(nacábeg¢e tě) may be placed at any distance from the contestants. There
must be an even number of persons on each side. Men play with men and
boys with boys. Arrows are staked. Sometimes when an arrow hits
squarely at the mark it wins eight arrows or perhaps ten, according to
previous agreement. When no arrow hits the mark squarely and one touches
it, that arrow wins. And if there is neither an arrow that hits the mark
squarely nor one that barely touches it, then the nearest arrow wins.
Should there be no arrow that has gone nearly to the mark, but one that
has gone a little beyond it and descended, that one wins. Whichever one
is nearest the mark always wins. If there are two arrows equidistant
from the mark which belong to opposite sides in the game neither one
wins; but if the equidistant arrows are on the same side both win.
Sometimes they say, "Let us finish the game whenever any one hits the
mark squarely." Then he who thus hits the mark wins all the arrows
staked.
§ 237. _Shooting at a moccasin._--Hi^nbe kide is a boy's game. An arrow
is stuck in the ground and a moccasin is fastened to it. Each boy rides
swiftly by and shoots at the moccasin. The game resembles the preceding
one.
§ 238. Ma^n-múqpe, _The game of dislodging arrows_, is common to the
Omahas, Ponkas, Iowas, Otos, and Missouris. Arrows are shot up into a
tree till they lodge among the branches; then the players shoot up and
try to dislodge them. Whoever can bring down an arrow wins it. There are
no sides or opposing parties. Any number of boys can play. The game has
become obsolete among the Omahas as there are no arrows now in use.
§ 239. Ma^n¢i^n´-bagí, Wahí-gasnug´-i¢e (Omaha names), or Ma^n-íbagí
(Ponka name) is a game played by an even number of boys. The tall sticks
of the red willow are held in the hand, and, when thrown towards the
ground so as to strike it at an acute angle, they glance off, and are
carried by the wind into the air for some distance. Whichever one can
throw his stick the furthest wins the game; but nothing is staked.
§ 240. Man´dě gasnug´-i¢e is a game similar to Ma^n¢i^n-bagi, but bows
are used instead of the red willow sticks and arrows are staked, there
being an even number of players on each side. Each bow is unstrung, one
end being nearly straight, the other end, which is to hit the ground,
being slightly curved. When snow is on the ground the bows glide very
far. Sometimes the bow rebounds and goes into the air, then alights and
glides still further. The prize for each winning bow is arranged before
each game. If the number be two arrows for each and three bows win, six
arrows are forfeited by the losing side; if four bows win eight arrows
are lost. If three arrows be the prize for each, when two bows win, six
arrows are forfeited; when three win, nine arrows; and so on.
§ 241. I^n´-ti^n búʇa, a boy's game among the Omahas, is played in
winter. It is played by two, three, or four small boys, each one having
a stick, not over a yard long, shaped like the figure. The stakes are
necklaces and ear-rings; or, if they have no stakes they agree to hit
once on the head the boy whose stick goes the shortest distance. The
sticks are thrown as in Ma^n¢i^n-bagi.
[Illustration: FIG. 38.--The stick used in playing I^nti^n-buʇa.]
§ 242. _Diving._--Boys dive and see who can go the farthest under water.
Some put grass in their mouths previous to diving; and when they get
under water they blow through the grass, causing bubbles to rise to the
surface and mark their course. He who goes the shortest distance can be
struck by the winner with the robe of the latter.
§ 243. _Children's games._--Children play in the mud, making lodges,
etc.; hence the verb "ʇi´-gaxe," _to make_ (mud) _lodges_, to play as
children do. The girls used to make dolls of sticks, and place them in
small u¢uhe. Now, some of them make rag dolls.
Children strike one another "last," saying, "Gatca^n´," _i. e._, "So
far."
[T]aha¢ija is played by two persons. A's left hand is at the bottom, the
skin on its back is pinched by B's left hand, which, in turn, is pinched
by A's right, and that by B's right. After saying "[T]aha¢ija" twice as
they raise and lower the hands, they release them and hit at each other.
The Kansas call the game Taleska. These two customs were observed among
the Ponka children.
§ 244. _Games with playing cards._--Since coming in contact with our
race the Omahas have learned to play several games with cards; and a few
can play checkers and backgammon, though they are hardly familiar with
our language.
Dougherty says, "Various are the games which they practice, of which is
one called _Matrimony_, but others are peculiar to themselves. The
following is one to which they seem to be particularly devoted:
"The players seat themselves around a bison robe, spread on the ground,
and each individual deposits in the middle the articles which he intends
to stake, such as vermilion, beads, knives, blankets, etc., without any
attention to the circumstance of equalizing its value with the deposits
made by his companions. Four small sticks are then laid upon the robe
and the cards are shuffled, cut, and two are given to each player, after
which the trump is turned. The hands are then played, and whoever gains
two tricks takes one of the sticks. If two persons make each a trick,
they play together until one loses his trick, when the other takes a
stick. The cards are again dealt and the process is continued until all
the sticks are taken. If four persons have each a stick they continue to
play to the exclusion of the unsuccessful gamesters. When a player wins
two sticks, four cards are dealt to him that he may take his choice of
them. If a player wins three sticks, six cards are dealt to him, and
should he take the fourth stick he wins the stakes."
§ 245. _Musicians._--These included the musicians for special occasions,
as the Quʞa for the service of the keepers of the sacred tents of the
Hañga (see Hunting customs, § 143), the singers for the Hede-watci, who
were Iñke-sabě men, and the musicians for the dancing societies, etc.
CORPORATIONS.
FEASTING SOCIETIES.
§ 246. _Feasting societies_ or Úkikuné¢ě (called Ukíkune¢ě by the
Ponkas) were of three kinds; that for the men, that for the young men,
and one for youths in their teens. No business was transacted, and there
was neither singing nor dancing as an essential part of the proceedings.
They were merely social gatherings, intended chiefly for the purpose of
feasting, and they were fostered by the state, as they tended to bind
together as friends all who were present as guests.
Joseph La Flèche used to be a member of the society of the married men
and aged men. When he did not go to the feast he could send his son,
Frank; and other men were allowed to send their sons as proxies. This
society is now extinct. The giver of the feast used to place in the
middle of the lodge a large wooden bowl, which was empty. Beside it was
laid a very red spoon, made of buffalo horn. The bowl and spoon were not
used by any of the guests.
The society of the young men, which became extinct about A. D. 1879, was
called, "Hi^nbe hi^n t`a^n, _Hairy Moccasins_." To this belonged Hidaha,
of the Elk gens, Huta^nta^n, of the Ictasanda, and many others. They
invited any one whom they wished to join their society. A pipe was
smoked whenever they assembled.
There was a society for youths from seventeen to nineteen years of age,
but its name cannot be recalled by Frank La Flèche. (See §§ 18, 111,
130.)
DANCING SOCIETIES.
§ 247. _The dancing societies_ of the Omahas and Ponkas may be divided
into the following classes: 1. Those which are "waqube," or sacred,
including those connected with the practice of medicine. 2. Those that
are "úwacúce-aʇá¢ica^n," or connected with bravery and war. 3. Those
that are "újawa-ʇá¢ica^n," or merely for social pleasure. They admit of
another classification, i. e., 1. Those of native origin; and, 2,. such
as have been introduced or purchased from other tribes.
§ 248. _The Wacicka dance._--The Wacícka a¢i^n´-ma or Wacícka
a¢i^n´-watcígaxe is the name of the principal society. The [T]ᴐiwere
name for it is "Wacúckanyi." This society appears to exist under
different names among many tribes besides the Omahas, including the
Winnebagos, Dakotas, and Odjibwe or Chippewas.
The writer has received conflicting accounts of the character of this
dance. [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ spoke of it as one that was "waspe,"
_well-behaved_. Mr. J. La Flèche and Two Crows used the following
expressions with reference to it: "Úʞiju gáxai," _it tended to pride_;
"úgactañka gáxai," _it tended to temptation_; "úma^n¢a^n gáxai," _it
tended to theft_; "úmi^n¢íg¢a^n gaxai," _it tended to concupiscence_;
"íqta-hna^ni," _they used to abuse persons_; "watcí," _cum aliquibus
coiverunt_. The dancers used to dress so as to attract those of the
opposite sex. The leaders or "í¢ig¢a^n" of the dance are G¢eda^n-naji^n
and [P]edegahi. The other members whose names are remembered by Two
Crows and others are Wacka^n-ma^n¢i^n, Duba-ma^n¢i^n, Maja^n-kide,
Cañge-skă, Jiñga-gahige, Ha^n-akipa, the wives of G¢eda^nnaji^n,
[P]ede-gahi, and Wacka^n-ma^n¢i^n, [K]e-baha's mother, and
[K]a^nze-hañga's mother's sister. "Besides these are Muxa-naji^n,
Jiñga-gahige's mother, Wacka^n-ma^n¢i^n's son, Uma^nha^n-ta^nwañg¢a^n,
and many others." (_Frank La Flèche._) The full number is nineteen. All
the chiefs can belong to this society, and their younger brothers,
wives, eldest daughters, and sisters' sons are eligible. Waha^n-¢iñge's
larger wife, A^npa^n-ʇañga's sister, used to be a member.
Not over five can carry otter-skin bags in the dance. Four of these are
Duba-ma^n¢i^n, Jiñga-gahige, Cañge-skă, and Maja^n-kide. G¢eda^n-naji^n
is one of the two that can carry bags made of the skins of the siñga or
flying-squirrels. Ha^n-akipa carries a bag made of the skin of a
miʞa-skă or "white raccoon." This is a modern addition.
[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ said that some have bags of the skin of the máza^nhe,
an animal resembling an otter; it is covered with black and
reddish-yellow hair; its tail is bushy, and the hair is thick. J. La
Flèche and Two Crows said that this kind of bag was not used by the
Omahas. The parents of G¢eda^n-naji^n ([T]e-sa^n and wife) carried a bag
of black bear skin, but the son did not inherit it.
