Two other classes of relationship were given to the writer by members of

three tribes, Omahas, Ponkas, and Missouris, but Joseph La Flèche and

Two Crows never heard of them. The writer gives authorities for each

statement.

5. Nikie kinship. "Nikie" means "Something handed down from a mythical

ancestor," or "An ancient custom." Nikie kinship refers to kinship based

on descent from the same or a similar mythical ancestor. For example,

Big Elk, of the Omaha Weji^ncte or Elk gens, told the writer that he was

related to the Kansas Elk gens, and that a Weji^ncte man called a

Kansas Elk man "My younger brother," the Kansas man calling the

Weji^ncte "My elder brother."

Icta¢abi, an Iñke-sabě, and Ckátce-yiñ´e, of the Missouri tribe, said

that the Omaha Weji^ncte calls the Oto Hótatci (Elk gens) "Elder

brother." But Big Elk did not know about this. He said, however, that

his gens was related to the Ponka Niʞa[p]aᴐna, a deer and elk gens.

Icta¢abi said that Omaha Iñke-sabě, his own gens, calls the Ponka ₵ixida

"Grandchild"; but others say that this is owing to intermarriage.

Icta¢abi also said that Iñke-sabě calls the Ponka Wajaje "Elder

brother"; but some say that this is owing to intermarriage. Gahige, of

the Iñke-sabě gens, calls Standing Grizzly bear of the Ponka Wajaje his

grandchild; and Standing Buffalo, of the same gens, his son. So

Icta¢abi's statement was incorrect.

[Illustration: OMAHA SYSTEM OF CONSANGUINITIES.

Legend.

[Illustration] EGO, a male.

A Father group. I^ndadi, _my father_.

[A] Mother group. I^nna^nha, _my mother_.

B Grandfather group. Wiʇiga^n, _my grandfather_.

[B] Grandmother group. Wiʞa^n, _my grandmother_.

C Son group. Wijiñge, _my son_.

[C] Daughter group. Wijañge, _my daughter_.

D--[D] Grandchild group. Wiʇucpa, _my grandchild_ N. B.--D denotes a

grandson, and [D], a granddaughter.

E Elder brother group. Wiji^n¢e, _my elder brother_.

F Younger brother group. Wisañga, _my younger brother_.

[E]--[F] Sister group. Wiʇañge, _my sister_. This term is also used by

EGO, a female, for "My younger sister"; but EGO, a male, does not

distinguish between elder sister ([E]) and younger sister ([F]).

G Sister's son group. Wiʇa^ncka, _my sister's son_.

[G] Sister's daughter group. Wiʇija^n, _my sister's daughter_.

H Mother's brother group. Winegi, _my mother's brother_.

[H] Father's sister group. Wiʇimi, _my father's sister_.

Affinity groups in this part of the plate:

a Wife's brother or sister's husband group. Wiʇaha^n, _my

brother-in-law_.

[b] Wife's sister or brother's wife group. Wihañga, _my potential wife_.

[c] Son's wife group. Wiʇini, _my son's wife_.

d Daughter's husband group. Wiʇande, _my daughter's husband_.

_Legend._

[Illustration] EGO, a female. A, [A], B, [B], C, [C], D, [D], F, H, and

[H] as above.

=E= Elder brother group. Wiʇinu, _my elder brother_.

_E_ Elder sister group. Wija^n¢e, _my elder sister_.

[F] Younger sister group. Wiʇañge, _my younger sister_.

I Brother's son group. Wiʇucka, _my brother's son_.

[J] Brother's daughter group. Wiʇujañge, _my brother's daughter_.

Affinity groups in this part of the plate:

See above for explanation of [c] and d.

e Husband's brother group. Wici`e, _my potential husband_.

[f] Husband's sister group. Wiciʞa^n, _my husband's sister_.]

Icta¢bi and Ckatce-yiñe said that Iñke-sabě calls the Oto Arúqwa, or

Buffalo gens, "Grandfather;" and that the Oto Rútce or Pigeon gens is

called "Grandchild" by Iñke-sabě.

Some said that the Omaha Wasabe-hit`ajĭ called the Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ

"Grandchild"; but [P]á¢i^n-na^npájĭ, of the Omaha Wasabe-hit`ajĭ, said

that his subgens called the Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ "Younger brother"; and

₵ixida and Wajaje "Grandfather." Húpe¢a, another member of the Omaha

Wasabe-hit`ajĭ, said that Ubískă of the Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ was his

son; Ubískă's father, his elder brother (by marriage); and Ubískă's

grandfather his (Hupe¢a's) father. He also said that he addressed as

elder brothers all Ponka men older than himself, and all younger than

himself he called his younger brothers.

Fire Chief of the Omaha Wajiñga-¢atajĭ said that he called Keʞré[ç]e,

of the Oto Tuna^n´p'i^n gens, his son; the Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ, his

elder brother; the Kansas Wasabe and Miʞa, his fathers; the Kansas

Eagle people, his fathers; the Kansas Turtle people, his elder brothers;

the Oto Rútce (Pigeon people), his fathers; the Oto Makátce (Owl

people), his sisters' sons; and the Winnebago Ho^ntc (Black bear

people), his fathers.

Omaha Ma^n¢iñka-gaxe calls Yankton-Dakota Tcaxú, "Sister's sons," but

Tcañ´kuté, Ihá-isdáye, Watcéu^npa, and Ikmu^n´, are "Grandsons."

[T]a-[p]a calls Oto [T]ᴐéxita (Eagle people) "Grandchildren"; and Ponka

Hísada "Grandfathers."

Icta¢abi said that Ictasanda called Ponka Maka^n´ "Mother's brother";

but Ibaha^nbi, of the Ictasanda gens, denied it. Ibaha^nbi said that he

called a member of a gens of another tribe, when related to him by the

nikie, "My father," if the latter were very old; "My elder brother," if

a little older than himself, and "My younger brother," if the latter

were Ibaha^nbi's junior. Besides, Ibaha^nbi takes, for example, the

place of Standing Bear of the Ponka Wajaje; and whatever relationship

Standing Bear sustains to the Hisada, ₵ixida, Nikadaᴐna, etc., is also

sustained to the members of each gens by Ibaha^nbi.

6. Sacred Pipe kinship. Gahige, of the Omaha Iñke-sabě, said that all

who had sacred pipes called one another "Friend." Ponka Wacabe and Omaha

Iñke-sabě speak to each other thus. But Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows

deny this.

CONSANGUINEOUS KINSHIP.

§ 74. All of a man's consanguinities belong to fourteen groups, and a

woman has fifteen groups of consanguinities. Many affinities are

addressed by consanguinity terms; excepting these, there are only four

groups of affinities. In the accompanying charts consanguinities are

designated by capital letters and affinities by small letters. Roman

letters denote males and script letters females. Some necessary

exceptions to these rules are shown in the Legends.

§ 75. _Peculiarities of the Charts._--The most remote ancestors are

called grandfathers and grandmothers, and the most remote descendant is

addressed or spoken of as a grandchild.

My brother's children (male speaking) are my children, because their

mother ([J]) can become my wife on the death of their father. My

brother's son (I) and daughter ([b]), female speaking, are my nephews

and nieces. A man calls his sister's children his nephews and nieces (G

and [G]), and they do not belong to his gens.

A woman calls her sister's children, her own children, as their father

can be her husband. (See "e.") My mother's brother's son (m. or f. sp.)

is my mother's brother (H), because his sister ([A]) can be my father's

wife. The son of an "H" is always an "H" and his sisters and daughters

are always "[A]'s." The children of [A]'s are always brothers and

sisters to Ego (m. or f.), as are the children of A's. The husband of my

father's sister (m. sp.) is my brother-in-law (a) because he can marry

my sister ([E] or [F]), and their children are my sister's children (G

and "[G]"). A brother of the real or potential wife of a grandfather is

also a grandfather of Ego (m. or f.). The niece of the real or potential

wife of my grandfather (m. or f. sp.) is his potential wife and my

grandmother, so her brother is my grandfather.

§ 76. From these examples and from others found in the charts, it is

plain that the kinship terms are used with considerable latitude, and

not as we employ them. Whether Ego be a male or female, I call all men

my fathers whom my father calls his brothers or whom my mother calls her

potential husbands. I call all women my mothers whom my mother calls her

sisters, aunts, or nieces, or whom my father calls his potential wives.

I call all men brothers who are the sons of such fathers or mothers, and

their sisters are my sisters. I call all men my grandfathers who are the

fathers or grandfathers of my fathers or mothers, or whom my fathers or

mothers call their mothers' brothers. I call all women my grandmothers

who are the real or potential wives of my grandfathers, or who are the

mothers or grandmothers of my fathers or mothers, or whom my fathers or

mothers call their fathers' sisters.

I, a male, call all males my sons who are the sons of my brothers

or of my potential wives, and the sisters of those sons are my

daughters. I, a female, call those males my nephews who are the sons

of my brothers, and the daughters of my brothers are my nieces; but

my sister's children are my children as their father is my potential

or actual husband. I, a male, call my sister's son my nephew, and

her daughter is my niece. I, a male or female, call all males and

females my grandchildren who are the children of my sons, daughters,

nephews, or nieces. I, a male or female, call all men my uncles whom my

mothers call their brothers. And my aunts are all females who are my

fathers' sisters as well as those who are the wives of my uncles. But

my father's sisters' husbands, I being a male, are my brothers-in-law,

being the potential or real husbands of my sisters; and they are my

potential husbands, when Ego is a female.

[Illustration: OMAHA SYSTEM OF AFFINITIES.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXXIII

Legend.

Affinities of [Illustration] EGO, a male:

[Illustration] Wigaq¢a^n, _my wife_.

a Wife's brother group. Wiʇáha^n, _my wife's brother_.

[b] Wife's sister group. Wiha-ñ´ga, _my potential wife_.

Though "My wife's mother's sister's husband" is wiʇiga^n, _my

grandfather_ (see B*), that term, as applied to him, is seemingly

without reason.--JOSEPH LA FLÈCHE.

The husband of my wife's sister ([b]) is not always my consanguinity,

but if he is a kinsman, I call him my elder (E) or younger (F) brother.

Affinities of [Illustration] EGO, a female:

[Illustration] Wíeg¢añge, _my husband_.

e Husband's brother group. Wíci`e, _my potential husband_.

[f] Husband's sister group. Wicíʞa^n, _my husband's sister_.

The wife of "e" is my sister (wija^n¢e or wi ʇañge), my father's sister

(wiʇimi), or my brother's daughter (wiʇujañge), if related to Ego, a

female. This kinship will be expressed by E, [F], [H], or [I], according

to circumstances. See [Illustration] in the chart.

Affinities common to both sexes:

B Grandfather group. Wiʇiga^n, _my grandfather_.

[B] Grandmother group. Wiʞa^n, _my grandmother_.

[c] Son's wife group. Wiʇini, _my son's wife_.

d Daughter's husband group. Wiʇande, _my daughter's husband_.

C Son group. Wijiñge, _my son_.

[C] Daughter group. Wijañge _my daughte_r.

D--[D] Grandchild group. Wiʇucpa, _my grandchild_ (D, if male; [D], if

female).]

AFFINITIES.

§ 77. Any female is the potential wife of Ego, a male, whom my own wife

calls her ija^n¢e (E), itañge ([F]), itimi ([H]) or itujañge

([Script-J]). I, a male, also call my potential wives those who the

widows or wives of my elder or younger brothers.

I, a male, have any male for my brother-in-law whom my wife calls her

elder or younger brother; also any male who is the brother of my wife's

niece or of my brother's wife. But my wife's father's brother is my

grandfather, not my brother-in-law, though his sister is my potential

wife. When my brother-in-law is the husband of my father's sister or of

my own sister, his sister is my grandchild, and not my potential wife. A

man is my brother-in-law if he be the husband of my father's sister,

since he can marry my own sister, but my aunt's husband is not my

brother-in-law when he is my uncle or mother's brother (H). Any male is

my brother-in-law who is my sister's husband (a). But while my sister's

niece's husband is my sister's potential or real husband, he is my

son-in-law, as he is my daughter's husband (d). I, a male or female,

call any male my son-in-law who is the husband of my daughter ([C]), my

niece ([G] or [J]), or of my grandchild ([D]), and his father is my

son-in-law.

When I, a male or female, call my daughter-in-law's father my

grandfather, her brother is my grandchild (D).

Any female is my daughter-in-law (male or female speaking) who is the

wife of my son, nephew, or grandchild; and the mother of my son-in-law

is so called by me. Any male affinity is my grandfather (or

father-in-law) who is the father, mother's brother, or grandfather of my

wife, my potential wife, or my daughter-in-law (the last being the wife

of my son, nephew, or grandson). The corresponding female affinity is my

grandmother (or mother-in-law).

MARRIAGE LAWS.

§ 78. A man must marry outside of his gens. Two Crows, of the Hañga

gens, married a Weji^ncte woman; his father married a [T]e-sĭnde woman;

his paternal grandfather, a Hañga man, married a Wasabe-hit`ajĭ woman;

and his maternal grandfather, a [T]e-sĭnde man, married a

[T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ woman. His son, Gai^n´-bajĭ, a Hañga, married an

Iñke-sabě woman; and his daughter, a Hañga, married Qi¢á-gahíge, a

[T]a-[p]a man. Caa^n´, a brother of Two Crows, and a Hañga, married a

[T]a[p]a woman, a daughter of the chief Sĭn´ac-xa^n´xa^n. Another

brother, Mi^nxá-ta^n, also a Hañga, married a [K]a^nze woman.

