, etc. All are lost

by the losing side, and are distributed by the winners in equal shares.

One of the elder men is requested to make the distribution. Two small

boys, about twelve years old, stand at the posts A, and two others are

at D. One boy at each end tries to send the ball between the posts, but

the other one attempts to send it in the opposite direction. These boys

are called uhé gináji^n.

[Illustration: FIG. 35.--₵ab¢i^n au hă.]

[Illustration: _Fig. 36._--Diagram of the play-ground.]

The game used to be played in three ways: (1.) Phratry against phratry.

Then one of the players was not blindfolded. (2.) Village against

village. The Omahas had three villages after 1855. Bi-kú-de was Gahige's

village, where most of the people were. Wi^n-dja´-ge was Standing Hawk's

village, near the Mission. Ja^n-¢a´-te was Sanssouci's village, near

Decatur. Frank La Flèche remembers one occasion when Wi^n-djage

challenged Bikude to play ʇabe-gasi, and the former won. (3.) When the

game was played neither by phratries nor by villages, sides were chosen

thus: A player was blindfolded, and the sticks were placed before him in

one pile, each stick having a special mark by which its owner could be

identified. The blindfolded man then took up two sticks at a time, one

in each hand, and, after crossing hands, he laid the sticks in separate

piles. The owners of the sticks in one pile formed a side for the game.

The corresponding women's game is Wabaᴐnade.

§ 231. [P]á¢i^n-jáhe, or _Stick and ring_.--[P]á¢i^n-jáhe is a game

played by two men. At each end of the play-ground, there are two "búʇa,"

or rounded heaps of earth.

A ring of rope or hide, the wa¢ígije, is rolled along the ground, and

each player tries to dart a stick through it as it goes. He runs very

swiftly after the hoop, and thrusts the stick with considerable force.

If the hoop turns aside as it rolls it is not so difficult to thrust a

stick through it.

[Illustration: FIG. 37.--The stick used in playing [P]á¢i^n-jahe.]

The stick (A) is about 4 feet long. D is the end that is thrust at the

hoop. BB are the gaqa or forked ends for catching at the hoop. CC are

made of ha násage, wéabasta násage íka^nta^n, _stiff hide, fastened to

the forked ends with stiff_ "weabasta," or _material used for soles of

moccasins_. These ha nasage often serve to prevent the escape of the

hoop from the forked ends. Sometimes these ends alone catch or hook the

hoop. Sometimes the end D is thrust through it. When both sticks catch

the hoop neither one wins.

[Illustration: FIG. 38.--The wa¢igije.]

The stakes are eagle feathers, robes, blankets, arrows, earrings,

necklaces, &c.

§ 232. Wabáᴐnade, _the women's game of ball_.--Two balls of hide are

filled with earth, grass, or fur, and then joined by a cord. At each end

of the play-ground are two "gabázu" or hills of earth, blankets, &c.,

that are from 12 to 15 feet apart. Each pair of hills may be regarded as

the "home" or "base" of one of the contending parties, and it is the aim

of the members of each party to throw the balls between their pair of

hills, as that would win the game.

Two small girls, about twelve years old, stand at each end of the

play-ground and act as uhe ginaji^n for the women, as boys do for the

men in ʇabe-gasi.

Each player has a webaᴐnade, a very small stick of hard or red willow,

about 5 feet long, and with this she tries to pick up the balls by

thrusting the end of the stick under the cord. Whoever succeeds in

picking them up hurls them into the air, as in playing with grace hoops.

The women can throw these balls very far. Whoever catches the cord on

her stick in spite of the efforts of her opponents, tries to throw it

still further, and closer to her "home." The stakes are buffalo hides,

small dishes or bowls, women's necklaces, awls, &c. The bases are from

300 to 400 yards apart. The corresponding men's game is [T]abe-gasi.

§ 233. Ja^n-¢áwa, _Stick counting_, is played by any number of persons

with sticks made of [p]éska or sidúhi. These sticks are all placed in a

heap, and then the players in succession take up some of them in their

hands. The sticks are not counted till they have been taken up, and then

he who has the lowest odd number always wins. Thus, if one player had

five, another three, and a third only one the last must be the victor.

The highest number that any one can have is nine. If ten or more sticks

have been taken, those above nine do not count. With the exception of

horses, anything may be staked which is played for in banañge-kide.

§ 234. Ma^n-gádaze is a game unknown among the Omahas, but practiced

among the Ponkas, who have learned it from the Dakotas. It is played by

two men. Each one holds a bow upright in his left hand with one end

touching the ground and the bow-string towards a heap of arrows. In the

other hand he holds an arrow, which he strikes against the bow-string,

which rebounds as he lets the arrow go. The latter flies suddenly

towards the heap of arrows and goes among them. The player aims to have

the feather on his arrow touch that on some other arrow which is in the

heap. In that case he wins as many arrows as the feather or web has

touched; but if the sinew on his arrow touches another arrow it wins not

only that one but all in the heap.

§ 235. I^n´-uti^n´, _Hitting the stone_, is a game played at night.

Sometimes there are twenty, thirty, or forty players on each side. Four

moccasins are placed in a row, and a member of one party covers them,

putting in one of them some small object that can be easily concealed.

Then he says "Come! hit the moccasin in which you think it is." Then one

of the opposite side is chosen to hit the moccasin. He arises, examines

all, and hits one. Should it be empty, they say, "₵iñgéě hă," _It is

wanting_." He throws it far aside and forfeits his stakes. Three

moccasins remain for the rest of his friends to try. Should one of them

hit the right one (uska^n´ska^n uti^n´, _or_ uka^n´ska uti^n´), he wins

the stakes, and his side has the privilege of hiding the object in the

moccasin. He who hits the right moccasin can hit again and again till he

misses. Sometimes it is determined to change the rule for winning, and

then the guesser aims to avoid the right moccasin the first time, but to

hit it when he makes the second trial. Should he hit the right one the

first time he loses his stakes. If he hits the right one when he hits

the second moccasin, he wins, and his side has the right to hide the

object. They play till one side or the other has won all the sticks or

stakes. Sometimes there are players who win back what they have lost. He

who takes the right moccasin wins four sticks, or any other number which

may be fixed upon by previous agreement.

Eight sticks win a blanket; four win leggings; one hundred sticks, a

full-grown horse; sixty sticks, a colt; ten sticks, a gun; one, an

arrow; four, a knife or a pound of tobacco; two, half a pound of

tobacco. Buffalo robes (meha), otter skins, and beaver skins are each

equal to eight sticks. Sometimes they stake moccasins.

When one player wins all his party yell. The men of each party sit in a

row, facing their opponents, and the moccasins are placed between them.