If they cannot have the regular kind of bags, some make bags of the
skins of muskrats, or of any other animal which they can obtain.
All who have no skin bags carry fans of eagles' wings. All the bags are
called "Hi-úgaqíxe," a term meaning "A skin with the teeth of the animal
attached," and they are used as nini-ujiha, or tobacco pouches. The
noses of all the animals (_i. e._, those on the bags) were painted blue.
Of the otter-skin bags about two had each a red feather placed crosswise
in the mouth of the animal.
§ 249. This dance is held in the spring of the year, beginning on a good
day, when the grass is about six inches high. After an intermission of a
few days they may have the dance again, if they wish; then, after a
similar intermission, they may repeat it, and so on.
Before holding the dance one of the members, an old man, says to the
leaders, "Do consider the subject; I will boil (for the feast)." They
reply, "Yes, we will have it; you can boil." Then the members must
borrow two drums, four gourd rattles, and two pillows. These articles
must always be borrowed, as it would be wrong for the members to make or
furnish them. Four persons undertake the boiling for the feast. Some
brave men are selected to act as "quʞa," part of whom, however, are
members of the society. Two are appointed to beat the drums, and four to
beat the rattles on the pillows. These six performers are not members of
the society.
§ 250. When one wishes to join the society he must proceed as follows:
During the day the candidate boils food for a feast, to which he invites
all the members of the society. About twilight they arrive, and having
partaken of the feast they receive presents from the candidate, who asks
them to admit him to their society. If they agree to admit him a feast
is appointed for the next day in connection with the dance, when he will
be initiated. Before the ceremony, however, the chiefs confer with one
another, saying, "Wí ab¢i^n´ támiñke. Níkaci^n´ga wágazu´ga^n, ab¢i^n´
támiñke. U¢úka^npi téga^n ab¢i^n´ támiñke."--_I will have him. I will
have him, as he is an honest man. I will have him, as he will be a fine
looking person._
§ 251. _Dress and ornaments of the dancers._--Two Crows says that they
used to wear deer-skin leggings. He says that there is no uniform dress
for members of either sex. [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ gave the following: The men
wear red leggings, of which each leg comes down over the moccasin in a
point. Ribbon-work in two parts that cross over the moccasins shakes
when the wearer dances. Two kinds of garters are worn together; one kind
is of otter-skin, the other of bead-work and ʇeji^nhi^nde.[19] This
ʇeji^nhi^nde part is fastened over the legging-flap on the outer side of
each leg, and is "zázade" (extending apart like the sticks of a fan) and
dangling. The flaps of the leggings, which are as wide as a hand,
contain ribbon-work generally from the knee up, and sometimes the whole
length of the leggings. When a member wears no shirt he may ornament his
body with a dozen "wa¢íg¢eze," or convoluted lines. These are red, six
in front and six on the back; of those in front, two are at the waist,
two higher up on the chest, and two on the arm; and of those on the back
two are near the nape of the neck, two lower down, and two just above
the waist. A red stripe about a finger wide is put on the face,
extending from each side of the mouth to the jaw, and similar stripes
are drawn down on the sides of the nose. [T]eji^nhi^nde head-dresses are
worn, and some have deer's tail head-dresses on their heads, surmounted
by very white feathers, which are waving slowly as the dancers move. Two
Crows says that they now turn down the flaps or hi^nbédiha of the
moccasins.
The women's attire consists of a gay calico body or sacque, ornamented
with two rows of small pieces of silver as large as copper cents,
extending all around the neck of the garment; leggings with an abundance
of ribbon embroidered on the flaps; short garters of ʇeji^nhi^nde and
bead-work; moccasins dyed black and ornamented with porcupine work, and
a red or black blanket.
[P]é-ugácke úi^n, ear-bobs, are worn.
[19] Yarn of various colors interwoven.
The parting of the hair is reddened, and a narrow red stripe is made
from the temple to the jaw.
Two Crows says that there are different styles of putting the paint on
the eyes, etc., with the exception of the two methods given above, which
never vary.
§ 252. The dance may take place out of doors, or else in an earth-lodge.
It is started by the leaders, who begin the song, which is then taken up
by the singers. The dancers form a circle, and around this they dance,
following the course of the sun, according to [P]a¢i^n-na^n-pajĭ. There
are different steps in the dance, and each person keeps time with the
beating of the drums.
[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ says that the wacicka is as thick as a pencil, and is
about a half an inch long. It is white. It is generally shot at the
candidate by a member who is not one of his kindred, though the kinsman
may do the shooting. It is generally given "wa¢íᴐnajĭ," _invisibly_,
being shot from the mouth of the possessor into that of the candidate,
lodging in his throat near the Adam's apple, and knocking him down. Then
the candidate staggers and coughs, "Ha! ha!" (whispered). He hits
himself on the back of his head and dislodges the wacicka into his hand,
where it lies white. A sacred bag is also given to the candidate. The
wacicka is always kept in the mouth of the otter (that is, in the
hi-ugaqixe), except when the owner wishes to shoot it from his mouth (at
a candidate?), according to [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ. But J. La Flèche and Two
Crows say that the wacicka is spit into the mouth of an otter when they
wish to use it in the dance.
A few of those carrying bags imitate the cry of the otter or that of the
flying squirrel: "Tcu! tcu! tcu! tcu! tcu!" (in thirty-second notes).
Each one has a small piece of wood that has been hollowed with a knife,
and feathers that have been cut thin have been fastened on the wood,
making a whistle which causes the imitation of the cry of those animals.
On each bag some bells are put on the tail of the animal, and porcupine
work is around the legs. The dancer holds the head in one hand and the
tail in the other. It is aimed at the person to be shot at. None are
thus shot at but members and candidates.
§ 253. _Order of shooting._--All stand in a circle. Then four of their
number are placed in the middle, standing in a row. They who do the
shooting remain in the circle, and each one of them shoots at one of the
four in the middle. When the latter or the second four have "gaᴐnúde"
(_i. e._, have made the wacicka come out of their throats by hitting
themselves on the back of the neck), they return to their places in the
circle, and the four who shot at them step into the center and are shot
at by a third four. When the second four have "gaᴐnúde," they return to
their places, and the third four take their places in the middle; and so
on till all have been shot at once. Then the first four step into the
center again, and the last four shoot at them. This ends the dance.
§ 254. None but members can take part in the dance, and the
"úwaweqáqa." This uwaweqaqa or iqta was never witnessed by J. La Flèche
and Two Crows. No one ever said to them, "I saw the uwaweqaqa in the
Wacicka dance." But they have heard persons speak in ridicule of a woman
who joined the dance without her husband. Of course, if the woman's
husband or other kinsman was present, he would be unwilling for any
stranger to abuse his wife or kinswoman. The women admitted to this
society were not necessarily the tattooed women.
That there is some foundation for the statement that lewd rites occurred
during some part of the dance is more probable after a comparison of the
season for this dance with the Ponka phrase, "Wíhe, déje t`a^n.
A^n¢añ´giqtá!"--_My little sister_ (or _my female friend_), _grass
abounds_. _(Let) us delight in each other!_ Frank La Flèche thinks that
this is without foundation. He says that four days were spent in the
secret initiation, the public ceremony taking place on the last day.
§ 255. When Frank La Flèche witnessed the public ceremony in the lodge
the members were stationed all around the circle. The four candidates
were placed between the fire-place and the door, and thence they began
to dance around the fire, moving from left to right. As they were
dancing around, one of the members having an otter-skin bag left the
outer circle, and began to follow them, moving in a circle between that
of the dancers and that of the members. While the singing was going on,
he shot at each of the four candidates with his sacred bag. After these
were shot at, all the members danced, and then any one of them was at
liberty to shoot at the others.
§ 256. _The I^n-kug¢i dance._--I^n´-kug¢i a¢i^n´-ma, _or_ Qubé
i^n´-kug¢i a¢i^n´-ma, _The society of those who have the translucent
stones_. [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭï says that this is a bad dance, the members
being "wáspajĭ." Each member has one of the i^nkug¢i, with which he or
she shoots at some one else. These i^n-kug¢i are small stones which are
translucent and white. The members of this society claim the power of
shooting secretly any some one with [p]éje or sidúhi, and making him
lame. [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ also says that they sometimes shoot persons
secretly with "ʇama^n´," which is a piece of the intestine of a wolf,
and about six inches long. This produces fatal consequences. Frank La
Flèche has heard this asserted, but it is denied by Joseph La Flèche and
Two Crows. They do not know about the following, for which
[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ is the authority: "In order to shoot the i^n-kug¢i, it
is put in a hollow at the base of the eagle fan, which is waved forward
very rapidly, hurling the stone to a great distance, about forty or
fifty yards."
There is no special season for this dance. They dance all day, and
sometimes at night; and there are not separate places for the two sexes,
as men and women dance "íki¢ib¢a^n," mixed, or intermingled.
Drums, rattles, etc., are used, as in the Wacicka a¢i^n. Some men wear
large leggings as well as breech-cloths; but no gay clothing. The women
wear sacques, leggings, red blankets, and bead necklaces; and they
redden the parting of the hair and the cheeks somewhat as they do for
the Wacicka a¢i^n. The men wear many plumes in their hair, and carry
fans made of eagles' wings. They have no regular patterns for painting
themselves; but they use as paint either "wasejide-nika" (Indian red) or
"ma^n¢iñka-qude" (gray clay).
The only surviving leaders of this society are [T]enuga and Sihi-duba.
Among the members are B¢a^n-ti, [T]and-una^nha^n, Ui¢a^nbe-`a^nsa,
Cage-skă, [T]aqiewa¢ě-jiñga, [P]a-sa^n, Inigani, Maja^nkide, Si-qude,
Nănde-wahi, and some women. According to J. La Flèche, this is one of
the dances that are considered "waqube." It is obsolescent. B¢a^n-ti,
Sihi-duba, and [T]and-una^nha^n are the waze¢ě or doctors who treat
biliousness and fevers; but they do not go together to visit a patient.