Joseph La Flèche's mother was a Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ woman; hence he

belongs to that Ponka gens. His maternal grandfather, a Ponka

Wasabe-hit`ajĭ, married a Ponka Wajaje woman. Her father, a Wajaje,

married a Ponka Maka^n woman.

Two Crows, being a Hañga, cannot marry a Hañga woman, nor can he marry a

[T]e-sĭnde woman, as they are all his kindred through his mother. He

cannot marry women belonging to the Wasabe-hit`ajĭ and [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ

subgentes ("uʞig¢a[s]ne") of the ₵atada gens, because his real

grandmothers belonged to those subgentes. But he can marry women

belonging to the other ₵atada subgentes, the Wajiñga-¢atajĭ and

[K]e-`i^n, as they are not his kindred. In like manner Joseph La Flèche

cannot marry a Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ woman, a Ponka Wajaje woman, or a

Ponka Maka^n woman. But he can marry an Omaha Wasabe-hit`ajĭ woman, as

she belongs to another tribe.

Gai^n-bajĭ cannot marry women belonging to the following gentes: Hañga

(his father's gens), Weji^ncte (his mother's gens), [T]e-sĭnde (his

paternal grandmother's gens), Wasabe-hit`ajĭ, and [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ.

Gai^n-bajĭ's son cannot marry any women belonging to the following

gentes: Iñke-sabě, Hañga, Weji^ncte, [T]e-sĭnde, or that of the mother

of his mother. Nor could he marry a Wasabe-hit`ajĭ or [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ

woman, if his parents or grandparents were living, and knew the degree

of kinship. But if they were dead, and he was ignorant of the fact that

the women and he were related, he might marry one or more of them. The

same rule holds good for the marriage of Qi¢a-gahige's son, but with the

substitution of [T]a-[p]a for Iñke-sabě.

Two Crows cannot marry any Iñke-sabě woman belonging to the subgens of

his son's wife; but he can marry one belonging to either of the

remaining subgentes. So, too, he cannot marry a [T]a-[p]a woman

belonging to the subgens of Qi¢a-gahige, his son-in-law, but he can

marry any other [T]a-[p]a woman. As his brother Caa^n, had married a

[T]a-[p]a woman of Sĭnde-xa^nxa^n's subgens, Two Crows has a right to

marry any [T]a-[p]a woman of her subgens who was her sister, father's

sister, or brother's daughter. He has a similar privilege in the

[K]a^nze gens, owing to the marriage of another brother, Mi^nxa-ta^n.

An Omaha Hañga man can marry a Kansas Hañga woman, because she belongs

to another tribe. A Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ man can marry an Omaha

Wasabe-hit`ajĭ woman, because she belongs to a different tribe.

WHOM A MAN OR WOMAN CANNOT MARRY.

A man cannot marry any of the women of the gens of his father, as they

are his grandmothers, aunts, sisters, nieces, daughters, or

grandchildren. He cannot marry any woman of the subgens of his father's

mother, for the same reason; but he can marry any woman belonging to the

other subgentes of his paternal grandmother's gens, as they are not his

kindred. The women of the subgens of his paternal grandmother's mother

are also forbidden to him; but those of the remaining subgentes of that

gens can become his wives, provided they are such as have not become

his mothers-in-law, daughters, or grandchildren. (See § 7, 126, etc.)

A man cannot marry any women of his mother's gens, nor any of his

maternal grandmother's subgens, nor any of the subgens of her mother, as

all are his consanguinities.

A man cannot marry a woman of the subgens of the wife of his son,

nephew, or grandson; nor can he marry a woman of the subgens of the

husband of his daughter, niece, or granddaughter.

A man cannot marry any of his female affinities who are his iʞa^n,

because they are the real or potential wives of his fathers-in-law, or

of the fathers-in-law of his sons, nephews, or grandchildren.

A man cannot marry any woman whom he calls his sister's daughter. He

cannot marry any woman whom he calls his grandchild. This includes his

wife's sister's daughter's daughter.

He cannot marry the daughter of any woman who is his ihañga, as such a

daughter he calls his daughter.

He cannot marry his sister's husband's sister, for she is his iʇucpa. He

cannot marry his sister's husband's father's brother's daughter, as she

is his iʇucpa; nor can he marry her daughter or her brother's daughter,

for the same reason. He cannot marry his sister's husband's (brother's)

daughter, as she is his sister's potential daughter, and he calls her

his iʇija^n.

A woman cannot marry her son, the son of her sister, aunt, or niece; her

grandson, the grandson of her sister, aunt, or niece; any man whom she

calls elder or younger brother; any man whom she calls her father's or

mother's brother; her iʇijiga^n (including her consanguinities, her

father-in-law, her brother's wife's brother, her brother's wife's

father, her brother's son's wife's father, her brother's wife's

brother's son, her father's brother's son's wife's brother, her

grandfather's brother's son's wife's brother); or any man who is her

iʇande.

WHOM A MAN OR WOMAN CAN MARRY.

A man can marry a woman of the gens of his grandmother, paternal or

maternal, if the woman belong to another subgens. He can marry a woman

of the gens of his grandmother's mother, if the latter belong to another

subgens, or if he be ignorant of her kinship to himself.

He can marry a woman of another tribe, even when she belongs to a gens

corresponding to his own, as she is not a real kinswoman.

He can marry any woman, not his consanguinity, if she be not among the

forbidden affinities. He can marry any of his affinities who is his

ihañga, being the ija^n¢e, iʇañge, iʇimi, or iʇujañge of his wife. And

vice versa, any woman can marry a man who is the husband of her ija^n¢e,

iʇañge, iʇimi, or iʇujañge. If a man has several kindred whom he calls

his brothers, and his wife has several female relations who are his

ihañga, the men and women can intermarry.

IMPORTANCE OF THE SUBGENTES.

Were it not for the institution of subgentes a man would be compelled to

marry outside of his tribe, as all the women would be his kindred, owing

to previous intermarriages between the ten gentes. But in any gens those

on the other side of the gentile "une¢e," or fire-place, are not

reckoned as full kindred, though they cannot intermarry.

REMARRIAGE.

§ 79. A man takes the widow of his real or potential brother in order

to become the stepfather (i¢adi jiñga, _little father_) of his brother's

children. Should the widow marry a stranger he might hate the children,

and the kindred of the deceased husband do not wish her to take the

children so far away from them. Sometimes the stepfather takes the

children without their mother, if she be maleficent. Sometimes the dying

husband knows that his kindred are bad, so he tells his wife to marry

out of his gens. When the wife is dying she may say to her brother,

"Pity your brother-in-law. Let him marry my sister."

CHAPTER V.

DOMESTIC LIFE.

COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS.

§ 80. _Age of puberty and marriage._--It is now customary for girls to

be married at the age of fifteen, sixteen, or seventeen years among the

Omahas, and in the Ponka tribe they generally take husbands as soon as

they enter their fifteenth year. It was not so formerly; men waited till

they were twenty-five or thirty, and the women till they were twenty

years of age. Then, when a consort was spoken of they used to refer the

matter to their friends, who discussed the characters of the parties,

and advised accordingly, as they proved good (_i. e._, industrious and

good-tempered, and having good kindred) or bad. Sometimes an Omaha girl

is married at the age of fourteen or fifteen; but in such a case her

husband waits about a year for the consummation of the marriage. When a

girl matures rapidly she is generally married when she is sixteen; but

those who are slow to mature marry when they reach seventeen. (See §

97.)

Dougherty states (in _Long's Expedition to the Rocky Mountains_, vol. 1,

p. 230) that "In the Omawhaw nation numbers of females are betrothed in

marriage from their infancy. * * * Between the ages of nine and twelve

years the young wife is occasionally an invited visitant at the lodge of

her husband, in order that she may become familiarized with his company

and his bed." But such is not the case among the Omahas according to La

Flèche and Two Crows, who say that Dougherty referred to a Kansas

custom.

§ 81. _Courtship._--The men court the women either directly or by proxy.

The women used to weigh the matter well, but now they hasten to marry

any man that they can get. Sometimes the girl told her kindred and

obtained their advice. Parents do not force their daughters to marry

against their will. Sometimes a girl refuses to marry the man, and the

parents cannot compel her to take him. All that they can do is to give

her advice: "Here is a good young man. We desire you to marry him." Or

they may say to the people, "We have a single daughter, and it is our

wish to get her married." Then the men go to court her. Should the

parents think that the suitor is not apt to make her a good husband they

return his presents. Suitors may curry favor with parents and kindred of

the girl by making presents to them, but parents do not sell their

daughters. The presents made for such a purpose are generally given by

some old man who wishes to get a very young girl whom he is doubtful of

winning. When a man courts the girl directly this is unnecessary. Then

he gives what he pleases to her kindred, and sometimes they make

presents to him.

When men reach the age of forty years without having courted any one the

women generally dislike them, and refuse to listen to them. The only

exception is when the suitor is beneficent. Such a man gets his father

to call four old men, by whom he sends four horses to the lodge of the

girl's father. If the latter consents and the girl be willing he

consults his kindred, and sends his daughter, with four horses from his

own herd, to the lodge of the suitor's father. The latter often calls a

feast, to which he invites the kindred of the girl, as well as those of

his son. When the girl is sent away by her parents she is placed on one

of the horses, which is led by an old man. There is not always a feast,

and there is no regular marriage ceremony.

A man of twenty-five or thirty will court a girl for two or three years.

Sometimes the girl pretends to be unwilling to marry him, just to try

his love, but at last she usually consents.

Sometimes, when a youth sees a girl whom he loves, if she be willing, he

says to her, "I will stand in that place. Please go thither at night."

Then after her arrival he enjoys her, and subsequently asks her of her

father in marriage. But it was different with a girl who had been

petulant, one who had refused to listen to the suitor at first. He might

be inclined to take his revenge. After lying with her, he might say, "As

you struck me and hurt me, I will not marry you. Though you think much

of yourself, I despise you." Then would she be sent away without winning

him for her husband; and it was customary for the man to make songs

about her. In these songs the woman's name was not mentioned unless she

had been a "mi^nckeda," or dissolute woman.

One day in 1872, when the writer was on the Ponka Reservation in Dakota,

he noticed several young men on horseback, who were waiting for a young

girl to leave the Mission house. He learned that they were her suitors,

and that they intended to run a race with her after they dismounted.

Whoever could catch her would marry her; but she would take care not to

let the wrong one catch her. La Flèche and Two Crows maintain that this

is not a regular Ponka custom, and they are sure that the girl (a widow)

must have been a "mi^nckeda."

§ 82. _Marriage by elopement._--Sometimes a man elopes with a woman. Her

kindred have no cause for anger if the man takes the woman as his wife.

Should a man get angry because his single daughter, sister, or niece had

eloped, the other Omahas would talk about him, saying, "That man is

angry on account of the elopement of his daughter!" They would ridicule

him for his behavior. La Flèche knew of but one case, and that a recent

one, in which a man showed anger on such an occasion. But if the woman

had been taken from her husband by another man her kindred had a right

to be angry. Whether the woman belongs to the same tribe or to another

the man can elope with her if she consents. The Omahas cannot understand

how marriage by capture could take place, as the woman would be sure to

alarm her people by her cries.

§ 83. _Customs subsequent to marriage._--Sometimes the kindred of the

husband are assembled by his father, who addresses them, saying, "My

son's wife misses her old home. Collect gifts, and let her take them to

her kindred." Then the husband's kindred present to the wife horses,

food, etc., and the husband's mother tells her daughter-in-law to take

the gifts to her parents. When the husband and wife reach the lodge of

the wife's parents the father calls his daughter's kindred to a feast

and distributes the presents among them. By and by, perhaps a year

later, the wife's kindred may assemble and tell the husband to take

presents and food to his kindred, especially if the latter be poor. This

custom is now obsolescent.

§ 84. _Polygamy._--The maximum number of wives that one man can have is

three, _e. g._, the first wife, her aunt, and her sister or niece, if

all be consanguinities. Sometimes the three are not kindred.[8]

When a man wishes to take a second wife he always consults his first

wife, reasoning thus with her: "I wish you to have less work to do, so I

think of taking your sister, your aunt, or your brother's daughter for

my wife. You can then have her to aid you with your work." Should the

first wife refuse the man cannot marry the other woman. Generally no

objection is offered, especially if the second woman be one of the

kindred of the first wife.

Sometimes the wife will make the proposition to her husband, "I wish you

to marry my brother's daughter, as she and I are one flesh." Instead of

"brother's daughter," she may say her sister or her aunt.

The first wife is never deposed. She always retains the right to manage

household affairs, and she controls the distribution of food, etc.,

giving to the other wives what she thinks they should receive.

§ 85. If a man has a wife who is active and skillful at dressing hides,

etc., and the other wives are lazy or unskillful, he leaves them with

their parents or other kindred, and takes the former wife with him when

he goes with the tribe on the buffalo hunt. Sometimes he will leave this

wife a while to visit one of his other wives. But Dougherty was

misinformed when he was told that the skillful wife would be apt to show

her jealousy by "knocking the dog over with a club, repulsing her own

child, kicking the fire about, pulling the bed, etc." (see p. 232, Vol.