§ 257. _The Buffalo dance._--[T]e-í¢aé¢e-ma, _The society of those who
have supernatural communications with the Buffaloes, The Buffalo
dancers_. Four of the men of this dance are good surgeons. Two Crows'
father was a member of the society, and understood the use of the
medicine, which he transmitted to his son. Two Crows says that having
inherited the right to the medicine, he understands the duties of the
doctors, but not all about the dance, as he has paid no attention to the
"ʇe i¢ae¢ě," which has been the duty of others.
Until recently, the four doctors of this society were as follows:
Ni-¢áctage, the principal doctor, now dead; Two Crows (now the principal
one), [P]a¢i^n-gahige, of the [T]a-[p]a, and Zizika-jiñga, of the
Iñkesabě. Two Crows gives portions of the medicine to the other doctors,
and they "wéze¢ě," _administer it to the patients_. A^nba-hebe used to
be a doctor. The other members whose names have been obtained are these:
Duba-ma^n¢i^n, [T]e-uʞa^nha, Icta-q¢u`a, [T]enuga-ja^n-¢iñke,
I^nc`age-wahi¢e, and Gackawañg¢e. [T]ahe-jiñga, now dead, was a member.
§ 258. _Times for dancing._--After the recovery of a patient, the
members of this society hold a dance, to which they may invite the
members of the Horse dance, but not those of the Wolf dance.
When they are not called to dance after the recovery of patients, Two
Crows says that they may dance when they please, and invite the members
of the Horse and Wolf dancing societies to join them; but the latter can
never dance independently of the Buffalo dancers.
[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ says (but Two Crows denies) that "when the corn is
withering for want of rain the members of the Buffalo society have a
dance. They borrow a large vessel, which they fill with water, and put
in the center of their circle. They dance four times around it. One of
their number drinks some of the water, spurts it up into the air, making
a fine spray in imitation of a fog or misting rain. Then he knocks over
the vessel, spilling the water on the ground. The dancers then fall down
and drink up the water, getting mud all over their faces. Then they
spurt the water up into the air, making fine misting rain, which saves
the corn."[20] If this is not done by the members of the Buffalo
society, it is probably done by others, and [P]a¢i^nna^npajĭ has made a
mistake only in the name of the society to which they belong. "The fog
occurred on the fourth day after Siqude, of the I^n-kug¢i society,
treated a patient. He used to predict the fog; and the patient was
caused to walk. I never heard of the doctors, spurting water to cause
the fog." (_Frank La Flèche._)
[20] In the Osage tradition, corn was derived from four buffalo bulls.
See §§ 31, 36, 123, and 163.
§ 259. _Painting and dress._--The men rub ma^n¢iñka sabě (black earth)
or ma^n¢iñka ʇu-qude (a greenish gray earth) over their bodies and
arm-joints. Some rub earth (ma^n¢iñka-sabě or ma^n¢iñka ʇu-qude) on the
face, from the right ear to the mouth, then from the left corner of the
mouth to the left ear. Some of the men wear only the leggings and
breech-clothes; others wear in addition to these robes with the hair
outside. Some wear buffalo tails fastened in belts. Some have sticks of
red willow with the leaves on, which they use as staffs in the dance.
Each of four men used to put the skin of a buffalo head over his head,
the horns standing up, and the hair of the buffalo head hanging down
below the chest of the wearer. It was over his forehead, as well as down
his back, but not over his eyes. He also wore a necklace of the hair
that grows on the throat of a buffalo. Two Crows says that now some wear
necklaces of "ʇéhi^n," that is, the old hair, either of a bull or that
of a cow, which has been shed. Those who do not wear these ʇéhi^n
necklaces, wear "ja^náqa."
In former days, no women participated; but now about two are present at
the feast, though they do not join in the dance. They wear robes with
the hair outside, according to [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ. No gourd rattles are
used. One man acts as "quʞa," and the rest help him. There may be one
or two drums, for which there are from two to five drummers. The various
movements of the buffalo are imitated by the dancers.
§ 260. _The Horse dance._--Cañ´ge-í¢ae¢é-ma, _The society of those who
have supernatural communications with horses, The members of the Horse
Dance_.
No women belong to this society. Two Crows says that none are doctors,
and that they never dance except in connection with the buffalo dancers,
when invited to the feast of the latter, and then they imitate the
various actions and gaits of horses. No shooting occurs as in the dance
of the Wacicka a¢i^n-ma. They whiten themselves, rub earth on their
shoulders, and Indian red on some parts of their bodies. They wear
necklaces of horses' manes, from each of which a feather is suspended.
Each one wears a horse's tail in a belt. The tail is dried stiff, and
stands out from his body. At short intervals are suspended feathers.
_Members._--Wacuce was a member. Those now living are G¢eda^n-naji^n,
Eᴐna^n-hañga (who has no horses!), Wata^n-naji^n, Maja^n-kide,
Ui¢a^n-be-`a^nsa, [P]a-sa^n-naji^n, Tcaza-¢iñge, Cyu-jiñga (who wears a
necklace), Haci-ma^n¢i^n, Waq¢a-¢uta^n, Une-ma^n¢i^n, Waniʇa-waqě,
Ta-i-kawahu, Jiñga-gahige, [K]e-baha, etc. According to Mr. J. La
Flèche, this dance is now obsolete.
§ 261. _The Wolf dance._--Ca^nʇañga-í¢ae¢é-ma, _The society of those who
have supernatural communications with Wolves, The members of the_ _Wolf
Dance_. These men cannot dance except with the buffalo dancers, and with
the consent of the latter. Two Crows has seen them dance but twice. He
and J. La Flèche do not know much about them.
In this dance there are no women, and none are doctors, according to La
Flèche and Two Crows. No shooting is done, though the dancers act
mysteriously. They wear wolf skins, and redden the tips of the wolves'
noses, according to [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ and Frank La Flèche (but denied by
Two Crows). They paint their bodies in imitation of the "blue wolves,
ca^nʇañga-ʇú-ma éga^n-ma-¢a^n." Those who have held enemies, or have cut
them up, paint the hands and wrists red, as if they were bloody. Others
whiten their hands, wrists, ankles, and feet. Some go barefoot. All
whiten their faces from the right ear to the corner of the mouth; then
from the opposite corner of the mouth to the left ear. They dance in
imitation of the actions of wolves.
§ 262. _The Grizzly bear dance._--Ma^ntcú-í¢ae¢é-ma, _Those who have
supernatural communications with grizzly bears_, also called
Ma^ntcú-gáxe watcígaxe, _The dance in which they pretend to be grizzly
bears_. This has not been danced for about ten years, so La Flèche and
Two Crows cannot tell who belong to the society. In former days there
were women that belonged, but in modern times none have been members.
This dance is spoken of by La Flèche and Two Crows as an "úckade," _a
sport_ or _play_, and an "úʇigaxe," _a game_. It is danced at any season
of the year that the members decide upon; and all the people can witness
it. During the day, it takes place out of doors, but at night it is held
in a lodge.
The man who receives the drum calls on others to help him, speaking to
each one by name. Then while the first man beats the drum, the two,
three, or four helpers sing and the rest dance as grizzly bears, and
imitate the movements of those animals.
_Painting and dress._--They make the whole body yellow, wearing no
clothing but the breech-cloth. They rub yellow clay on the backs and
fronts of their fingers and hands, and sometimes over the whole of the
legs. Sometimes they redden the whole of the legs. Some whiten
themselves here and there; some rub Indian red on themselves in spots.
Some wear very white plumes in their hair, and others wear red plumes
(hi^nqpé). One man wears the skin of a grizzly bear, pushing his fingers
into the places of the claws. Some wear necklaces of grizzly bears'
claws.
§ 263. The [P]a¢i^n-wasabe _or_ Witcitâ _dance_.--[P]á¢i^n-wasábe
watcígaxe ikágekí¢ě, _The society of the_ Witcitâ _or_ [P]á¢i^n-wasábe
(Black bear Pawnees).
The members of this society have a medicine which they use in three
ways: they rub it on their bodies before going into battle; they rub it
on bullets to make them kill the foe, and they administer it to horses,
making them smell it when they are about to surround a buffalo herd. If
horses are weak they make them eat some of the medicine, and smell the
rest. Similar customs are found among the Pawnees and Ponkas.
A man thinks, "I will boil," and he invites to a feast those who have
the medicine of the Witcitâ society. On their arrival he says, "on such
a day we will dance." Two or three men boil for the feast to be held in
connection with the dance.
It takes three days to prepare the candidate, and this is done secretly.
On the fourth day there is a public ceremony in an earth lodge, during
which the candidate is shot with the red medicine. Frank La Flèche has
witnessed this, and says that it closely resembles the public ceremony
of the Wacicka society.
§ 264. _Paint and dress._--The breech-cloth is the only regular garment.
Two Crows and La Flèche say that all whiten their bodies and legs all
over; but [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ says that some draw white lines over their
limbs and bodies. Some paint as deer, putting white stripes on their
limbs and bodies; others appear as bald eagles, with whitened faces.
Some wear caps of the skin of the "ʇíkaqúde" or gray fox. Some wear
necklaces of the skin of that animal; and others have on necklaces of
the tail of a black-tailed deer and that of an ordinary deer, fastened
together. Some carry a "ʇikaqude" skin on the arm, while others carry
the skin of the "ma^n¢iñ´kacéha," or red fox, of which the hair is very
red, and the legs and ankles are black. Some wear feathers of the great
owl around the wrist; and others carry fans made of the feathers of that
bird. "Maka^n´-jide ha u¢áha baqtáqta nusi-áq¢a-hna^ni"--_The red
medicine with the skin adhering to it_ (being about three inches long)
_is tied up in a bundle, which is worn_ "nusi-aq¢a," _like a coiled
lariat, with one end over the left shoulder, and the other under the
right arm_.