I, _Long's Expedition to the Rocky Mountains_), for when a wife is

jealous she scolds or strikes her husband or else she tries to hit the

other woman.

_Polyandry._--The Omahas say that this has not been practiced among

them, nor do the Ponkas know this custom. But the terms of kinship seem

to point to an age when it was practiced.

[8] The writer knew a head chief that had four wives.

§ 86. _Permanence of marriage._--Among the Santee Dakotas, where

mother-right prevails(?), a wife's mother can take her from the husband

and give her to another man. Among the ₵egiha, if the husband is kind,

the mother-in-law never interferes. But when the husband is unkind the

wife takes herself back, saying to him, "I have had you for my husband

long enough; depart." Sometimes the father or elder brother of the woman

says to the husband, "You have made her suffer; you shall not have her

for a wife any longer." This they do when he has beaten her several

times, or has been cruel in other ways. But sometimes the woman has

married the man in spite of the warnings of her kindred, who have said

to her, "He is maleficent; do not take him for your husband." When such

a woman repents, and wishes to abandon her husband, her male kindred say

to her, "Not so; still have him for your husband; remain with him

always." Thus do they punish her for not having heeded their previous

warnings. When they are satisfied with each other they always stay

together; but should either one turn out bad, the other one always

wishes to abandon the unworthy consort.

When parents separate, the children are sometimes taken by their mother,

and sometimes by her mother or their father's mother. Should the husband

be unwilling, the wife cannot take the children with her. Each consort

can remarry. Sometimes one consort does not care whether the other one

marries again or not; but occasionally the divorced wife or husband gets

angry on hearing of the remarriage of the other.

DOMESTIC ETIQUETTE--BASHFULNESS.

§ 87. A man does not speak to his wife's mother or grandmother; he and

she are ashamed to speak to each other. But should his wife be absent he

sometimes asks her mother for information, if there be no one present

through whom he can inquire.

In former days it was always the rule for a man not to speak to his

wife's parents or grandparents. He was obliged to converse with them

through his wife or child, by addressing the latter and requesting him

or her to ask the grandparent for the desired information. Then the

grandparent used to tell the man's wife or child to say so and so to the

man. In like manner a woman cannot speak directly to her husband's

father under ordinary circumstances. They must resort to the medium of a

third party, the woman's husband or child. But if the husband and child

be absent, the woman or her father-in-law is obliged to make the

necessary inquiry.

A woman never passes in front of her daughter's husband if she can avoid

it. The son-in-law tries to avoid entering a place where there is no one

but his mother-in-law. When at the Ponka mission, in Dakota, the writer

noticed the Ponka chief, Standing Buffalo, one day when he entered the

school-room. When he saw that his mother-in-law was seated there, he

turned around very quickly, threw his blanket over his head, and went

into another part of the house.

Another custom prevails, which Dougherty described thus: "If a person

enters a dwelling in which his son-in-law is seated, the latter turns

his back, and avails himself of the first opportunity to leave the

premises. If a person visits his wife during her residence at the lodge

of her father, the latter averts himself, and conceals his head with his

robe, and his hospitality is extended circuitously by means of his

daughter, by whom the pipe is transferred to her husband to smoke." He

also said that if the mother-in-law wished to present her son-in-law

with food, it was invariably handed to the daughter for him; and if the

daughter should be absent, the mother-in-law placed the food on the

ground, and retired from the lodge that he might take it up and eat it."

(_Long's Expedition to the Rocky Mountains_, Vol. I, pp. 253, 254.) The

Dakotas have this custom and call it "wiśtenkiyapi."

PREGNANCY.

§ 88. The woman, when she perceives that the catamenia does not recur at

the expected period, begins to reckon her pregnancy from the last time

that she "dwelt alone." As the months pass, she says, "Mi^n´ gána

b¢i^n´," _I am that number of months_ (with child). If she cannot tell

the exact number of months, she asks her husband or some old man to

count for her. At other times, it is the husband who asks the old man.

They calculate from the last time that the woman "dwelt alone."

Dougherty says that he did not hear of any case of "longing, or of

nausea of the stomach, during pregnancy."

§ 89. _Couvade, Foeticide, and Infanticide._--Couvade is not practiced

among the ₵egiha. Foeticide is uncommon. About twenty-two years ago,

Standing Hawk's wife became _enceinte_. He said to her, "It is bad for

you to have a child. Kill it." She asked her mother for medicine. The

mother made it, and gave it to her. The child was still-born. The

daughter of Wacka^n-ma^n¢i^n used to be very dissolute, and whenever she

was pregnant she killed the child before birth. These are exceptional

cases; for they are very fond of their children, and are anxious to have

them. Infanticide is not known among them.

§ 90. _Accouchement._--The husband and his children go to another lodge,

as no man must witness the birth. Only two or three old women attend to

the patient. In some cases, if the patient be strong, she "takes" the

child herself, but requires assistance subsequently. Should the woman

continue in pain for two or three days without delivery, a doctor is

sent for, and he comes with a medicine that is very bitter. He departs

as soon as he has caused the patient to drink the medicine. There are

about two or three Omahas who know this medicine, which is called

Niaci^nga maka^n, _Human-being medicine_. The writer saw one of these

roots at the Kaw Agency, Indian Territory. It is used by the Kansas. The

doctor never comes of his own accord. After having given this medicine

two or three times without success, he says, "I have failed, send for

some one else." Then another doctor comes, and tries his medicine. Very

few Omaha girls die in child-bed.

After delivery the patient is bound tightly about the abdomen, to reduce

the size, as is the custom among civilized nations. Then is she washed

in cool water if it be summer time, but in tepid water if it be cold

weather. She must bathe twice a day. Mr. Hamilton was told that "the

flow of blood ceased then to a great extent, especially after a few

days; seldom lasting beyond ten days." La Flèche said that the women do

not tell about the cessation of the flow. When the woman is strong she

may go to work on the following day; but if she be weak she may require

a fortnight or three weeks for recovering her strength.

When the husband asks about the infant, and they reply "It is a boy," or

"It is a girl," he is very glad. Sometimes the husband treats a girl

infant better than a boy, saying, "She cannot get anything for herself,

whereas a son can take care of himself, as he is strong." Mr. Hamilton

says, "I have heard of cases of severe labor. Women act as midwives, and

with some skill, removing the placenta when adhering to the uterus, and

in the usual manner."

Soon after birth the child is washed all over, wrapped in clothes, which

are bound loosely around it. About two or three days after birth the

infant's father or grandfather gives it a name, which is not always a

nikie name. (See the account of the ceremony in the [T]a[p]a gens, when

a child is four days old, § 65.) Sometimes it is put into the cradle or

board in two or three days; sometimes in about a week.

_Nursing._--Another woman serves as wet-nurse till the mother's breasts

are full of milk. Mammary abscess is very rare.

§ 91. _Number of children._--In 1819-'20 Dougherty wrote thus:

"Sterility, although it does occur, is not frequent, and seems to be

mostly attributable to the husband, as is evinced by subsequent

marriages of the squaws. The usual number of children may be stated at

from four to six in a family, but in some families there are ten or

twelve. Of these the mother has often two at the breast simultaneously,

of which one may be three years of age. At this age, however, and

sometimes rather earlier, the child is weaned by the aid of ridicule, in

which the parents are assisted by visitors." In 1882 La Flèche and Two

Crows declared that there are many cases of barrenness. Children are not

very numerous. While some women have seven, eight, nine, or even ten

children, they are exceptional cases. And when a woman gives birth to so

many, they do not always reach maturity. There are women who have never

borne any children, and some men have never begotten any. One woman, who

is of Blackfoot origin, is the wife of James Springer, an Omaha, and she

has borne him twelve children; but no other woman has had as many.

CHILDREN.

§ 92. _Diseases of children._--Summer complaint from teething is rare.

Diarrhea, however, occurs frequently, even in children who walk, and

when they are about four feet high. This may be accounted for as

follows: their mothers' milk or other food disagrees with them.

Dougherty found that during their first year the Omaha children suffered

more from constipation than from any other complaint; and he said that

this was relieved by soap suppositories. This is not the case now,

according to La Flèche and Two Crows; and the writer never heard of its

prevalence when he resided among the Ponkas and Omahas.

§ 93. _Adoption of children._--The Omaha idea of adoption differs from

ours. A member of the same gens, or one who is a consanguinity cannot be

adopted; he or she is received by a relation. Two examples of this were

told to the writer: Gahige received Wacuce's eldest son when the father

died, because the former had been the potential father of the youth, who

succeeded Wacuce as custodian of the sacred pipes. Now Gahige keeps the

pipes himself for his son. A^npa^n-skă, of the Weji^ncte gens, gave his

son, Bi^nze-tig¢e, to his chief, Mahi^n-¢iñge, to be his son and

servant. Mahi^n-¢iñge having received his kinsman, the latter has become

the keeper of the treaty between the United States and the Omahas. This

boy is about sixteen years of age.

Omaha adoption is called "ciégi¢ě," _to take a person instead of one's

own child_. This is done when the adopted person resembles the deceased

child, grandchild, nephew, or niece, in one or more features. It takes

place without any ceremony. An uncle by adoption has all the rights of a

real uncle. For example, when Mr. La Flèche's daughter Susette wished to

go to the Indian Territory to accept a situation as teacher, and had

gained the consent of her parents, Two Crows interposed, being her uncle

by adoption, and forbade her departure. (See §§ 118 and 126.)

§ 94. _Clothing of children._--Children were dressed in suits like those

of their parents, but they used to wear robes made of the skins of the

deer, antelope, or of buffalo calves. When the boys were very small,

say, till they were about four years old, they used to run about in warm

weather with nothing on but a small belt of cloth around the waist,

according to Dougherty; and the writer has seen such boys going about

entirely naked. Girls always wear clothing, even, when small. When a boy

was eight years old, he began to wear in winter leggings, moccasins, and

a small robe.

§ 95. _Child life._--The girl was kept in a state of subjection to her

mother, whom she was obliged to help when the latter was at work. When

she was four or five years old, she was taught to go for wood, etc. When

she was about eight years of age, she learned how to make up a pack, and

began to carry a small pack on her back. If she was disobedient, she

received a blow on the head or back from the hand of her mother. As she

grew older, she learned how to cut wood, to cultivate corn, and other

branches of an Indian woman's work. When a girl was about three feet

high, she used to wear her hair tied up in four rolls, one on top of her

head, one at the back, and one at each side. This lasted till she was

about six years old. The girl manifested the most affectionate regard

for her parents and other near kindred.

With a boy there was not so much strictness observed. He had more

liberty allowed him; and at an early age he was furnished with a bow and

blunt arrows, with which he practiced shooting at marks, then at birds.

He had his sports as well as the girl, though it was not usual for many

boys and girls to play together. If a boy played with girls (probably

with those who were not his sisters), the Ponkas referred to him as a

"mi^nquga" or hermaphrodite. Both sexes were fond of making houses in

the mud, hence the verb, ʇígaxe, _to make lodges_, _to play games_.

Joseph La Flèche used to punish his son, Frank, by tying him to a chair

with a cord and saying to him, "If you break the cord I will strike

you."

When a boy was seven or eight years old he was expected to undergo a

fast for a single day. He had to ascend a bluff and remain there, crying

to Wakanda to pity him and make him a great man. Dougherty said that the

boy rubbed white clay over himself, and went to the bluff at sunrise.

When the boy was about sixteen years of age he had to fast for two days

in succession. This had to be without any fire, as well as without food

and drink; hence, it was not practiced in the winter nor in the month of

March. The period of fasting was prolonged to four days when the boy was

from eighteen to twenty years of age. Some youths fasted in October;

some fasted in the spring, after the breaking up of the ice on the

Missouri River. The same youth might fast more than once in the course

of the year. Some who fasted thought that Wakanda spoke to them.

Boys took part with their elders in the Hede-watci, when they danced,

stripped of all clothing except the breech-cloth.

STANDING OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY.

§ 96. The women had an equal standing in society, though their duties

differed widely from what we imagine they should be. On cold days, when

the husband knew that it was difficult for the woman to pursue her usual

occupations, he was accustomed to go with her to cut wood, and he used

to assist her in carrying it home. But on warm days the woman used to go

alone for the wood. The women used to dress the hides at home, or at the

tent in which she was staying when the people were traveling. When a

woman was strong she hoed the ground and planted the corn; but if she

was delicate or weak, her husband was willing to help her by hoeing

with her. The woman did the work which she thought was hers to do. She

always did her work of her own accord. The husband had his share of the

labor, for the man was not accustomed to lead an idle life. Before the

introduction of fire-arms the man had to depend on his bow and arrows

for killing the buffaloes, deer, etc., and hunting was no easy task. The

Indian never hunted game for sport.

CATAMENIA.

§ 97. The sexual peculiarity was considered as "Wakan´daʇa´¢ica^n,"

_pertaining to Wakanda_. In the myth of the Rabbit and the Black Bears,

Mactciñge, the Rabbit, threw a piece of the Black Bear chief against his

grandmother, who had offended him, thereby causing her to have the

catamenia. From that time women have been so affected. Among the Omahas

and Ponkas the woman makes a different fire for four days, dwelling in a

small lodge, apart from the rest of the household, even in cold weather.

She cooks and eats alone, telling no one of her sickness, not even her

husband. Grown people do not fear her, but children are caused to fear

the odor which she is said to give forth. If any eat with her they

become sick in the chest, very lean, and their lips become parched in a

circle about two inches in diameter. Their blood grows black. Children

vomit. On the fourth or fifth day, she bathes herself, and washes her

dishes, etc. Then she can return to the household. Another woman who is

similarly affected can stay with her in the small lodge, if she knows

the circumstances. During this period, the men will neither lie nor eat

with the woman; and they will not use the same dish, bowl, and spoon.

For more than ten years, and since they have come in closer contact with

the white people, this custom of refusing to eat from the same dish,

etc., has become obsolete. Dougherty stated that in the young Omaha

female, catamenia and consequent capability for child-bearing, took

place about the twelfth or thirteenth year, and the capacity to bear

children seemed to cease about the fortieth year. This agrees in the

main with what the writer has learned about the age of puberty (§ 80)

and the law of widows (§ 98). La Flèche said that the change of life in

a woman occurs perhaps at forty years of age, and sometimes a little

beyond that age.

WIDOWS AND WIDOWERS.

§ 98. _Widows._--A widow was obliged to wait from four to seven years

after the death of her husband before marrying again. This was done to

show the proper respect to his memory, and also to enable her to wean

her infant, if she had one by him, before she became _enceinte_ by her

next husband. When a woman disregarded this custom and married too soon,

she was in danger of being punished by the kindred of the deceased

husband. If they could catch her within a certain period, they had the

right to strike her on the head with knives, and to draw the blood, but

they could not inflict a fatal blow. Now, if widows are under forty

years of age they can marry in two or three years after the death of the

first husband; but if they are over forty years of age, they do not

remarry.

§ 99. _Stepmothers._--Some are kind, others are cruel. But in the latter

event there are certain remedies--the husband may separate from his

wife, or else some of the kindred of the children may take charge of

them.

§ 100. _Widowers._--Men used to wait from four to seven years before

they remarried; now they do not wait over one or two years. The kindred

of the deceased wife used to take a man's ponies from him if he married

too soon. Sometimes they became angry, and hit him; but if he waited a

reasonable time, they had nothing to say. There is a similar custom

among the Otos and Pawnees. Sometimes a man loved his wife so dearly

that after her death he remained a widower a long time. At last some of

the kindred of the deceased woman would say to one another, "See! this

man has no one to sew his moccasins; seek a wife for him (among our

women)." Then this would be done, and he would be induced to marry

again.

RIGHTS OF PARENTS AND OTHERS.

§ 101. _Rights of parents and other kindred._--Parents had no right to

put their children to death; nor could they force them to marry against

their will. Mothers' brothers and brothers seem to have more authority

than the father or mother in matters relating to a girl's welfare. They

were consulted before she was bestowed in marriage, unless she eloped

with her husband. A mother could punish a disobedient daughter when the

latter was a child and refused to learn to work. Kindred had the right

to avenge the death of one of their number.

§ 102. _Ú¢iqě, or Refugees._--They have no special rights, as such; but

they share the privileges of the people with whom they dwell, and with

whom they sometimes intermarry. Omahas have joined the Ponka tribe, as

in the case of Ma^ntcu-sĭnde-¢iñge, and Ponkas have been incorporated

into the Omaha tribe, as in the cases of Jabe-skă, [P]enicka, and Mr. La

Flèche himself.

§ 103. _Isínu._--An isínu is an unmarried youth, or man who dwells in

the lodge of one of his friends or kindred. He may be the kinsman of the

husband or of the wife. He is also called a wama^nhe.

_Wama^n´he and Áma^nhe._--The owner of a lodge, whether a man or a

woman, is the ama^nhe, and the isínu is the wama^nhe, who has no lodge

of his own, and is obliged to ask for shelter of some one who is more

favored than himself. While the wama^nhe has shelter he is expected to

do his share of the hunting of game, etc., just as all the other male

members of the household do, and he must bring it in for the benefit of

his host and the household. Sometimes the ama^nhe gives a skin tent to

the wama^nhe, who then goes elsewhere, as he has a lodge of his own.

Only those men are celibates who cannot get wives. There are no single

women, as the demand is greater than the supply.

PERSONAL HABITS, POLITENESS, ETC.

§ 104. _Personal habits._--The Omahas generally bathe (hi¢á) every day

in warm weather, early in the morning and at night. Some who wish to do

so bathe also at noon. "Jackson," a member of the Elk gens, bathes every

day, even in winter. He breaks a hole in the ice on the Missouri River

and bathes, or else he rubs snow over his body. In winter the Omahas

heat water in a kettle and wash themselves (ʞig¢íja). This occurs in

some cases every week, but when a person is prevented by much work it is

practiced once in two or three weeks. There are some who are not so

particular about washing. One chief, Wacka^nma^n¢i^n, was nicknamed "The

man who does not wash his hands," and his wife was styled "The woman who

does not comb her hair." Wacka^nma^n¢i^n heard of this, and it shamed

him into better habits. It was always the custom to brush and comb their

hair, and the writer has a specimen, "qade-mi-ʞahe," such as served

the Omahas of a former generation for both brush and comb. The Ponkas

used to bathe in the Missouri every day. The Pawnees used to neglect

this custom, but of late years they have observed it. La Flèche and Two

Crows prefer the sweat-bath to all other ways of cleansing the body.

They say that it is not a sacred rite, though some Indians pretend that

it is such; and it is so described in the myths. Cedar twigs are still

dropped on the hot stones to cause a perfume.

§ 105. _Politeness._--When friends or kindred have not met for about a

month they say, on meeting, "Hau! kagéha," _Ho! younger brother_, "Hau!

negíha," _Ho! mother's brother_, etc., calling each other by their

respective kinship titles, if there be any, and then they shake hands.

There are no other verbal salutations. Parents kiss their children,

especially when they have been separated for any time, or when they are

about to part. When the chief, Standing Grizzly Bear, met Peter Primeau,

Ma^ntcu-hi-^nqti, and Cahie¢a at Niobrara in January, 1881, he embraced

them, and seemed to be very deeply affected. La Flèche and Two Crows

did not know about this custom, which may have been borrowed by the

Ponkas from the Dakotas.

When persons attend feasts they extend their hands and return thanks to

the giver. So also when they receive presents. When favors are asked, as

when the chiefs and brave men interpose to prevent the slaying of a

murderer, each extends a hand with the palm towards the would be

avengers, or he may extend both hands, calling the people by kinship

titles, with the hope of appeasing them. If a man receives a favor and

does not manifest his gratitude, they exclaim, "Wajé-¢iñge áha^n!"--_He

does not appreciate the gift! He has no manners!_ They apply the same

expression to the master of a tent who does not show any desire to be

hospitable to a visitor.

A person is never addressed by name, except when there are two or more

present who are of the same kinship degree. Then they must be

distinguished by their names. They seldom call a person by name when

speaking about him. This rule is not observed when guests are invited to

feasts. The criers call them by name. When men return from war the old

men, who act as criers, halloo and recount the deeds of each warrior,

whom they mention by name. After a battle between the Ponkas and

Dakotas, in 1873, as the former were returning to the village after the

repulse of the latter, Na^nbe-¢iʞu, of the Wajaje gens, stopped at the

house of Ma^ntcu-ʇañga, who had distinguished himself in the fight.

Na^nbe-¢iʞu gave a yell, and after leaping a short distance from the

ground, he struck the door of the house with the blunt end of the spear,

exclaiming "Ma^ntcu-ʇañga, you are a Wajaje!" In making presents, as

after returning from war, the donor can mention the name of the donee.

People never mention the names of their parents or elders, of their

iʇiga^n, iʞa^n, etc. A woman cannot mention her iʇinu's name; but if

her isañga (younger brother) be small, she can call his name.

Mothers teach their children not pass in front of people, if they can

avoid it. Young girls cannot speak to any man except he be a brother,

father, mother's brother, or a grandfather, who is a consanguinity.

Otherwise they would give rise to scandal. Girls can be more familiar

with their mother's brother than with their own brothers. Even boys are

more familiar with their mother's brother than with their own father,

and they often play tricks on the former.

Politeness is shown by men to women. Men used to help women and children

to alight from horses. When they had to ford streams, the men used to

assist them, and sometimes they carried them across on their backs. Even

if a man is not the woman's husband, he may offer to carry her over

instead of letting her wade. One day, a young woman who was on her way

to Decatur, Nebr., with her brother, wished to stop at a spring, as she

was thirsty. The ground by the spring was muddy, and the woman would

have soiled her clothing had she knelt. But just then Maxewa¢e rode up

and jumped from his horse. He pulled up some grass and placed it on the

ground, so that the woman might drink without soiling her dress. Such

occurrences have been common.

§ 106. _Hospitality._--All who are present at meal-time receive shares

of the food. Even if some who are not on friendly terms with the host

happen to enter suddenly they partake. But only friends are invited to

feasts. Should one arrive after all the food has been divided among the

guests, the host gives part of his share to the new-comer, saying, "Take

that." The new-comer never says, "Give it to me." Should a woman come

the host gives her some of the uncooked food, and tells her to take it

home and boil it. Sometimes the host sees several uninvited ones looking

on. Then he tells his wife to boil some food for them. Or, if the wife

was the first to notice their presence, she asks her husband's

permission. He replies, "Yes, do it."

Here and there in the tribe are those who are stingy, and who do not

show hospitality. Should an enemy appear in the lodge, and receive a

mouthful of food or water, or put the pipe in his mouth, he cannot be

injured by any member of the tribe, as he is bound for the time being by

the ties of hospitality, and they are compelled to protect him, and send

him to his home in safety. But they may kill him the next time that they

meet him.

When a visitor enters a lodge to which he has not been invited (as to a

feast), he passes to the right of the fire-place, and takes a seat at

the back of the lodge opposite the door.

The master of the lodge may sit where he pleases; and the women have

seats by the entrance. Sometimes there is an aged male kinsman staying

at the lodge, and his place is on the right side of the fire-place near

the entrance. (Frank La Flèche. Compare § 112, as given by his father.)

MEALS, ETC.

§ 107. _Meals._--When the people were traveling in search of buffaloes,

they generally had but two meals a day, one in the morning before they

struck the tents, and one in the evening after they pitched the tents.

But if they moved the camp early in the morning, as in the summer, they

had three meals--breakfast, before the camp was moved; dinner, when they

camped again; and supper, when they camped for the night. During the

winter, they stopped their march early in the afternoon, and ate but one

meal during the day. When the camp remained stationary, they sometimes

had three meals a day, if the days were long. They ate ʇa (dried buffalo

meat), ʇanuʞa (fresh meat), and wata^nzi (corn), which satisfied their

hunger. And they could go a long time without a meal. Soup was the only

drink during meals. They drank water after meals, when they were

thirsty. They washed the dishes in water, and rubbed them dry with

twisted grass. The trader's story in _Long's Expedition to_ _the Rocky

Mountains_, Vol. I, pp. 322, 323, if true, relates to some other tribe.

The average amount of meat at a meal for an adult was two pounds, but

some ate three pounds. The maximum quantity was about four pounds.

§ 108. During the sun-dance, the Ponkas pretended to go without food or

drink for three days and nights; but near the sun-pole could be found a

bulbous root, which was used by the dancers for satisfying hunger and

thirst. This secret was told the writer by a man, an influential chief,

who had taken part in the dance in former years. This dance is of Dakota

origin, and is not practiced among the Omahas.

§ 109. At the present day, the Omahas use wheat, flour, sugar, coffee,

tea, bacon, and other kinds of provisions introduced by the white

people. They have been familiar with wheat for the past forty years.

Many subsist chiefly on corn, as they cannot afford to buy great

quantities of the provisions which have been mentioned. But while they

are fond of wheat bread, they cannot be induced to eat corn bread in any

shape, and they never have their corn ground into meal. All try to have

sugar and coffee three times a day, even if they are compelled to go

without meat. Within the past twenty years they have found a substitute

for tea. It is made of the leaves or roots of one of the two species of

"ʇabé-hi." One kind is called "na^n´pa-ʇañ´ga ʇabé-hi," or "large cherry

ʇabé-hi"; but the species of which the tea is made is the ʇabé-hi, which

spreads out, resembling twigs. It grows on hills, and its large roots

hinder the breaking of the prairie. The leaves, which are preferred for

making the tea, resemble those of red cherry-trees, though they are

smaller. When leaves cannot be obtained, they boil chips of the roots,

which makes the water very red. The taste resembles that of the Chinese

tea. (See § 177.)

§ 110. _Cannibalism._--Cannibalism is not practiced among the Omahas and

Ponkas, and it has been of rare occurrence among the Iowas. Mr. Hamilton

says: "I have heard of an old Iowa chief who roasted and ate the ribs of

an Osage killed in war; also of some one who bit the heart of a Pawnee,

but this was evidently done for the purpose of winning a reputation for

bravery."

§ 111. _Feasts._--See §§ 81, 83, 106, 119, 124, 130, 143, 151, 187-8,

195-6, 217, 219, 246, 249-50, 274, and 289.