Each of the four singers has a gourd rattle, a bow, and an arrow. He
holds the bow, which is whitened, in his left hand, and the rattle and
arrow in his right. He strikes the arrow against the bow-string as he
shakes the rattle.
All the members have whistles or flutes, some of which are a foot long,
and others are about half a yard in length. The dancers blow theirs in
imitation of the "quʞa."
_Members._--Only one woman belongs to this society; but the male members
are the following: G¢eda^n-naji^n, [P]a¢i^n-gahige, Muxa-naji^n,
[T]euʞa^n-ha, Za^nzi-mande, Wajiñga, [S]ni-ti¢a^n, Qi¢a-gahige,
[T]enuga-ja^n-¢iñke, Zizika-jiñga, [K]axe-na^np'i^n, Cage-duba,
Eᴐna^n-hañga, Ag¢i^n-duba, Jiñga-gahige, and Waji^n-¢icage.
The members of this society would eat no green corn, fruit, etc., till
consecrated by the dance. A few ears of corn were divided among the
dancers. Then they could eat as they pleased.
§ 265. Watcí-wa¢upí.--This society has not had a dance for about thirty
years among the Omahas. It is like the dance of the Wasejide a¢i^nma,
which has a medicine that resembles that of the [P]a¢i^n-wasabe in its
use. During the day women danced with the men; but at night the men
danced alone. This is said to be one of the ancient tribal dances.
§ 266. Wasé-jíde a¢i^n´-ma, _Those who have the Red Paint or
Medicine_.--This is a society of women dancers. They seldom meet. Their
dance is like that of the Watci-wa¢upi. [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ says that the
dance is sacred. La Flèche and Two Crows have never seen it. They invite
the members to a feast, as do the Wacicka a¢i^n-ma; but no shooting is
done. The men act as singers, while the women dance. All the women are
allowed to join in this dance, which is held when the grass is green in
the spring. Sometimes a man joins in the dance, but that is the
exception. [Frank La Flèche says that men do take part in this dance,
and that the women do not carry the medicine.][21]
This society has a medicine consisting of the bottoms of several joints
or stalks of a certain kind of grass, which are tied up in bundles. One
man carries a bundle in his belt, and the rest are put in a safe place.
This is the medicine, according to [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ, which warriors
carry. If they meet an enemy they open the bundles and rub the medicine
over their bodies to protect them from the missiles of the enemy. They
think that this medicine will cause the enemy's guns to miss fire, or
else the balls, when sent, will not hit them. The only painting is red,
which is on the cheeks, chin, and chest of the dancer. A line is drawn
from each corner of the mouth back to the cheek, and there is one made
from the lower lip down under the chin, and it is continued down the
chest until it is about as low as the heart.
§ 267. The Ha^n´he watcí ([T]ᴐiwere, Ha^n´he wací) is not "The Night
Dance," as its name implies. It is an ancient dance, which is not used
now. According to [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ, it is "qubé áta," _very sacred_
(for persons), and it is danced in the later fall, when the people have
killed a great many deer, or many of the enemy. Two Crows and La Flèche
say that it is "úwahéhajĭ, núaʇá¢ica^n, _a bravery dance, pertaining to
men_;" but they do not know all the particulars. During the day women
danced, and the men sang for them. Occasionally a man joined in the
dance. At night the men danced alone. But only those who had been
captains, or had killed foes, or had brought back horses, or had been
warriors, had a right to take part in the dance.
Mr. J. La Flèche said that there was some connection between this
society and the Iñg¢a^n-i¢ae¢e-ma.
The Héde-watcí was a "nikie dance," which occurred on a festival, and in
which the whole tribe participated. (See § 153.)
The Wé-watci, or Scalp dance, is the women's dance, in which all join
who may so desire. (See War Customs, § 215.)
The Míʞasi watcí, or Coyote dance, is described in the chapter on War
Customs, § 203.
[21] The Kansas have the Maka^n jüdje, Red Medicine, and the Osages the
Maka^n ᴐüʇ[s]e watsi^n, Red Medicine Dance. The leader of the latter is
a man. The Kansas used to have the Wase jide a¢i^n-ma.
The He¢úcka dancing society is described in the chapter on War Customs,
§§ 214, 216.
The Hé watci is part of the He¢ucka dance. (§ 217.)
§ 268. T'é gáxe watcí, _The dance of those expecting to die_.--This
has not been observed for fifteen years by the Omahas. It is
explained thus, "Ukít`ě ʞĭctě, at'é támiñke, e¢éga^n éga^n úwatcigáxe
gáxai."--_As one thinks, 'I will die if there are any enemy,' they make
the dance._
This is the men's dance, being "wacuce-aʇá¢ica^n," _i. e._, something
pertaining to bravery. They always go prepared to meet the enemy and to
fall in battle. It is danced at different seasons of the year. A woman
with a good voice is admitted as a singer. Two or three beat a drum. Two
men carry "waq¢éq¢e-`a^nsá" in their hands as they dance. These objects
resemble the "waq¢éxe-¢áze," but there is a different arrangement of the
feathers.
[Illustration: FIG. 40.--The waq¢éq¢e-`a^nsa.]
All paint themselves as they please, and carry "ʇahánuʞa [p]éxe" or
rattles made of green hide.
§ 269. _The Make-no-fight dance._--Má¢a wátcigáxe, the "Napé-śníkaǵápi"
of the Dakotas, has not been witnessed among the Omahas for many years,
though it used to be common to the Omahas, Ponkas, and Dakotas. La
Flèche and Two Crows have heard of it, but have not seen it.
[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ says "I have not seen it since I have been grown. It
was in use here long before my time." It is a bravery dance. Drums are
beaten. The dancers hold gourd rattles, and each one carries many arrows
on his back as well as in his arms. The members vow not to flee from a
foe. They blacken themselves all over with charcoal. About fifty years
ago two members went into a fight armed only with deer's claw rattles
that had sharp iron points at the ends of the handles. They rushed among
the foe and stabbed them before they could draw their bows.
§ 270. [P]a-ug¢a^n Watcí, _The dance in which buffalo head-dresses were
put on_, has long been obsolete. It was a bravery dance.
[P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ knew about its occurring once when he was very small.
Only very brave men could participate. On their heads they put
head-dresses to which buffalo horns were attached. They bore shields on
their backs; they rubbed earth on themselves. Any one who had stabbed a
foe with a spear carried it on his arm; and he who had struck a foe with
any weapon did likewise. Those who were only a little brave could not
dance.
§ 271. Égi`a^n-wátcigáxe, _The Visitors' dance of relating
exploits_.--When a friendly visit has been made horses are given to all
the visitors who are invited to dance. "Égi`a^n wa¢átcigáxe tai," _You
will dance the dance of exploits_. The visitors sit in a circle and the
members of the home tribe sit outside. A drum, stick, a "crow," and a
club or hatchet are placed inside the circle. There is no singing. When
the drum is struck one of the visitors dances. He who has something to
tell about himself takes the crow and attaches it to his belt. Then he
takes the club or hatchet. When the drummers beat faster all of them
say, "Hĭ! hĭ! hĭ!" When they stop beating the dancer tells what he has
done. Pointing in one direction with his club or hatchet he says, "In
that place I killed a man." Pointing elsewhere, he says, "There I took
hold of a man." "I brought back so many horses from that tribe."
Sometimes they beat the drum again before he finishes telling his
exploits. Sometimes a man recounts much about himself, if very brave,
taking four such intervals to complete his part of the performance. When
he has finished he hands the crow and weapon to the next dancer. There
are four dancers in all. Some tell their exploits two or three times,
_i. e._, they may require two or three intervals or spaces of time after
the beating of the drum to tell all that they have to say. When the
fourth dancer stops the dance is over. (See the He watci, at the end of
the He¢ucka dance, § 217.) This is not danced very often.
§ 272. _The Ghost dance._--Wanáxe-í¢ae¢é-ma are those who have
supernatural communications with ghosts. The dance is called Wanáxe
í¢aé¢e wátcigáxe. Formerly the Ponkas had this dance, and the Omahas saw
it and coveted it; so they took it. It has not been danced by the Omahas
for about forty years. La Flèche and Two Crows never saw it, but they
have heard of it; and they speak of it as "úqtajĭ; edáda^n ígaxewa¢ájĭ,"
_undesirable; totally unfit for any use_. But [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ says
that it was an "úwaqube," _a sacred thing_. No women participated. A
feast was called, the men assembled, a drum was struck, and they danced.
The dancers made their bodies gray, and called themselves ghosts.
§ 273. _The Padanka dance._--The Pádañka watcí (Camanche dance?) has not
been held among the Omahas since [P]a¢i^n-na^npajĭ can remember. The
Omahas bought it from another tribe, and had it a long time. When Mr. J.
La Flèche was small, he saw a little of it. He and Two Crows have heard
about it. The drum was struck; the dancers reddened their bodies with
Indian red; they wore head-dresses of crow feathers or of the large
feathers of the great owl. Bach one carried the "ʇacáge" or rattles of
deers' claws.
§ 274. _The Hekána dance._--This was introduced among the Omahas by the
Otos when they visited the former tribe in August, 1878. The Otos call
it "He-ka^n´-yu-há." It is found among the Sacs and other Indians south
of the Omahas. This is the dance in which the young people of both sexes
participate, and it is called "úmi^n¢íg¢a^n," as it leads the young men
to think of courting the girls.
When a young man wishes to have a chance for saying something to a girl
whom he admires he boils for a feast, and invites the guests. All the
young men assemble, and the unmarried girls and boys attend, though the
girls never go without a proper escort. Mothers take their daughters,
and husbands go with their wives.