During the buffalo hunt and just before starting on it the only gens

that invited guests to feasts was the Hañga. And whenever any important

matters, such as the ceremonies connected with planting corn, required

deliberation, it was the duty of the Hañga chief to prepare a feast and

invite the chiefs and other guests. (See §§ 18, 130.) On ordinary

occasions, any one can have a feast. (See § 246.) Then the principal

guest sits at the back of the lodge, opposite the door, on the right of

which are the seats of the wag¢a, the host's seat being on the left of

the entrance. As the guests enter they pass to the left and around the

circle, those coming first taking seats next the wag¢a, and the last

ones arriving finding places near the host. Two young men who take out

the meat, etc., from the kettles, have no fixed places for sitting.

They give feasts to get horses and other presents, to win a reputation

for generosity, and perhaps an election to the chieftainship; also for

social and other purposes.

_The Mandan feast._--The following is an account of a feast given by the

Mandan dancing society: "When the food has been prepared the crier or

herald calls for those to come to the feast who take part in the dance.

To bad men he says, 'Do not come to the feast at which I am going to

eat,' and they stay away. Should the guests be slow in coming, the last

one who arrives is punished. He is compelled to eat a large quantity of

food, 6, 8, or 10 pounds. The others sit waiting for him to eat all that

has been placed before him, and as they wait they shake the rattles of

deer-claws and beat the drum. This is not a sacred rite, but an

amusement. If the man finds that he cannot eat all in his bowl, he looks

around the circle and finds some one to whom he gives a blanket, shirt,

gun, or a pair of leggings, with the rest of the food saying, 'Friend,

help me (by eating this).' Should the second man fail to eat all, he in

turn must make a present to a third man, and induce him to finish the

contents of the bowl. Sometimes horses are given as presents. Should a

man come without an invitation, just to look on, and enter the lodge of

his own accord, he must give presents to several of the guests, and

depart without joining in the feast. When one smokes, he extends the

pipe to another saying, 'Smoke.' The second man smokes without taking

hold of the pipe. Should he forget and take hold of it, all the rest

give the scalp-yell, and then he is obliged to make a present to some

one present who is not one of his kindred. Should one of the men make a

mistake in singing, or should he not know how to sing correctly, as he

joins the rest, they give the scalp-yell, and he is compelled to make a

present to some one who is not one of his kindred. If one of the guests

lets fall anything by accident, he forfeits it and cannot take it up.

Any one else can appropriate it. While at this feast no one gets angry;

all must keep in a good humor. None but old men or those in the prime of

life belong to this society."

Sometimes the guests danced while they were eating. All wore deers' tail

head-dresses, and carried rattles of deers' claws on their arms. One

drum was used. There was no fixed number of singers; generally there

were six. Each one danced as he stood in his place, instead of moving

around the lodge. There was no special ornamentation of the face and

body with paint. All wore good clothing. The Omahas danced this Mandan

dance after the death of Logan Fontenelle.

Those who boil sacred food, as for the war-path, pour some of the soup

outside the lodge, as an offering for the ghosts.

§ 112. _Sleeping customs._--They sleep when sleepy, chiefly at night.

There are no sacred rites connected with sleeping. Adults occupy that

part of the lodge next to the door, having their beds on each side of

it. (See § 106.) Children have their beds at the back of the lodge,

opposite the entrance. When there are many children and few adults, the

former occupy most of the circle.

Each member of the household pushes the sticks of wood together

("abada^n") towards the center of the fire, as the ends burn off. It is

not the special work of the old women or men. Nor are the aged women

expected to sit at the door and drive out the dogs. Any one may drive

them from the lodge, except in cold weather, when they are allowed to

remain inside.

§ 113. _Charities._--The word for generous is "wacúce," meaning also "to

be brave." This is apparently the primary meaning, as a generous man is

addressed as one who does not fear poverty. He is regarded as the equal

of the man who fears no enemy. Generosity cannot be exercised toward

kindred, who have a natural right to our assistance. All who wish to

become great men are advised by their kindred to be kind to the poor and

aged, and to invite guests to feasts. When one sees a poor man or woman,

he should make presents, such as goods or a horse, to the unfortunate

being. Thus can he gain the good-will of Wakanda, as well as that of his

own people. When the Omahas had plenty of corn, and the Ponkas or

Pawnees had very little, the former used to share their abundance with

the latter. And so when the Omahas were unfortunate with their crops,

they went on several occasions to the Pawnees, who gave them a supply.

This was customary among these and other neighboring tribes.

Presents must also be made to visitors, members of other tribes. To

neglect this was regarded as a gross breach of good manners. (See §

292.)

Prior to the advent of the white man, the Omahas had a custom, which was

told the writer by Frank La Flèche. When one man wished to favor another

by enabling him to be generous, he gave him horses, which the latter, in

turn, gave away, entitling him to have his ears pierced as a token of

his generosity. The act of the first man was known as "niʇa

gíbaq¢ukí¢ě," _causing another man to have his ears pierced_.

§ 114. _Old age._--Old age among the Omahas does not encounter all the

difficulties related by Dougherty (_Long_, I, pp. 256, 257). Old men do

not work. They sometimes go after the horses, or take them to water, but

the rest of the time they sit and smoke, or relate incidents of their

youthful days, and occasionally they tell myths for the amusement of

those around them. Old women throw away superfluous ashes, pound corn or

dried meat, mend and dry moccasins, etc. Sometimes they used to bring a

bundle of sticks for the fire, but that is now done by the men in their

wagons.

The Omahas and Ponkas never abandoned the infirm aged people on the

prairie. They left them at home, where they could remain till the return

of the hunting party. They were provided with a shelter among the trees,

food, water, and fire. They watched the corn-fields, and when their

provisions gave out, they could gather the ears of corn, and procure

some of the dried pumpkins and ʇa (dried meat) that had been buried in

_caches_ by the people. They were not left for a long time, generally

for but a month or two. The Indians were afraid to abandon (waa^n´¢a)

their aged people, lest Wakanda should punish them when they were away

from home. They always placed them (i¢a^n´wa¢ě) near their village,

where they made their home during the winter.

They do not grow gray early, though Mr. Hamilton saw some children that

were gray. But gray hairs are of such rare occurrence that an Omaha

woman who has them is called "Gray Hair." When any one has white hair it

is regarded as a token that he or she has violated the taboo of the

gens, as when an Ictasanda or Wajaje man should touch a snake or smell

its odor.

§ 115. _Preparation for a journey._--When a man is about to start on a

journey he gets his wife to prepare moccasins and food for him. Then he

goes alone to a bluff, and prays to Wakanda to grant him a joyful and

stout heart as well as success. (See § 195.)

CHAPTER VI.

VISITING CUSTOMS.

§ 116. _Medicines or fetiches taken along._--Some of the ₵egiha used to

take their respective medicines with them, saying, "Our medicines are

wise; they can talk like men, and they tell us how many horses we are to

receive from the people to whom we are going." For an account of the

dance of discovering the enemy, as Dougherty terms it, see § 271. It is

danced by visitors.

§ 117. _Mode of approaching a village._--When people go to make a

friendly visit to another tribe, they stop when they are a short

distance from the village or camp of their hosts, say at about 100 or

200 yards from it. There they sit on the ground and wait for some one to

come and invite them to the village. Generally, each visitor departs

with his special friend, or with the messenger sent from the village by

that friend. On some occasions, all the visitors have been invited to

one lodge, but these have been very unusual. The Omahas, Ponkas,

Dakotas, Pawnees, and other tribes act thus when they visit.

THE CALUMET DANCE.

§ 118. _The Calumet Dance._--The generic term is "wáwa^n," in ₵egiha,

answering to the [T]ᴐiwere "waya^n´we" (the specific of which is

"ákiwa^n," [T]ᴐiwere, akíya^nwe), to dance the calumet dance for any

particular person. But the word makes no reference to dancing or

singing. It is equivalent to "waqúbe éki¢ě," _to make a sacred kinship_.

He who wishes to confer this degree is called "wáwa^n aká," the dancer

of the calumet dance, which is also the title of those who assist him.

He for whom the dance is made is the "áwa^ni aká," who becomes the

adopted son of the other man.

§ 119. _The preliminary feast._--When a man contemplates adopting

another man in this dance he invites all the other chiefs to a feast,

and consults them. When the person has not been selected he says to

them, "Wáwama^n ka^n´b¢a. I^nwi^n´¢ixi´dai-gă"--_I wish to dance the

calumet dance for some one; look ye around for me_ (and see who would be

the proper object). But if he has already selected the person, he says

to the chiefs, "Áwama^n ka^n´b¢a. I^n¢i^n´wa^nda^n´bai-gă"--_I wish to

dance for him. See for me if he is the proper one._ Sometimes they

reply, "Let him alone! He is not the right one, as he is bad;" or,

"Ni´aci^nga ¢i^n píäjĭ hă. Ji^n´äjĭ. Ákiwa^n´jĭ-gă"--_The man is bad. He

is proud. Do not dance for him._ But should the chiefs give their

approval, the man sends a messenger to the one whom he intends to honor,

having intrusted to him a buffalo bladder containing tobacco, which is

sent as a present. When the messenger reaches the place, and delivers

his message, the awa^ni aka calls his kindred together to lay the

proposition before them. Sometimes he says, "I am poor. Do not come."

In that case the messenger returns home, and the dance does not take

place. But if the awa^ni aka approve, and his kindred give their

consent, he sends the messenger back with a favorable reply. In some

instances, when one man has asked another to dance the calumet dance for

him, the other one has replied, "Why should I dance it for you? Why

should I give such a privilege to a bad man?"

§ 120. At the appointed time, the dancing party, which consists of two

leaders and many companions, repairs to the place of destination.

Sometimes the leaders take from twenty to thirty men with them. They

reach the lodge of the awa^ni aka, and there the two niniba weawa^n, or

calumet pipes, are placed on a forked support, which is driven into the

soil in the back part of the lodge.

[Illustration: FIG. 20.--The Weawa^n, or Calumet pipe.]

§ 121. _Description of the pipes, etc._--The following is a description

of the calumet pipes:

In the place of a pipe-bowl each weawa^n has the head and neck of a

"mi^n´xa [p]áhi^n-ʇú," or green-necked duck. Next to this, on the upper

side of the stem, are (yellowish) feathers of the great owl, extending

about six inches. Next are long wing-feathers of the war eagle, split

and stuck on longitudinally in three places, as on an arrow shaft. At

the end of these is some horsehair, which has been reddened. It is

wrapped around the stem, tied on with sinew, and then over that is

fastened some of the fur of the white rabbit, with some ends dangling

about six inches. The horsehair extends fully six inches below the fur

of the rabbit. This horsehair is attached in two other places, and tied

in a similar manner. The three tufts are equidistant, say, six inches

apart. Near the last tuft is the head of a wajiñ´ga-[p]a, woodcock (?),

the nose of which is white, and the head feathers are red. The bill is

turned towards the mouth-piece.[9]

[9] Frank La Flèche said that he had seen three heads of wajïñga[p]a on

one pipe, and that the number varied from one to six. There was no part

of the neck of the bird, and the lower mandible was removed. In this

respect only the above figure does not represent the _Omaha_ pipe.

The head of the duck is secured to the stem by the "ha-jíde," which used

to be made of deer or antelope skin, but since the coming of the white

men a piece of red blanket or Indian cloth has been substituted. Next to

this are suspended the two "wéʇa" or eggs, which are two hi^nqpé, or

plumes of the eagle. But the Indians compare them to the egg or to the

eaglet in the egg, to which the adopted child is also likened. The child

is still immature; but by and by he will grow, and fly like the eagle.

Next are attached a number of eagle feathers. These are secured by two

cords, called the "máca^n i¢áze ¢a^n," made of deer or antelope skin.

On one pipe the eagle feathers are white, being those of a male eagle,

and the pipe-stem is dark blue. On the other, they are spotted black and

white, being those of a female eagle; and the pipe-stem is dark blue.

[Illustration: FIG. 21.--Rattles used in the Pipe dance.]

§ 122. There are two gourd rattles, one for each pipe. Each gourd is

about five inches in diameter. A handle is thrust through the gourd, one

end of which projects about an inch beyond the top of the gourd. Blue

stripes about half an inch wide encircle each gourd; and two blue

stripes crossing each other at right angles extend half way around,

terminating when they meet the other stripe, which divides the gourd in

two parts. Around the handle is tied deer skin, antelope skin, or a

piece of buffalo skin. The ʇe-néxe, or buffalo bladder, which is sent at

first by the messenger, is painted with three blue stripes, as on the

gourd rattles. It is tied with a small, fine piece of the skin of a deer

or antelope, arranged so as to be opened very easily and with the ends

dangling a little.[10]

[Illustration: FIG. 22.--The Dakota style of tobacco-pouch used by the

Omahas in the Pipe dance.]

§ 123. When the pipes are rested against the forked stick, the heads of

the ducks are placed next the ground. A short distance from the pipes

are two sticks connected with an ear of corn, which is sacred. It must

be a perfect ear; the grains must not be rough or shriveled. If grains

are wanting on one row or side, the ear is rejected. All the people eat

the corn, so it is regarded as a _mother_. (See § 163.)

[10] This is the regular Omaha style. The above figure shows the Dakota

style. One of this kind was given to Frank La Flèche by an Omaha to whom

he had given a horse.