The dance is held in a large earth-lodge, in the middle of which a fire
is kept up, and candles are placed on supports around the walls.
Sometimes the boys blow out the lights all at once after a preconcerted
signal, and great confusion ensues. All wear their gayest clothing and
plenty of ornaments. Fine ribbon is worn on clothing, hats, etc.
When a youth wishes to court a girl, he waits till the girl approaches
him in the dance. Then he takes her by the hands, and dances facing her.
As there is great confusion, no one else can hear him addressing her,
his face being very close to her's. Every time the drumming stops, the
dancers in each pair change places, but they still face each other.
When a woman or girl wishes a man as a partner, she takes him by the
hands when he gets close to her in the dance.
When a distant "mother's brother" meets one whom he calls his niece, he
may address her thus in sport: "A^nwátcigaxe taí, wihé!" _i. e._,
"Second daughter of the family, let us dance." She replies, "Give me
pay." So he makes her a present of a necklace or of some other ornament,
and she dances with him. A real uncle never acts thus.
Sometimes when a girl spies among the spectators an aged man who is a
kinsman, she will rush to him in sport, take him by the hands, pull him
to his feet, and make him dance with her. On the other hand, when a
young man spies an aged female relative looking on, he may rush to her,
in sport, and pull her into the ring making her dance with him.
There is a feast after the dance. If there is but a small supply of food
only the women and girls eat; but if there is plenty, the men wait till
the others have eaten awhile, then they partake. After the feast the
guests go home; but they sleep nearly all of the following day, as they
are very tired.
§ 275. _The Mandan dance._--The Ponkas obtained this dance from the
Dakotas and the Omahas learned it from the Ponkas. None but aged men and
those in the prime of life belong to this society. All are expected to
behave themselves, to be sober, and refrain from quarreling and fighting
among themselves. (For an account of one of their feasts, see § 111.)
This dance is celebrated as a bravery dance over the bodies of any
warriors who have been slain by the enemy. Each body is placed in a
sitting posture in the lodge, as if alive, and with a rattle of deers'
claws fastened to one arm. (See Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol.
VI, Part I, pp. 431, 452.) This dance has been obsolete for some time
among the Omahas. It was danced in 1853. (See § 218.)
§ 276. _The Tukála dance_ was obtained from the Dakotas by the Ponkas,
who taught it to the Omahas. This dance is for boys what the Mandan
dance is for aged men and men in the prime of life. Its rules resemble
those of the other dance, but the songs and dances are different. The
behavior of the members is not as good as that of the members of the
Mandan society, though quarreling is forbidden. This is a bravery dance.
Two women attend as singers. Two men who do not fear death are the
leaders in the dance. Each one carries a "wahékuzi" or "waq¢éxe-¢áze",
of which the end feather on the bent part of the pole is white, and the
pole is wrapped in a piece of otter skin.
§ 277. _The Sun dance_ has not been practiced among the Omahas. They can
give no account of it, though some of the ceremonies of the Hede-watci,
such as the procession to the place for felling the tree, the race for
the tree, the felling of the tree, the manner in which it is carried to
the village, and the preparation of the "ujéʇi," agree very remarkably
with the account of the Sun dance read by Miss A. C. Fletcher before the
American Association for the Advancement of Science, in August, 1882.
The Ponkas obtained this dance from the Dakotas.
§ 278. The "Waná wátcigáxe," or _Begging dance_, is not found among the
Omahas; but among the Ponkas, Dakotas, etc., the members of any dancing
society do dance at times in order to get presents.
§ 279. _Ponka dancing societies._--The Ponka men have two other dancing
societies: the Gak'éxe (which the Omaha Duba-ma^n¢i^n says is the same
as the Hi^nská-yuhá of the Dakotas) and the ₵adúxe. No information has
been gained respecting these societies.
The Ponka women have three dancing societies: the Pa-¢áta^n, the
Gat'ána, and the Ma^n´zěskă na^n´p'i^n (Those who wear silver
necklaces).
CHAPTER XI.
REGULATIVE INDUSTRIES.
THE GOVERNMENT.
§ 280. Regulative industries are such as pertain to the government of
the tribe, embracing all organizations which are "wewaspeaʇa¢ica^n," _i.
e._, such as are designed to make the people behave themselves.
Everything that can be thus used is a "wewaspe." Among the former are
the gentile system (Chap. III), religion, and government, with the last
of which is associated the law. With the latter may be classed the
sacred tents, sacred pipes, chiefs, etc. A term of broader significance
is "Wakandaʇa¢ica^n," _Pertaining to_ or _derived from Wakanda_, the
Deity or Superior Being. Most of the things which are wewaspeaʇa¢ica^n
are also Wakandaʇa¢ica^n, but there are things which are Wakandaʇa¢ica^n
that are not directly connected with the government of the state, _e.
g._, the law of catamenial seclusion.
§ 281. _Governmental instrumentalities._--The following wewaspe or
government instrumentalities are regarded as Wakandaʇa¢ica^n: The sacred
pipes, including the war pipe, the calumet pipes, the sacred pole, the
sacred ʇe-sa^n-ha, or hide of a white buffalo; the clam shell, the
chiefs, the keepers of the three sacred tents, the seven keepers of the
sacred pipes, the gentes, subgentes, and taboos. The following are
considered of human origin: The policemen and the feasting societies.
"The way to a man's heart is through his stomach" is a familiar saying.
So feasting societies tend to promote the peace of the community, as
those who eat together, or give food to one another, are bound together
as friends. (See § 246.)
§ 282. _Government functions._--Government functions are of three
classes: legislative, executive, and judicial; but these are not fully
differentiated in the Omaha state. There is a still further functional
division running through the legislative, executive, and judicial
departments, giving civil, military, and religious government. Among the
Omahas civil and religious government are scarcely differentiated; but
military government is almost entirely so. (See War Customs, Chapter
IX.)
§ 283. There does not seem to be a distinct order of priests who perform
all religious functions. Some of these functions are performed by the
regular chiefs, others by the keepers of the sacred pipes, others by the
four wa¢a^n during the buffalo hunt, and others by the leaders of the
dances. Conjurors also pretend to perform mysterious or sacred rites. At
the same time, the functions thus performed by the chiefs, keepers of
the sacred pipes, and the wa¢a^n are of a civil character. The chiefs
are religions officers during the buffalo hunt; they are always praying
to Wakanda, and showing the pipes to him. They do not act as leaders of
the hunt, which is the office of the wa¢a^n, though they can make
suggestions to the latter. They cannot draw their robes tightly around
them, when they are thus praying, and they must be sober and gentle.
The keepers of the sacred pipes are regarded as chiefs in some sense,
though they are not allowed to speak in the tribal assembly. "Each chief
is a member of the tribal assembly, though he is not a chief by virtue
of such membership, but by choice of the members of his gens." While the
chieftainship is not hereditary, each chief tries to have one of his
near kinsmen elected as his successor.
§ 284. _Head chiefs._--Those of the highest grade are the "nikagahi
uju," or principal chiefs. There have always been two of this rank among
the Omahas till the late change of the government in 1880. The head
chiefs have generally been chosen from the Hañgacenu gentes, though
there is no law forbidding the selection of a member of one of the
Ictasanda gentes.
The following is the succession of the principal chiefs of the Omahas
from the time of the celebrated Black Bird:
I. Gahige-ʇañga, The Elder Gahige, commonly called Wajiñga-sabe, Black
Bird, of the Ma^n¢iñka-gaxe (an Ictasanda) gens; and [T]e-sa^n-i^nc`age,
The Elder [T]e-sa^n, or The Venerable man, Distant-white Buffalo, of the
₵atada (Hañgacenu) gens. II. [T]e-sa^n i^nc`age (_continued_), and
A^npa^n-skă, White Elk, of the Weji^ncte (a Hañgacenu) gens. III.
[T]e-sa^n i^nc`age (_continued_), and A^npa^n-ʇañga, Big Elk,
of the Weji^ncte gens, subsequently known by his Pawnee name,
Ta-i´-ki-ta´-wa-hu. This was the celebrated Big Elk mentioned by Long,
Say, and others in 1819-'20. IV. Taikitawahu, and Úha^n-jiñga or Waháxi,
called Icta-ʇañga, Big Eyes, by the white men. The latter was an
Ictasanda man. He married a sister of G¢eda^n-naji^n, and this was one
reason why the latter succeeded him as one of the principal chiefs. V.
In 1843, A^npa^n-ʇañga jiñga, the Younger Big Elk, of the Weji^ncte
gens, and G¢eda^n-naji^n, Standing Hawk, of the ₵atada gens. Another
reason for the appointment of the latter was the friendship existing
between his father, [T]e-sa^n, and Taikitawahu. VI. On the death of
A^npa^n-ʇañga, his adopted son, Icta-ma^nzě, Iron Eyes, or Joseph La
Flèche, was made his successor, and so he and G¢eda^n-naji^n were the
principal chiefs till the former was set aside. Since then there has
been confusion about the head chieftainship, as well as about the
chieftainship in general, ending in the election of seven chiefs of
equal rank in 1880.
§ 285. _Subordinate chiefs._--Next to the nikagahi uju are the under
chiefs, or nikagahi, of whom the number in each tribe varies from time
to time. When both of the head chiefs retire from office or die there is
an entire change of the subordinate chiefs; all must resign, and others
must be elected to fill their places. Thus when A^npa^n-ʇañga jiñga and
G¢eda^n-naji^n succeeded to the head chieftainship, in 1843, fully sixty
subordinate chiefs were appointed. Among these were A^nba-hebe, of the
[T]a-[p]a gens; Icta-duba, of the Wasabe-hit`ajĭ subgens; [P]asi-duba
and Za^nzi-mandě, of the [K]a^nze gens; Ta^nwa^n-gaxe, of the
Ma^n¢iñka-gaxe gens; and [P]a¢i^n-gahige, of the [T]a-[p]a. Some chiefs
have been appointed by the United States Government, and so have been
recognized as chiefs by the United States agent in his councils with the
tribe; but these are distinct from the regular chiefs. In 1878 the
writer found three of this kind of chiefs among the Omahas. They had
been appointed by the United States about the year 1869. Cañge-skă was
made chief in the place of Ta^nwa^n-gaxe; Ibaha^nbi, instead of his
father, Wanuʞige, of the Ictasanda gens; and Waniʇa-waqě, the keeper
of the sacred pipe of the [T]a-[p]a was the third.
In 1878 the following were the chiefs who met the agent in councils:
G¢eda^n-naji^n and his brother, [P]ede-gahi, who were considered the
head chiefs by some; Ma^ntcu-na^nba, of the Hañga; Gahige, of the
Iñke-sabě; Mahi^n-¢iñge, of the Weji^ncte; Wacka^n-ma^n¢i^n, the third
₵atada chief; Cañge-skă, Waniʇa-waqě, and Ibaha^nbi. The last three
always appeared to stand together, forming a third party in the tribe,
as opposed to the chiefs' party (to which the others belonged), and that
of the young men or progressives.
§ 286. _Omaha chiefs elected in March, 1880._--These were elected by an
assembly of the whole tribe, in open council, and by a show of hands.
All are of equal rank, there being no principal chiefs:
[P]ede-gahi (of the chiefs' party) and Na^npewa¢ě or Cyu-jiñga (of the
young men's party), of the ₵atada (G¢eda^n-naji^n and Wacka^n-ma^n¢i^n
were deposed). Gahige (of the chiefs' party) and Duba-ma^n¢i^n (of the
young men's party), of the Iñke-sabě. [K]axe-¢a^nba, or Two Crows (of
the young men's party), and Icta-basude (of the chiefs' party), of the
Hañga. The latter was substituted for his aged father, Ma^ntcu-na^nba.
The only Ictasanda chief elected was Cañge-skă, of the Ma^n¢iñka-gaxe.
Mahi^n-¢iñge, Waniʇawaqě, and Ibaha^nbi were ignored.
A few months later three more were elected: Sĭnde-xa^nxa^n instead of
Waniʇa-waqě, of the [T]a-[p]a; Waha^n-¢iñge, of the [T]e-sĭnde; and
Ibaha^nbi, of the Ictasanda, making ten chiefs.
§ 287. _Keepers of the sacred pipes._--These have been chiefs among the
Ponkas, and it seems probable that they are reckoned as such among the
Omahas. (See the account of the inauguration of Ponka chiefs, § 289.)
Though no council could be opened without their assistance, they were
not allowed to take part in any of the deliberations. (See § 296.)
§ 288. _Who can be elected chiefs._--As a rule, they must be such as
have won a good reputation in the tribe. A generous man, one who has
given more presents or feasts than his kinsmen, stands a chance of being
elected a chief by and by. The presents, however, must be made to the
poor and aged, of those who are not kinsmen. Sometimes a man is elected
who has not led a good life; but they make him chief with the hope that
the new responsibilities resting on him may sober him, and make him a
wise man. Sometimes a man succeeds to the chieftainship through the
efforts of some kinsman or affinity who is a chief or head chief.
_Occasions of such elections._--The resignation or death of one of the
principal chiefs; the resignation of both of the principal chiefs, or
the resignation of one and the death of the other.
§ 289. _Sacred or mysterious rites pertaining to the initiation or
inauguration of chiefs._--(1). Among the Ponkas. Ma^n`egahi, of the
Hisada, told the following: Muxa-naji^n of the Wacabe, Ce-naji^n of the
Maka^n, ₵a`ega^n of the Nuqe, Si-¢iñge of the Maka^n, Ma^nze-si-ugada^n
(of the half-breed band), and Canugahi of the ₵ixida, carry the six
sacred pipes four times around the tribal circle. Muxa-naji^n puts up a
large tent (in the middle of the circle), unwraps the bundle containing
the six pipes, and then the five other men accompany him around the
circle.
The sacred pipes are feared by all except those who are to be made
chiefs, sometimes four, five, or six men. These are outside (of their
lodges), and as the old men come around, if they have agreed to become
chiefs, they put the pipe-stems to their mouths, but they do not inhale
any of the smoke. When the old men have gone around the fourth time the
chiefs assemble in the large tent. The women and children stay outside
or back of the circle, as they are afraid of the pipes. Even the horses
are sent to the rear. When the chiefs elect enter the large tent they
give many horses to the retiring chiefs. Then they put the pipes to
their mouths and inhale the smoke, for if they should refuse to inhale
it, they would die very soon thereafter, before the end of the year.
[Illustration: FIG. 41.--The Ponka style of hañga-ʞi`a^nze.]
Nuda^n-axa's account of the ceremonies at the time of his election is as
follows: When an old chief resigns, a tent is set up in the middle of
the circle. They bring back some wild sage, which is used as a bed for
the sacred pipes. These are laid on the wild sage in the middle of the
tent, next to the sacred buffalo skull. The hañga-ʞi`a^nze or
privileged decoration is painted on the skull, into the nostrils of
which some sprigs of wild sage are thrust. All the chiefs paint the
hañga-ʞi`a^nze on their faces, and stick plumes in their hair. They
wear buffalo robes with the hair outside, and redden their arm-pits,
elbows, and the toes of their moccasins. They redden blankets at the
elbows and next to the arm-pits, in imitation of the buffaloes. The
retiring chiefs say to their successors, "Qubéʞi¢ái-gă!" _i. e._,
"Cause yourselves to be sacred by means of the animals that you see in
your dreams when you fast." When they have left the large tent, and have
returned to their respective lodges, they sit with their robes over
their heads, and before they leave their lodges again, they must make
new tent-flaps, which is a sacred act. The bearers of the sacred pipes
are Ce-naji^n of the Maka^n, He¢icije of the Nuqe, [P]a¢i^n-gahige (of
the Wajaje?), Muxa-naji^n of the Wacabe, a Nika[p]aᴐna man, and Canugahi
of the ₵ixida. As the old men reach the tents of each gens it is
announced by some of the spectators, "They have reached the Nuqe!" for
example. When Cenaji^n arrives at the tents of each gens, he says, "Ho!
I have come to you." The pipes are handed in succession to the candidate
who sits at the end. Muxa-naji^n addresses a few words to each of the
candidates who are not the sons of chiefs, but to those who are the sons
of chiefs many words are spoken. I belonged to this latter class, so all
the old men said to me, "Níʇa í¢ib¢a^n taté! I^nc`áge cí taté! ₵iádi
gáhi, ¢iji^n´¢e gáhi, ¢iʇíga^n gáhi, ámustáqti ¢ida^n´bema^n¢i^n´taí!
Wágazuqti ma^n¢i^n´ ga^n´¢a-gă." i. e., "You shall have your fill of
life! You shall live to be an aged man! Your father was a chief, your
elder brother was a chief, and your grandfather was a chief; may they
continue to look directly down on you! Desire thou to walk very
honestly." At length they say, "Ca^n," _Enough!_ Then the crier
proclaims, "Ca^n´ á¢a, u+!" _i. e._, "It is indeed enough, halloo!" Then
all the people walk rapidly to the tent in the middle of the circle,
each one trying to get there before the others so as to get a good seat.
So they reach there and pass around the tent. At the time of my
inauguration I sat at the door of the large tent. Those who had no seats
within, (_i. e._, as chiefs) sat outside. They were addressed thus:
"Gí¢iʞa^n ité¢a-gă! Égi¢e ě´di ¢ag¢i^n´ te hă!" _i. e._, "Make room!
Beware how you sit there!" By and by the two principal chiefs came,
stepping very deliberately, and took their places at the head of the
circle of those within the large tent.
(2) _Among the Omahas_, as told by La Flèche and Two Crows:
Only one old man goes once around the tribal circle. He starts from his
own gens, the Iñke-sabě, and enters but a single tent of each gens. He
tells the people of that gens to question all their fellow _gentiles_
who wish to be chiefs. The old man enters the Weji^ncte tent last of
all. The men of each gens assemble by themselves. Some are afraid to
undertake the chieftainship, saying, "It is difficult; I am unwilling."
If a candidate is "naxíde-¢iñ´ge," or "wáspajĭ," _i. e._, _disobedient_
or _ill-behaved_, the men of his gens can prevent his acceptance of the
office. The next day the chiefs assemble in a large tent. The
decorations of the chiefs, the disposition of the sacred pipes and
buffalo skull are similar to what happens among the Ponkas, with a few
exceptions. The chiefs do not redden their arm-pits, elbows, and the
toes of their moccasins, and the hañga-ʞi`a^nze is slightly
different.
The only clothing worn by the chiefs during this ceremony consists of
moccasins, leggings, breech-cloths, and buffalo robes, with the hair
outside. The place of meeting is the earth-lodge belonging to one of the
principal chiefs. Besides the chiefs, only a few very brave men are
admitted to witness the ceremony and to act as servants. The keepers of
the sacred pipes are there; and the two old men of the Hañga who keep
the sacred tents, sit by the door, as the wag¢a, to get wood and water,
and to attend to the boiling of the food for the feast. The rest of the
people, including the brave men and the young men, are not invited to
the feast, but they can sit outside the lodge. When the crier says,
"Ca^na¢a, u+!" the candidates know that he refers to them, so they and
the people hasten to the earth-lodge. (See Fig. 2, § 18.)
[Illustration: FIG. 42.--The Omaha style of hañga-ʞi`a^nze.]
The brave young men may be selected from each gens to hand around the
food; and one of the principal chiefs calls on two by name to lade out
the food.
The principal chief who is about to retire tells each new chief where he
must sit in the circle of chiefs, and to whatever place he is thus
assigned he must regard that as his seat in the assembly from that time
on. The seat in question is resigned to the new chief by one of the
retiring chiefs, except when some of the subordinate chiefs vacate their
places to move nearer to the head chiefs, in which case the new chiefs
are told to take the places thus vacated.