These sticks are reddened with wase-jide-nika, or Indian red. The longer

stick, which is nearer the pipes, is stuck about four inches into the

ground, and projects a few inches above the ear of corn. The other stick

is fastened to the opposite side of the ear of corn; the top of it is on

a line with the top of the ear, and the bottom extends a short distance

below the bottom of the ear, but it does not reach to the ground. The

ear of corn is held between the sticks by "ʇahá¢isa^n´," which is

wrapped around them all. This fastening is made of the plaited or

braided hair taken from the head of a buffalo. An eagle plume (hi^nqpe)

is fastened with sinew to the top of the smaller stick. The lower part

of the ear of corn is white, and the upper part is painted green.

[Illustration: FIG. 23.--The positions of the pipes, the ear of corn,

etc.]

§ 124. _Feasting and singing._--The next morning before sunrise some of

the visitors sing as a signal for the people to arise and assemble.

Before they sing the áwa^ni amá say to them, "Come, O fathers, sing ye."

They do not sing over an hour, perhaps not quite so long. When the men

begin to sing the pipes are taken from their support, and are not

returned till the singing is concluded. The singing is inside the lodge,

as they sit around the fire. They sing again after breakfast, a third

time in the afternoon, and once more at night. This generally continues

for two days, during which time the visitors are feasted. Sometimes they

continue the feasts for three days.

_Gifts bestowed._--The day after the feasts, which is generally the

third day, the principal visitor gives presents to his host, who

collects all of the people of his village or tribe. He addresses the

chiefs, saying, "My father has brought these things to me." Then he

gives the presents to the chiefs. The pile of gifts is often about four

feet high. One or more of the chiefs then speak to the young men who

accompany them, "These things are given to you. Do with them as you

please. Give them to whom you desire to present them." Presently one

young man arises and says, "I will give a horse to my father," meaning

the principal visitor. He is followed by another, and so on, till all

have spoken who have a desire to make presents. Some of the young men

give many horses to the visitors. When the principal chief sees that

enough horses have been given in equal numbers to each visitor he says,

"Come, cease ye." Then the chiefs imitate the young men in giving

presents to the visitors, taking care to give none of them a larger

share than the rest. This exchange of presents consumes the entire day.

The principal visitor has the right to distribute the horses among his

party.

[Illustration: FIG. 24.--Decoration of the child's face.]

§ 125. _The dance._--The next day two of the servants of the principal

visitor are selected to do the dancing. They must be men who are "cka^n´

¢ipí," _i. e._, skillful in imitating the movements and acts of the war

eagle, its flying, etc. When it is windy a screen is set up, but when it

is calm there is none. Before the dance is begun the man for whom the

ceremony is made leads his son or daughter to his visitors, saying, "₵é

á¢awa^n´ te hă´," _Please dance for this one._ But the parent does not

bring the child by himself; one of the dancers always goes for the

child, and must carry it on his back to the lodge where the dancers are

staying. When one of the men came to the house of Mr. La Flèche for his

daughter Susette, she was very small and so was afraid of the man, and

refused to go with him. So her mother's mother carried her part of the

way, and then the man took her to the lodge. After the father has

addressed the visitors the child is caused to sit with the members of

the dancing party. Its face is painted red, and over that is painted in

blue, the hañga ʞi`a^nze, and a stripe down the nose.[11] An eagle

plume or hi^nqpe is placed in its hair. The child receives clothing

from the principal visitor, if he has it; but if has none, another

member of the party gives the clothing. Then the adopting father says to

the child, "We give you a sacred thing. Do not have a bad heart. We make

you sacred, we set you apart. We have received this custom from Wakanda.

We give you a sign, and henceforth no one can say that you are poor."

[11] The hañge ʞi`a^nze for the child in the calumet dance differs

somewhat from that used by the chiefs and other adults. In the former

the stripes next the mouth are wanting, and, instead, is painted the

stripe down the nose.

The child so adopted is called "Hañ´ga ¢iñké" during the dance. Compare

the "hŭñ´ka (huŋka)" of the Dakotas.

There is no regular order of sitting. The drummer and singers sit in the

middle, and the child is with them. Near them are the two dancers, who

wear no clothing but breech-cloths. Both have the hañga ʞi`a^nze

painted in red on their faces. Each one holds a gourd rattle in his

right hand. It contains hard seed, beads, or fine gravel. In their left

hands are the calumet pipes. They dance for about an hour, imitating the

actions of the war eagle, preserving at the same time a constant waving

motion with the calumet, and agitating the gourds more or less

vehemently, agreeably to the music.

The villagers look on, some standing, others sitting. At the close of

the dance, the crier says to the people, "Come quickly with the presents

which you have promised. They will go soon." Then the people bring the

horses and other presents, which they bestow upon the visitors, who lose

no time in departing for home. Then the child's face is cleansed of the

paint, and the two calumets are given to the family to which the child

belongs. The visitors generally depart before noon, say, about 10

o'clock. Sometimes they finish the ceremony in three days, in which case

one day is spent in feasting, one in making presents, and part of the

third day in the dance. Sometimes they spend three days in feasting, the

fourth in making presents, and part of the fifth in dancing. But the

usual order is two days in feasting, one in making presents, and part of

the fourth in dancing.

§ 126. _Adoption and privileges of the child._--This child is ever after

treated as the first-born, taking the place of the real first-born, who

calls him "ji^n¢éha," _elder brother_. The wáwa^n aká shares his

property with this adopted son, giving him presents, and never refusing

him anything that he may ask of him. In like manner, the real father of

the child makes presents to the real son of the wawa^n aka, just as if

he were the child's father. This ceremony is never trifled with, though

it is now obsolescent. No marriage can take place between members of

these families for four years. At least, La Flèche and Two Crows never

heard of any persons marrying who were related by this sort of kinship.

After the first generation has passed away, the next may say, "That

man's father, A, made me (C) his son. I will dance for D, the child of

B, my adopted brother and son of A." Or B may say to C, "My father, A,

danced for you. Do you dance for me in the person of my son, D." So the

kinship used to be kept up, generation after generation, if they liked

one another; but if they did not agree, it was allowed to disappear.

(See Kinship, § 78.)

A child is danced for but once by the same party. Should they come

again, there are no ceremonies observed but the giving of horses and

goods. The children thus honored are from five to six years of age, none

over ten years of age can be thus adopted.

Frank La Flèche said, "Cañge-skă danced this dance for my father, who

therefore, called him 'father'; and I, too, call Cañge-skă my father. So

all the Weji^ncte people (being my father's gens by adoption), called

Cañge-skă, 'father' for four years. Then the kinship ceased. During that

period it would have been unlawful for any of my family to intermarry

with the gens of Cañge-skă."

The Ponkas are not fully acquainted with the calumet dance. They use

but one pipe; but the Omahas always have two pipes.

CHAPTER VII.

INDUSTRIAL OCCUPATIONS.

§ 127. Industrial occupations among the ₵egiha may be treated of in

three grand divisions: I. Those relating to the Sustenance of Life; II.

Those concerning the Protection of Life; III. Those which have to do

with the Regulation of Life. The first and second of these divisions are

not fully differentiated.

To the first division may be assigned those industries pertaining to

Food, Clothing, and Shelter. Food is obtained by hunting, trapping,

fishing, and cultivation of the ground. In order to obtain it one is

obliged to resort to weapons, traps, farming implements, &c.; and to

prepare it for a meal, there are several processes required, as well as

implements or utensils used in those processes. This gives rise to

another kind of industry, the manufacture of those weapons, traps,

implements, and utensils.

Among the industries pertaining to the Protection of Life are War

Customs (especially defensive warfare) and the Practice of Medicine.

(See Chapters IX and X.)

The following are connected with the Regulation of Life: The Government

and the Law. (See Chapters XI and XII.)

The following relate to the Sustenance of Life.

HUNTING CUSTOMS.

§ 128. _Kinds of hunting._--There are two kinds of hunting known among

the ₵egiha. One is called "abae," answering to the [T]ᴐiwere

"kinañʞra," and the "wotihni" of the Dakotas. This refers to the

hunting of the larger animals by a few men, or even by one person, the

family of each hunter having been left at home or in the tribal camp.

The other kind is the "ʇe une," when all the people go in a body, with

their families, moving from place to place as they seek for herds of

buffaloes. This latter is often called "gaq¢a^n´" by the Omahas and

Ponkas, and "ʞiqra^n´" by the [T]ᴐiwere tribes.

§ 129. _Hunting seasons._--The summer hunt was not undertaken till the

corn and pumpkins had been planted, the weeds cut, and the beans

gathered. The time for the return was when the wind blew open the

"jáqcazi," the sunflowers and the flowers of other species of the "ja,"

which was about the first of September. It was only during the summer

hunt that the tribe camped in the tribal circle on the open prairie. The

fall or winter hunt gave a name to the season when it began

"t`a^ngaq¢a^n," the _hunting fall_, or _later fall_, as distinguished

from "t`a^n" the _harvest_ or _earlier fall_. This later fall

corresponded with the latter part of October. Then some of the men took

their families with them, and went in pursuit of deer, or occupied

themselves with trapping beaver and otter. But most of the people went

on the fall hunt when they sought the "mé-ha," literally, "spring

hides," that is, those which had thick hair. They did not camp in the

tribal circle, as it was too cold to pitch their tents on the open

prairie; but each head of a family had his tent pitched in a sheltered

spot; and for this purpose the hunters did not always go in one large

party, but scattered in several directions, camping wherever they could

find heavy timber or brush that could protect their lodges during heavy

winds. They returned home in the spring about the month of April.

§ 130. _Preliminary feast held before the departure for the summer

hunt._--The principal chief or head man of the Hañga gens prepared a

feast, to which he invited all the chiefs and brave men. An Iñke-sabě

man was sent as ieki¢ě (crier, herald) or wag¢a (messenger) around the

village, and he called to each guest to bring his bowl and spoon. When

the guests had assembled at the lodge of the Hañga chief the two

principal chiefs sat at the back of the lodge, opposite the entrance,

and on each side of them were ranged the subordinate chiefs around the

circle, according to their rank. After them were seated the braves, as

far as the entrance, on the left side of which sat the giver of the

feast, while on the right side were the wag¢a (Waka^n-ma^n¢i^n and

[T]eha^n-ma^n¢i^n, the keepers of the sacred tents of the Hañga), who

were expected to attend to the fire and the kettles. The sacred pipes

were lighted, according to the prescribed rules, and passed around the

circle. (See §§ 18 and 111.)

The object of the council was explained by one of the head chiefs

saying, "Come! consider the question. Let us remove. In how many days

shall we remove?" The question was then discussed by others, and having

agreed among themselves what course to pursue, one said, "Úqě ctĭ

g¢íta^ni ʞĭ, wata^n´ zi-hi ctĭ g¢íta^ni ʞĭ, dúba ja^n´ ʞí,

a^nwa^n´ha^ntaí"--_When they have prepared their caches and have worked_

(_i. e._, examined) _their cornstalks, let us remove after an interval

of four days_. When the chiefs perceived what was the sense of the

council they decided on the route. When the food was sufficiently cooked

the wag¢a removed the kettles from the fire. Then one of the head chiefs

called a young man by name, saying, "Úha^n cétě we´¢itañ´-gă," _Handle

that kettle for us_. Then the young man holding a spoon in his right

hand dipped it into one of the kettles, took out a piece of a choice

part of the meat. His left hand being elevated, with extended palm, he

presented the meat in the spoon to each of the four winds, beginning at

the entrance of the lodge, and he finished the ceremony by casting the

meat into the fire.

Then the food was served out to the guests, the best portions of it

being placed before the chiefs. Each person who received a portion

thanked the host, using the appropriate kinship term, as, "Hau!

ji^n¢éha!" _Thanks! elder brother!_--"Hau! kagé!" _Thanks! younger

brother!_--"Hau! negíha!" _Thanks! mother's brother!_ The old men

present thanked the host, chiefs, and young men. Food is precious to

them, so they talked a long time about it. The young men left some of

the food in the kettles for the criers and old men, who then ate out of

the kettles instead of bowls. The feast ended, smoking succeeded, after

which the guests rose in succession, thanked the host, and passed out of

the lodge in an orderly manner, beginning with those on the left of the

entrance and fireplace. These passed in single file before the head

chiefs, and round the rest of the circle of the guests, till they

reached the entrance when they passed out. Then those on the right of

the fireplace made a complete circuit of the lodge, passed before the

head chiefs and went out of the lodge. In each case the guest followed

the course of the sun as he appears to revolve around the earth. The

criers sang through the village in praise of the host, whom they thanked

for his hospitality. They also thanked the chiefs and young men who were

present at the feast; and they proclaimed to the people the decision of

the council.

§ 131. _Preparations for the departure._--The women buried in _caches_

whatever they wished to leave. Food, etc., was placed in a blanket,

which was gathered up at the corners and tied with a thong; then the

bundle was allowed to fall to the bottom of the _cache_. Many of such

bundles were put into a single _cache_. Then the women went over the

corn-fields to see that all the work had been finished. They prepared

their pack-saddles and litters, and mended moccasins and other clothing.

The young men spent part of the time in dancing in honor of the

"watcígaxe ʇi uné¢ě aká," the men at whose lodges the dancing societies

met.