When one of the head chiefs resigns all of the subordinate chiefs change
their places in the council, moving nearer to the seats of the principal
chiefs. But should the principal chiefs so desire it some of the new
chiefs may occupy the seats near them, being promoted over some of the
subordinates. A new chief did not always succeed a retiring chief of the
same gens.
The retiring head chief then exhorts each new chief thus: "If you get in
a bad humor Wakanda will do so to you. Do not lie lest the people speak
of you as lying chiefs and refuse to obey you."
§ 290. _The tribal assembly or council._--This is composed of the chiefs
alone. The common people have no voice in it. When there is any very
important business the young men and all the people are informed of it
after the meeting of the council. When the chiefs are thus assembled,
they are not always invited to a feast; but the two sacred pipes were
always carried around the circle. (See § 18.)
The principal chiefs did not act without consulting the other chiefs.
They used to call them together and submit to them any important
questions that had arisen, saying first to one then to another, "What
do you decide on?" or "Do you decide what shall be done." If one after
another refused to express an opinion, the two principal chiefs
continued their questioning till they found one who gave a decision.
§ 291. _The Gentile Assembly._--A gens could assemble as a whole when
there was any special occasion for such action, _e. g._, if they had any
grievance against the members of another gens.
§ 292. _Powers of subordinate Chiefs._--Chiefs had certain rights, among
which were the following: 1. The right to sit in the tribal assembly,
and to join in the deliberations. 2. The right of each to retain his
office till his death or resignation. 3. The right to regulate the
buffalo hunt with the aid of the directors and the keepers of the Hañga
sacred tents. 4. The right to approve or disapprove of the organization
of a small war party, and to prevent the departure of the same. 5. The
right to form a party to go on a friendly visit to another tribe; this
includes the right to go with a sacred pipe to the village or camp of a
hostile tribe in order to make peace. 6. The right to stop quarreling or
fighting between two or more persons, by putting the two sacred pipes
between the combatants and begging them to desist. 7. The right to
assemble at the sacred tent of the Elk gens, and regulate the sending
out of scouts in case of a sudden alarm. 8. In modern times, the chiefs
have exercised the right to sell all or a portion of the land occupied
by the tribe, to the United States Government; but such a right was,
from the nature of the case, unknown in ancient times.
No chief had a right to interfere with the food or other property of
private individuals, such as that belonging to the head of a household.
So when visitors came from another tribe the chiefs could not compel
members of their tribe to entertain them or make presents to them; all
they could do was to ask such things of the people as favors. No chief
had a right to deprive a hunter of an animal that he had killed, nor
could he claim even a part of the animal. (See § 147.)
§ 293. _Powers of principal Chiefs._--Among their powers are the
following: 1. The right to order the policemen to strike the
disobedient. 2. The right to order the crier to proclaim the decisions
of the tribal assembly. 3. The right to call on two of the brave young
men by name, and tell them to lade out the food for the feast. 4. The
right to the principal seats in the tribal assembly. 5. The right of one
of them to determine the place for each newly-elected chief in the
tribal assembly, and also to give any chief a higher place in the
circle, promoting him to a place above some of his seniors.
§ 294. _Deposition of Chiefs._--Chiefs were not deposed. They always
continued in office till their deaths or resignations. But when both
head chiefs died, or one died and the other resigned, all the
subordinate chiefs were obliged to resign.
§ 295. _Powers of the Keepers of the Sacred Tents._--They had certain
duties to perform during the buffalo hunt. They had the care of the
sacred tents, with their contents, the pole, and sacred skin. They
acted as wag¢a for the tribal assembly, in which they had seats, but
without the right to join in the deliberations. They were expected on
such occasions to attend to the fire, to bring in wood and water, and to
superintend the boiling of the food for the feast, whenever one was
given to the assembly. (See § 8.)
§ 296.--_Powers of the Keepers of the Sacred Pipes_ (see Chapter
III).--They could not join in the deliberation of the tribal assembly,
though no council could be opened without their assistance. (See § 287.)
§ 297. _Powers of the Policemen._--When not traveling on the buffalo
hunt they acted as messengers for the chiefs. There were no special
policemen for each chief. They could strike any of the disobedient
persons, even when not ordered to do so by the principal chiefs. Such
disobedient ones were those who quarreled and fought, stole, or scared
off the buffalo.
§ 298. _Religion._--Religion may be considered as not fully
differentiated from the government (see §§ 280 to 283). The chiefs are
the religious as well as the civil rulers of the state. A full account
of the religion of the Omahas cannot be given in this paper. It is
connected with the practice of medicine, mythology, war customs, gentile
system, etc.
CHAPTER XII.
THE LAW.
§ 299. The law, which is the body of rules that the State endeavors
directly or indirectly to enforce, may be properly classed as follows:
1. Personal law. 2. Property law. 3. Corporation law. 4. Government law.
5. International law. 6. Military law. 7. Religious law.
Crimes may be committed against personal law, property law, corporation
law, government law, international law, military law, and religious law.
So there are as many divisions of criminal law.
PERSONAL LAW.
§ 300. A large part of personal law belongs to gentile or family law.
Certain degrees of consanguinity and affinity are considered as bars to
intermarriage. The marriage of kindred has always been regarded as
incestuous by the Omahas and kindred tribes. Affinities were forbidden
to Self in certain places which are explained in the description of the
kinship system and the marriage laws.
Marriage by elopement has been practiced, but marriage by capture or by
duel are not known. (See § 82.)
Nage, _quarreling and fighting_.--It used to be a custom among the
Omahas, when two men engaged in a fight, that he who gave the first blow
was beaten by the native policemen.
T´e¢ai, _accidental killing_, and "t´eki¢ai," _intentional killing_ or
_murder_, are also crimes against religious law, which see in §§ 310,
311.
_Witchcraft._--When the supposed victim has died and the offender has
been detected his life may be taken by the kinsman of the victim without
a trial before the assembly or any other tribunal.
_Slavery_ was not known. Captives taken in war were not put to death.
(See § 222.)
§ 301. SOCIAL VICES (_a_), _Adultery_.--Sometimes a man steals another
man's wife. Sometimes he tempts her, but does not take her from her
husband. The injured man may strike or kill the guilty man, he may hit
the woman, or he may deprive the offending man of his property. If a
woman's husband be guilty of adultery with another woman she may strike
him or the guilty female in her anger, but she cannot claim damages. In
some extreme cases, as recorded by Say, an inexorable man has been known
to tie his frail partner firmly upon the earth in the prairie, and in
this situation has she been compelled to submit to the embraces of
twenty or thirty men successively; she is then abandoned. But this never
happened when the woman had any immediate kindred, for if she had any
such kindred in the tribe the husband would be afraid to punish his wife
in that manner. A woman thus punished became an outcast; no one would
marry her.
(_b_) _Prostitution._--In 1879 there were only two or three women in the
Omaha tribe that were known as mi^nckeda or public women. Of late years,
according to La Flèche and Two Crows, there have been many mi^nckeda,
but it was not so formerly, when the Indians were the only inhabitants.
A father did not reprove his daughter if she was a mi^nckeda. He left
that to her elder brother and her mother's brother, who might strike her
with sticks. Sometimes, if very angry with her, they could shoot an
arrow at her, and if they killed her, nobody could complain.
(_c_) _Fornication._--This is not practiced as a rule, except with women
or girls that are mi^nckeda. So strict are the Omahas about these
matters, that a young girl or even a married women walking or riding
alone, would be ruined in character, being liable to be taken for a
mi^nckeda, and addressed as such. No woman can ride or walk with any man
but her husband or some immediate kinsman. She generally gets some other
woman to accompany her, unless her husband goes. Young men are forbidden
to speak to girls, if they should meet two or more on the road, unless
they are kindred. The writer was told of some immorality after some of
the dances in which the women and girls participate. This has occurred
recently; and does not apply to all the females present, but only to a
few, and that not on all occasions. When girls go to see the dances
their mothers accompany them; and husbands go with their wives. After
the dance the women are taken home.
(_d_) _Schoopanism_. or _pæderastia_.--A man or boy who suffered as a
victim of this crime was called a mi^n-quga, or hermaphrodite. La Flèche
and Two Crows say that the mi^n-quga is "g¢a^n¢i^n," foolish, therefore
he acts in that manner.
(_e_) _Rape._--But one Omaha has a bad reputation in the tribe for
having frequently been guilty of this crime. It is said that one day he
met the daughter of Gia^nze-¢iñge, when she was about a mile from home,
driving several ponies. He pulled her off her horse, and though she was
not over seven or eight years old, he violated her. The same man was
charged with having committed incest with his own mother.
§ 302. _Maiming._--This never occurs except in two cases: First, by
accident, as when two men wrestle, in sport, and an arm is broken by a
blow from a bow or stick; secondly, when the policemen hit offenders
with their whips, on the head, arms, or body; but this is a punishment
and not a crime. La Flèche and Two Crows never heard of teeth being
knocked out, noses broken, eyes injured, etc., as among white or colored
men.
_Slander_ is not punishable, as it is like the wind, being "waniajĭ,"
that is, unable to cause pain.
PROPERTY LAW.
§ 303. Public property, provisions, and stock are not known. Hence,
there are no revenue laws.
(_a_) _Tribal property._--Each tribe claimed a certain extent of
territory as its own, for purposes of occupancy, cultivation, hunting,
and fishing. But the right of a tribe to sell its land was something
unheard of. Portions of the Omaha territory were sold because the people
feared to refuse the white men. They consented just as a man would
"consent" to hand his purse to a highway robber who demanded his money
or his life. Land is enduring, even after the death of all of a
generation of Omahas; for the men of the next generation succeed and
dwell on the land. Land is like water and wind, "wé¢i^nwi^n-¢i`á-wá¢ě,"
_what cannot be sold_. But horses, clothing, lodges, etc., soon perish,
and these were the only things that they could give away, being personal
property. The tribe had a common language, the right to engage together
in the chase as well as in war, and in certain rites of a religious and
civil character, which are described in connection with the hunting
customs, etc.