§ 132. _The departure._--The day for their departure having arrived,

the women loaded their horses and dogs, and took as great weights on

their own backs as they could conveniently transport. Such lodges as

were left unoccupied by aged or infirm people were secured by closing

the entrances with large quantities of brushwood. Those men who were the

owners of many horses were able to mount their families on horseback,

but the most of the people were obliged to go afoot. Before starting the

place for passing the night was determined and an Iñke-sabě man was sent

through the village as crier saying, "Maja^n´ gá¢ua[p]i ¢aʇí

te,ai,a¢a+!"--_They say, indeed, that you shall pitch the tents in that

land which is out of sight!_ He described the location of the place as

he made this proclamation, so that the abaé-ma (hunters or scouts) might

know where they were expected to rejoin the people. This precaution was

taken each succeeding night, or else on the morrow before the departure

of the hunters.

§ 133. _The Hu¢uga or Tribal Circle._--(See §§ 9-12). They generally

selected some place near a stream, and they tried to find a level spot

large enough to allow the formation of a single hu¢uga, but when so

large a level could not be had, the Omahas pitched their lodges in two

concentric circles, and the Ponkas in three circles of that arrangement.

The exact order of the encampment of the gentes in these concentric

circles has not been preserved. As soon as the tents were erected each

woman put up her wáma^ncíha, of which there were two or three for each

tent. They were used for drying the ʇanuʞa or fresh meat, and each was

made by sticking into the ground two forked sticks that were about four

feet high, about six or eight feet apart, and placing a pole across

them. The pieces of meat were hung across the transverse pole of each

wama^nciha.

After the setting up of the tent of one of the keepers of the wa¢íxabe

or sacred bags, a stick was thrust in the ground outside the tent, and

the wa¢ixabe was hung on it, provided there was no rain. But should a

rain ensue after the bag was hung outside, or if it was raining at the

time the tent was pitched, the stick was set up without delay within the

tent, and the bag was hung on it.

§ 134. _The Wa¢a^n or directors of the hunt_.--The chiefs always

appointed four men to act as directors of the hunt. He who wished to be

the principal director had to provide a pipe and a standard called the

"wacábe." The former had a bowl of red pipe-stone, but was not one of

the sacred pipes. The latter consisted of an oak or hickory stick about

eight feet long, and reddened, to which was fastened a row of eagle

feathers, some of which were white and others spotted. Their use will be

explained hereafter. A "nikide" (see § 151) was fastened to the top of

the stick. The chiefs said to the directors, "It is good to do such and

such things." The directors considered whether it would be right or not,

and finally decided what course should be pursued. Then, if any accident

occurred, or quarrels between men or women, dog fights, high winds,

rain, etc., ensued, the director who had advised going in that direction

was blamed, and his advice was disregarded from that time, so he had to

resign, and let some one else take his place. During the last summer

hunt of the Omahas the directors were Ictá¢abi, Nugá, and Duba-ma^n¢i^n,

of the Iñke-sabě gens, and a fourth man, whose name has been forgotten.

Icta¢abi succeeded his father as the principal director.[12]

[12] These directors were not necessarily Iñke-sabě men. The wacabe and

pipe were always abandoned when the people were about to return home.

The order of ceremonies varied. Sometimes the sacred pole was anointed

after the first herd of buffaloes had been surrounded. In that case the

abandonment of the wacabe and pipe was postponed awhile. Sometimes they

were abandoned before the pole was anointed; and sometimes they were

retained till the end of the Hede-watci. They were abandoned during the

day. The pipe was fastened across the middle of the wacabe, which was

stuck into the ground on a hill.

§ 135. When the people stopped and camped for only a single night, the

act was called "uʇi;" but when they stopped at a place for two or more

days, the act was known as "epaze." This latter happened when the horses

were tired or the weather was bad. "Uʇí dúba sátă^n da^n´ctěa^n´ ʞĭ,

épazai"--_When they had camped but one night at each place for four or

five nights, they stopped to rest for two or more days._

§ 136. _Appointment of the scouts._--It was generally two or three weeks

after the departure from the village that they reached the country where

the buffalo abounded. Meanwhile, the people were frequently in need of

food, so it was customary for some of the men to leave the camp each

morning to seek game of any kind for the sustenance of the tribe till

the buffalo herds were surrounded. This service, too, was sometimes

called "abae," and, also, "wada^n´be ¢é," _to go to see_ or _scout_; and

the men were "ábaé-ma" or "wada^n´be-ma." Before their departure they

were summoned to the Wacabe tent by Tcáhĭc, the aged Iñke-sabě crier,

who stood by that tent, and called for each man in a loud voice. The man

himself was not named, but the name called was that of his small son.

Thus, when Two Crows was summoned, Tcahĭc said, "Gai^n-bajĭ hau+!" as

the latter was then the young son of Two Crows, and the father knew that

he was summoned. When the fathers had assembled at the Wacabe tent, each

one was thus addressed by the principal director: "You shall go as a

scout. No matter what thing you see, you shall report it just as it is.

If you do not tell the truth may you be struck by lightning! May snakes

bite you! May men slay you! May your feet hurt you! May your horse throw

you!" When the sons are large enough they go themselves as scouts when

called by name.

These scouts or hunters were expected to bring to the camp what game

they killed, and to reconnoiter the surrounding country for buffalo and

enemies. They used to traverse a vast extent of country, and to shoot at

all animals except the buffalo. Whenever those who went the farthest

came in sight of the buffalo, or discovered signs of their proximity,

they dared not shoot at the animals, but they were bound to return at

once to the tribe to report the fact. When they got in sight of the

camp, or of the tribe in motion, they made signs with their blankets or

robes. (See First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Sign

Language, p. 532.)

§ 137. _Return of the scouts when the tents are pitched._--If the tents

were pitched when the scouts came in sight, the latter went at once to

the Wacabe tent, where the ʇe-sa^n-ha is kept. As soon as each director

heard or learnt of the coming of the scouts, he proceeded to the Wacabe

tent. When all four had arrived the scouts made a report. They never

told any news on such occasion till they reached the sacred tent; and

when they reported, they did not say, "We saw buffalo." They had to say,

if they discovered a herd, "Úciáʞi¢é-dega^n, ʇé-i eb¢éga^n"--_I may

have deceived myself, but I think that they were buffaloes._ The words

are pronounced very deliberately. "How many were there?" said the

directors. The reply might be, "I think about forty."

They were afraid of telling a falsehood to the directors and the keeper

of the sacred tent. Big Elk said that when they reported they used to

give a good robe to the pole in the other sacred tent, but this is

denied by La Flèche and Two Crows.

After hearing the report the directors sent the crier for the chiefs,

who assembled at the Wacabe tent. He also proclaimed that all the young

men should go thither; so they went, and stood outside. The Hañga man

(the keeper of the sacred tent?) told the young men, "In such a

direction there are so many buffaloes." Then the men left the women in

the camp, mounted their horses, and hastened towards the herd.

§ 138. _Return of the scouts when the people are moving._--If the people

were moving along when the scouts came in sight, the four directors

proceeded in advance to meet the scouts, and the Iñke-sabě crier

accompanied them. He marched behind the directors till they met the

scouts, when he advanced to the front, and received the report from one

of the scouts, who spoke in a whisper. Then the crier whispered the news

to the principal director, who stood on his left, and he whispered it to

the next director, and so on. After the crier told the first director,

the former stepped backward several paces to the rear of the four

directors, and lay down with his head pointing in the direction whence

the scouts came. After all of the directors heard the news, they smoked

once, and then sent the crier to proclaim the news. The scouts proceeded

to their families after delivering their report to the directors. The

crier proclaimed thus: "₵ázige te, ai a¢a+!" That is, "They say indeed

that you shall halt!" The tents were pitched immediately, as the people

knew that a herd of buffaloes had been found. Then the men hastened

toward the herd, each one being mounted.

§ 139. Some of the men used to address their horses thus: "Ho, my child!

do your best. I shall do my best." This was not said by all. Some gave

medicine to their horses to make them swift. (See the [P]a¢i^n-wasabe

dance, Chapter X.)

§ 140. _Council and appointment of policemen._--As soon as they could

see the herd they stopped. Then the crier called certain young men by

name, saying, "Let us consecrate some ʇa or sides of buffalo meat. You

will take a ʇa for me." (See § 151.) A council was held by the chiefs

and directors, and having decided to surround the herd, policemen were

appointed. These wanace were selected from the wahehajĭ or brave men.

They had no work to do till they were near the herd. Then they had to

watch the people to keep them from scaring off the herd by moving before

the proper time. All who disobeyed them were severely punished.

Cáda¢íce, an aged Omaha, who is now lame and palsied in one limb, was

once strong and highly esteemed by his people; but he violated the rules

of the hunt, and all the policemen flogged him so unmercifully that he

never fully recovered from the effects of his punishment. The offense

was committed when the people had been unsuccessful in finding a herd,

and were almost starved. Suddenly some buffaloes were discovered. Though

it was against the law for any small number of men to go against the

herd, independently of the rest, two or three, including Cada¢ice,

disobeyed, and, rushing forward, scared off the herd, so that none were

caught. On another hunt, when the men were behind a bank, seven of them

wished to ascend the hill sooner than Two Crows directed. They started

up against his wishes; but he rushed after them and lashed them right

and left with his whip, compelling them to desist.

During the council the chiefs said, "Let us consecrate some buffalo

tongues, and also two or four hearts." Then, calling on two of the young

men, they said, "Young men, you will get the hearts and tongues for us,

and place them together at the sacred tent."

§ 141. _Order of approaching and surrounding a herd._--The attacking

party was always led by two men carrying the sacred objects belonging to

the principal director; one man carried the pipe, and the other bore the

wacabe standard. They marched abreast, and behind them came the two

young men who had been chosen to collect the hearts and tongues. The

latter wore no clothing but their breech-cloths, and they carried only

their bows and knives. Behind them came the hunters, not going abreast

or in any fixed order, but somewhat scattered. When the two leaders

reached the proper distance from the herd they separated, one going to

the right and the other to the left, each one proceeding in a course

nearly the shape of a semi-circle, and followed by half of the men. They

began to form their lines for surrounding the herd, and the leaders ran

on till they had met in the rear of the herd, and then passed one

another, going a short distance around on the opposite side. Then the

attack began. The bearers of the pipe and standard were called

"`A^n´sagi-ma," _the swift ones_.

§ 142. _Collection of the hearts and tongues._--After they separated in

front of the herd the two young men behind them did not follow them, but

kept straight ahead towards the front of the herd, where they stopped.

They were obliged to be constantly on the alert in order to avoid the

onset of any buffalo that might rush towards them. As soon as they saw

that an animal was down they rushed towards it and proceeded to cut out

the heart and tongue. Then they passed to the next one that was slain,

and so on. Each one cut out eight or ten tongues, but he was obliged to

cut a hole in the throat before taking out the tongue, which was drawn

through that hole. This was the last time that the tongues could touch

any tool or metal, except when they were boiling in the kettles at the

sacred tent. As fast as the men removed the hearts and tongues they cut

holes in them, through which was thrust one end of a bow. When all were

strung on the bows they were secured by tying pieces of green hide to

the ends of each bow. The bow and its burden was placed on the back of

the owner while the green hide or bow-string went across the chest. Then

the young men ran quickly in advance of the hunters and gave the hearts

and tongues to the keeper of the Wacabe tent.

§ 143. _The feast on the hearts and tongues._--In the evening, when all

the policemen and other hunters had returned to the camp, the two

keepers of the Hañga sacred tents boiled the hearts and tongues. As soon

as they were done an Iñke-sabě man was sent as crier to invite the

chiefs, who proceeded to the Wacabe tent. On some of these occasions all

of the chiefs and Hañga men did not attend, so, when there were many

tongues, and few chiefs were present, some of the brave young men were

invited to assist in consuming the sacred food. None of the Wacabe Hañga

could eat the sacred tongues, though any of the other Hañga who were

present might do so. None of the meat was then cut with a knife. Each

guest was obliged to eat his portion there, as he could not take it to

his own lodge. He must put one corner of his robe (the wai^nhahage or

lower part) on the ground, and having placed the piece of meat on that,

he had to raise the improvised dish to his mouth and bite off a mouthful

at a time. Even when the blanket was a new one that would be soiled the

wearer could not avoid using it thus. This ceremony was observed four

times during the summer hunt. After the surrounding of the fourth herd

there were no further prohibitions of the use of a knife or bowl during

that season.

When the people divide and go in two parties during the summer hunting

season, only those who have the sacred tents observe the ceremonies

which have just been described. The others did not consecrate any hearts

and tongues.

While the guests were eating certain sacred songs were sung. According

to La Flèche and Two Crows, the singers were two of the Wacabe Hañga and

the ₵atada man who acted as quʞa; but Frank La Flèche says that the

singers were the Hañga guests who ate the tongues.

The Iñke-sabě crier sat by the door, looking wistfully towards the food,

and hoping almost against hope for some to be left for him.

These songs were very many, and lasted till daylight, according to

A^n´ba-hébe, the tribal historian. From him the writer gained an

incomplete description of them. First were the corn songs: 1. "I clear

the land." 2. "I put in corn." 3. "The corn comes up." 4. "Ukít`ět`a^n,

_It has blades_." 5. "Q¢á é¢a^nbe, _The ears appear_." 6. "Wahába najíha

t`a^n, _The ears have hair_, _i. e._, silk." 7. "Égi¢e a^n´¢ispa^n, _At

length we try the ears, squeezing them with the fingers, to see if they

are ripe_." 8. "Égi¢e jút`a^n ʞĭ, _At length it is ripe_." 9. "Égi¢e

wahába a^n´¢ija, _At length we pull off the ears from the stalks_." 10.

"Égi¢e wahába a^n´¢iga, _At length we husk the ears_." 11. "Égi¢e wahába

a^n´¢icpi, _At length we shell the corn_." 12. "Égi¢e wahába a^n´¢ate,

_At length we eat the corn_."

Then followed the buffalo songs in similar order, of which were the

following: "Síg¢e wada^n´be, _The tracks are seen_." "[T]é wada^n´be

ag¢í, _They have come back from seeing the buffalo_." "[P]ahé ʇá[p]`ě

a¢ai´, _They have gone to the hill that is near by_." * * * "[T]e wi^n

aú hă, _I have wounded a buffalo_." "Húqpaqpa ma^n¢i^n´, _He walks

coughing repeatedly_." This last refers to a habit of wounded buffaloes,

they cough repeatedly as the blood pours forth.

La Flèche and Two Crows say that they never attended these feasts, so

they cannot give the words of the songs. Frank La Flèche says, "None

besides the Hañgas and chiefs can give you correctly all of the songs of

the corn and buffalo, as it is looked upon as sacrilege to sing these

songs. The young people are strictly forbidden to sing them. None of the

young Omahas have taken any pains to learn them, although we have often

been to listen to the singing of them while the Hañgas and the chiefs

were performing the ceremonies of the pole. You may, but I very much

doubt it, get it all from one of the Hañgas or chiefs by liberally

compensating him for his patience (of which I fear he wouldn't have

enough) in going through with it, as it takes three or four nights

without stopping, lasting from sundown till sunrise; and even then they

find, sometimes, that they have omitted some.[13] I myself would like to

know it all, but I have never once heard it sung by any of the young men

with whom I am accustomed to go, although they frequently have had the

presumption to sing all other religious songs, such as the I^n´-kug¢i

a¢i^n´, Wacícka a¢i^n´, Wasé a¢i^n´, etc., for amusement."

§ 144. _Skill in archery._--So great is the skill of the Indians in

archery, that they frequently sent their arrows completely through the

bodies of the animals at which they shot, the arrowheads appearing in

such cases on the opposite side. Dougherty heard that in some instances

the arrows were sent with such force that they not only passed entirely

through the bodies of the buffaloes, but even went flying through the

air or fell to the ground beyond the animals.

§ 145. _Sets of arrows._--As each man had his own set of arrows

distinguished from those of other men by peculiar marks, he had no

difficulty in recovering them after the slaughter of the herd, and by

means of them he could tell which animals were killed by him. Hence

quarrels respecting the right of property in game seldom occurred, and

the carcass was awarded to the more fortunate person whose arrow pierced

the most vital part.

§ 146. Frank La Flèche killed his first buffalo when he was but

seventeen years of age. On such occasions the slayer cut open the body

and ate the liver with the gall over it.

[13] The Osages have an account of the origin of corn, etc., in one of

their sacred songs preserved in their secret society. They do not allow

their young men to learn these songs. The writer has an abstract of this

account obtained from one of the Osage chiefs. It takes four days or

nights to tell or chant the tradition of any Osage gens.

§ 147. _Carving and division of a buffalo._--When plenty of buffalo had

been killed, the slayer of one took but one man to aid him in cutting it

up, and each man took half of the body as his share. All agree in saying

that the hide was kept by the slayer, and some say that the choice

pieces were also his. Sometimes the slayer gave pieces of the meat to

those of his kindred who had no horses. All recognize the right of the

slayer to give the pieces as he saw best. He was generally assisted in

the cutting up by four or five men, and the body was divided into six

portions, as follows: The ʇe-mañ´ge or chest, one share; the ʇe-na^n´qa

or hump, one share; the ʇe-ju´ or front portions of the body, two

shares, with each of which was put a foreleg; the ʇe-jéga or thighs, the

hinder portions of the body, two shares; with one was put the ʇe-níxa or

paunch, with the other, the ʇe-cíbe or entrails. The men who assisted

were not necessarily of the same gens or tribe. Sometimes the slayer

took only the hide for his part and gave all the rest away. According to

Frank La Flèche, "the first man who reached a slain buffalo had for his

share, if the animal was fat, one of the ʇe-ju and the ʇe-nixa; but if

it was lean, he took one of the ʇe-jega and the ʇe-nixa. The second man

that reached there received the other ʇe-ju, and the third had the

ʇe-mañge. The fourth one's share consisted of the ʇa^n´he or ʇe-cibe and

the other ʇe-jega. But if the slayer of the animal wished any of these

parts he could keep them. The ʇe-dí or liver was good for nothing."

Should only one buffalo be killed by a large party, say, thirty or more,

the slayer always cut up the body in many pieces of equal size and

divided among all the hunters. Sometimes two or three men came and

helped the slayer to carve the body. Then he gave each a share. If a

chief who had not been invited to sit down came and assisted in the

carving, he too would get a share; but he had no right to demand a part,

much less the whole body, for himself, as some writers assert. When a

chief approached a carcass the slayer, if he chose, could tell him to

sit down. Then the slayer, after cutting up the body, might give a piece

to the chief, saying, "Take that and carry it on your back." Then the

chief would thank the donor. If the chief could not tell in public of

the kindness of his benefactor, the slayer would not give him a piece of

the meat. When a man killed a buffalo, elk, deer, beaver, or otter, he

might carry it to a chief, and say, "Wi´[p]aha^n, _I give it to you_."

§ 148. The women never aided in the carving. Sometimes, when a man had

no boy to take care of his extra horse, he let his wife ride it, and

allowed her to take out the entrails, etc., after he had slit the belly.

But if the slayer offered any objection the woman could not do that. As

a rule the men took out "úgaqe¢a tě," or all the intestines, including

the paunch, ʇe-cibe, etc., and put them aside for the women to uncoil

and straighten.

§ 149. _Kinds of buffaloes eaten._--During the winter hunt young buffalo

bulls were eaten, as they were fat, but the full-grown bulls were never

eaten, as their flesh was too hard. So in summer the young bulls were

not eaten for the same reason. Buffalo cows were always in good

condition for eating, and so were the "ʇe-mi^nquga" or hermaphrodite

buffaloes. The latter had very long horns.

While the Ponkas and Dakotas, when pressed by hunger, might eat the

kidneys raw, the Omahas always boiled them before eating.

§ 150. _Disposition of the various parts of the buffalo._--With the

exceptions of the feet and head, all the edible parts of the animal were

carried to the camp and preserved. The brains (wé¢iq¢i) were taken from

the skull for the purpose of dressing (¢iq¢í) the skin or converting it

into leather. These skins, which were obtained during this season, were

called "ʇa´ha," and were used in the construction of the skin lodges, as

well as for their individual clothing during the warm weather. When but

few animals were killed even the feet were taken to the camp, and when

they were boiled till they came apart they were eaten.

According to Dougherty "three women sufficed for carrying all the pieces

of a buffalo, except the skin, to the camp if it was at any moderate

distance, and it was their duty to prepare the meat, etc., for keeping."

But Frank La Flèche says that the women seldom went out to bring in the

packs of meat. Men and boys usually carried them. A woman who had any

male kindred used to ask some of the younger ones to take her husband's

horses and go for the meat.

All the meat could be cut into thin slices, placed on low scaffolds, and

dried in the sun or over a slow fire. Some, who did not know how to cut

good slices, used to cut the ʇe-mañge into strips about two inches wide,

called "wá[s]nege." But those who knew how would cut them in three, long

slices (wága) for drying. "The bones of the thighs, to which a small

quantity of meat was left adhering, were placed before the fire till the

meat was sufficiently roasted, when they were broken. The meat and the

marrow were considered a most delicious repast. These, with the tongue

and hump, were considered the best parts of the animals. The meat, in

its dried state, was closely compressed into quadrangular packages, each

of the proper size to attach conveniently to one side of the pack-saddle

of a horse. The dried intestines were interwoven together into the form

of mats and tied up in packages of similar form and size." Then the

women put these supplies in _caches_, and the tribe continued onward in

the pursuit of other herds. (For a fuller account of the uses of the

different parts of the buffalo meat see Chapter VIII, § 164.)

§ 151. _Ceremonies of thanksgiving prior to the return home. Anointing

the sacred pole._--It will be noticed that on the way to the hunt, and

until the time for the greasing or anointing of the sacred pole, the

Wacabe tent is the more important one. But after that a change occurred.

The keeper of the other sacred tent, in which is the sacred pole, became

the master of ceremonies, and the keeper of the Wacabe tent acted as his

assistant. When the people had killed a great many buffaloes they were

willing to return to their home. But before they could start they must

take part in a religious ceremony, of which a partial description

follows. The keeper of the pole sent a crier to summon the chiefs, who

assembled and decided to perform the sacred rites. For this purpose a

"ʇa" was boiled at the sacred tents. About a hundred young men were

collected there. They who had not yet distinguished themselves in battle

went stripped to the waist, and sat in a circle around the tents. Here

and there were some of the braves who wore robes, and some had on good

shirts. They departed when they had eaten the food. As they followed the

line of the tents several women went after them. Two of these women were

they who carried the sacred tents, and with them were three or five

others. As the braves proceeded they snatched from each "ʇi-ú¢igije" or

"ʇí-u¢ipu" (high or low tent) a tent-pole or else a forked stick

(ísag¢e) such as were used for hanging the kettles. No one offered any

resistance, as they knew the purpose for which the sticks were taken.

These tent-poles and isag¢e were handed to the women, who carried them

to the keepers of the sacred tents. When they arrived there they used

the sticks for making a long tent; and they placed the sacred pole

directly in front of the tent, as in the figure. Then the crier (Tcahĭc)

stood at the long tent and proclaimed as follows, by command of the

keeper of the sacred pole, calling on each small child by name: "O

grandchild, wherever you are standing, even though you bring but one

thing, you will put it yonder on the ground for me at a short distance."

Over two hundred children of parents that were prosperous were thus

invited to make presents to the sacred tents. No children of poor people

were expected to make any presents, but young men, boys, girls, and even

infants, were expected to bring "ʇa" or their equivalents, if they could

afford them. Then came the young men whom the crier had named when they

first saw the buffaloes. (See § 140.) Each one brought a "ʇe-ju" or side

of a buffalo. Sometimes they brought back as many as thirty, forty, or

fifty. Then came the fathers with their children who had been called by

name, each person bringing four presents in the name of his child. These

consisted, in modern times, of a "ʇa," a gun, a fine robe, and a kettle.

Each piece of "ʇa" used at this ceremony was about a yard long and half

a yard wide. When a gun could not be had, "nikide," which were very

precious, being used for necklaces, were offered instead. Sometimes a

horse was the fourth gift. The wahehajĭ took "ʇa," and also horses or

goods, as their offerings. The keeper of the pole, who could not eat the

"ʇa," then called on the keeper of the Wacabe tent to act for him; and

the latter then proceeded to arrange the pieces of the "ʇa" before the

pole. Selecting the two pieces that were the fattest, he placed them

before the pole, as the "nuda^n´hañga" or lords. Then he arranged the

others in a row with the two, parallel with the long tent. When but few

buffaloes had been killed, there was only one row of the "ʇa" before the

pole; but when there had been a very successful hunt, the pieces were

spread in one and a half, two, or even two and a half rows, each full

row being the length of the long tent. Then the keeper of the pole sent

a man of his gens to the Iñke-sabě gens for the two sacred pipes. These

were taken by the Hañga man to the long tent for future use. In the mean

time, the principal pieces of the ʇa were cut by the keeper of the

Wacabe tent in pieces as wide as one hand, and as long as from the elbow

to the tips of the fingers (fully eighteen inches). These pieces of fat

were mixed with red clay, and then the compound was rubbed over the

sacred pole. Some say that throughout this ceremony sacred songs were

sung: "A^n´ba i¢áug¢ěqti waa^n´ g¢i^ni," _They sat singing throughout

the day_. (See § 143 for what Frank La Flèche says on this point.) When

the anointing was completed the remaining ʇa were collected, and divided

among the Hañga people who could not eat the tongues. Sometimes the

chiefs received one apiece; and the keeper of the pole asked for one,

two, three, and sometimes four, which he gave to the kindred of his

wife, as he could not eat that part of the buffalo.

[Illustration: FIG. 25.--Showing positions of the long tent, the pole,

and rows of "ʇa" within the tribal circle.

Legend.--1, The tent; 2, The pole; 3, The rows of ʇa.]

According to some, the keeper of one of the Hañga sacred tents prayed

over the sacred object which was tied upon the pole, extending the palms

of his hands towards it. Then every one had to be silent and keep at a

certain distance from the long tent. Inside that tent were seated twelve

men in a row. (The writer suspects that ten chiefs, one from each gens,

and the two keepers of the Hañga sacred tents were the occupants of the

long tent. See below.) When the presents were made to the sacred pole,

young girls led horses and brought blankets to the two sacred men, and

were allowed to touch the sacred pole. The wife of a former trader at

the Omaha Agency, when very sick, was taken in a wagon to witness the

praying before the sacred pole, in hope that it might cause her

recovery.