(_b_) _Gentile property._--Each gens had its special "wewaspe," such as
the sacred pipes, chiefs, sacred tents, area in the tribal circle, etc.
These "wewaspe" also belonged, in a measure, to the whole tribe. (See
Gentile System, Chapter III.)
(_c_) _Household property._--This consisted of the right of occupancy of
a common dwelling, the right of each person to shares of fish, game,
etc., acquired by any member of the household. When game was killed, it
belonged solely to the household of the slayer; members of any other
household had no right to take any part, but the slayer of a buffalo or
other large animal might give portions to those who aided him in cutting
it up. (See §§ 147, 159.)
(_d_) _Personal property._--When a father gave a horse or colt to his
child, the latter was the sole owner, and could do what he wished with
the property. Each head of a household held a possessory right to such a
tract or tracts of land as the members of his family or household
cultivated; and as long as the land was thus cultivated, his right to
its enjoyment was recognized by the rest of the tribe. But he could not
sell his part of the land. He also had a right to cultivate any
unoccupied land, and add it to his own. The husband and wife who were at
the head of the family or household, were the chief owners of the lodge,
robes, etc. They were joint owners, for when the man wished to give away
anything that could be spared he could not do so if his wife was
unwilling. So, too, if the wife wished to give away what could be
spared, she was unable to do it if her husband opposed her. Sometimes,
when the man gave something without consulting his wife, and told her
afterwards, she said nothing. The wife had control of all the food, and
the man consulted her before he invited guests to a feast saying:
"Ewéku ka^n´b¢a. I^nwi^n´hañ-gă." _i. e._, "I wish to invite them to a
feast. Boil for me."
Members of the same tribe occasionally exchanged commodities. This right
was recognized by all. (See International Law, § 307.)
§ 304. _Debtors._--When a man asked another to lend him anything, as a
knife, kettle, &c., the owner would not refuse. When the borrower had
finished using it, he returned it to the lender, for he would be ashamed
to keep it as his own. There never was a case of refusal to return a
borrowed article. If the use of the thing had impaired its value, the
borrower always returned another article of the same kind, which had to
be in as good condition as the former was when it was borrowed. There
was no pay or interest on the loan. Sometimes, when the borrower was a
kinsman or friend of the lender, and he returned to the latter his
property, the lender would say to him, "Keep it!"
§ 305. _Order of inheritance._--First, the eldest son, who becomes the
head of the household or family; then the other sons, who receive shares
from their brother; if there are sisters of these, they receive from
their eldest brother whatever he thinks that they should have. Should
the deceased leave no children, his kindred inherit in the following
order: His elder brother, younger brothers, sisters, mothers' brothers,
and sisters' sons. The widow receives nothing, unless she has grown sons
of her own, who can protect her. The husband's kindred and the widow's
step-sons generally deprive her of all the property, because they fear
lest she should go elsewhere and marry.
§ 306. _Crime against property law: Theft._--When the suspected thief
did not confess his offense, some of his property was taken from him
until he told the truth. When he restored what he had stolen, one-half
of his own property was returned to him, and the rest was given to the
man from whom he had stolen. Sometimes all of the policemen whipped the
thief. But when the thief fled from the tribe, and remained away for a
year or two, the offense was not remembered on his return; so no
punishment ensued.
CORPORATION LAW.
(See Societies, in Chapter X.)
GOVERNMENT LAW.
(See the preceding chapter.) The crimes against government law were
violations of the rules of the buffalo hunt, quarreling, and fighting.
The violations of the rules of the buffalo hunt were also regarded as
crimes against religious law.
INTERNATIONAL LAW.
(See War Customs, Military Law, and Visiting Customs.)
§ 307. _Mode of making peace with another tribe._--When the Omahas
wished to make peace, which was termed, "making the land good," two or
more chiefs and some of the young men took one of the sacred pipes and
went unarmed towards the village or camp of the late foe, taking care
to go openly and in daylight, when their approach could be seen. They
were met by some of the villagers, who conducted them to a lodge, where
food was given them. After the meal, they were asked to tell the object
of their visit. The leader of the visitors then said, "I have come
because I think that we should fight no longer. I have come that we may
eat and smoke together." The principal man of the village then replied,
"It is good! If you tell the truth, when you come again, we will give
a horse to each one of you." At this time, no presents were made by
either party. They remained together two, three, or four days, and left
for home when their leader decided to depart. The bearer of a peace
pipe was generally respected by the enemy, just as the bearer of a flag
of truce is regarded by the laws of war among the so-called civilized
nations.
When strangers came to visit the Omahas, or when the latter visited
another tribe, presents were given by both parties, generally
consisting of horses and robes. But there was no commerce, as we
understand that term.
MILITARY LAW.
(See the preceding paragraphs, and War Customs.)
RELIGIOUS LAW.
§ 308. The rules of the buffalo hunt, the consecration of the hearts and
tongues, the ceremonies pertaining to the anointing of the sacred pole,
etc., and those connected with the planting of the corn, were customs
which were regarded as laws received by their ancestors from Wakanda;
hence, they pertained to religion as well as to the government of the
tribe. (See §§ 128-163.)
§ 309. The following are of a religious character: The worship of the
thunder, when first heard in the spring (§ 24), and when the men go to
war (§ 196); the style of wearing the hair in childhood (§ 30, etc.);
most of the governmental instrumentalities enumerated in Chapter XI, and
non-intercourse with a woman during her catamenial seclusion (§ 97).
The Omahas were afraid to abandon their aged on the prairie when away
from their permanent villages lest Wakanda should punish them.
The most common offenses against religious law were murder and
accidental killing.
§ 310. _Murder._--Murder of a fellow Omaha has been of rare occurrence.
Drunkenness alone has caused two men to kill each other in a few cases;
but owing to it there have been more instances of murder and
manslaughter. Before liquor was introduced there were no murders, even
when men quarreled. The murder of a fellow clansman was unknown, except
in a few cases of parricide, caused by drunkenness. Parents never killed
their children. About thirty-two years ago a man killed his uncle to
avenge the murder of another uncle by a drunken son. Over sixty years
ago a Ponka married an Omaha woman, and remained with her tribe. His
mother-in-law was a very bad old woman, so he killed her. No Omaha ever
killed an affinity.
Murder might be punished by taking the life of the murderer, or that of
one of his clansmen. When one man killed another, the kinsmen of the
murdered man wished to avenge his death, but the chiefs and brave men
usually interposed. Sometimes they showed one of the sacred pipes; but
they always took presents, and begged the kinsmen to let the offender
live. Sometimes the kinsmen of the murderer went alone to meet the
avengers; sometimes they took with them the chiefs and brave men;
sometimes the chiefs, braves, and generous men went without the kinsmen
of the murderer. Sometimes the avengers refused to receive the presents,
and killed the murderer. Even when one of them was willing to receive
them, it was in vain if the others refused.
When the life of the murderer was spared, he was obliged to submit to
punishment from two to four years. He must walk barefoot. He could eat
no warm food; he could not raise his voice; nor could he look around. He
was compelled to pull his robe around him, and to have it tied at the
neck, even in warm weather; he could not let it hang loosely or fly
open. He could not move his hands about, but was obliged to keep them
close to his body. He could not comb his hair; and it must not be blown
about by the wind. He was obliged to pitch his tent about a quarter of a
mile from the rest of the tribe when they were going on the hunt lest
the ghost of his victim should raise a high wind, which might cause
damage. Only one of his kindred was allowed to remain with him at his
tent. No one wished to eat with him, for they said, "If we eat with him
whom Wakanda hates, for his crime, Wakanda will hate us." Sometimes he
wandered at night, crying and lamenting his offense. At the end of the
designated period, the kindred of the murdered man heard his crying and
said, "It is enough. Begone, and walk among the crowd. Put on moccasins
and wear a good robe." Should a man get a bad reputation on account of
being quarrelsome, his gens might refuse to defend him. Even if the
kindred were sad when he was slain, they would say nothing, and no one
tried to avenge him. The murder of a child was as great a crime as the
murder of a chief, a brave, or a woman. There was no distinction in the
price to be paid.
Should the criminal escape to another tribe, and be absent for a year or
two, his crime would be remembered on his return, and he would be in
danger.
§ 311. _Accidental killing._--When one man killed another accidentally,
he was rescued by the interposition of the chiefs, and subsequently was
punished as if he were a murderer, but only for a year or two.
§ 312. _Profanity._--Cursing and swearing were unknown before the white
men introduced them. Not one of the ₵egiha dialects contains an oath.
The Omahas are very careful not to use names which they regard as sacred
on ordinary occasions; and no one dares to sing sacred songs except the
chiefs and old men at the proper times.
§ 313. _Drunkenness_ became a crime, because it often led to murders; so
the Omaha policemen determined to punish each offender. Each one of the
ten gave him several blows with a whip, and the drunkard's annuity for
that year was taken from him. In 1854 this vice was broken up, and since
then there has been no instance of its occurrence among the Omahas.[22]
§ 314. _Falsehood._--In 1879 Standing Hawk and a few others were noted
for this vice; but in 1882 La Flèche said that there were many who had
lost all regard for the truth. Formerly, only two or three were
notorious liars; but now, there are about twenty who do not lie. Scouts
were expected to speak the truth when they returned to report to the
directors, the keepers of the sacred tents, etc. (See §§ 23, 136, and
137.) Warriors were obliged to undergo the ordeal of the wastegistu
(Osage, watse-ʞistu), before receiving the rewards of bravery. If one
told a lie, he was detected, as the Indians believed that the stick
always fell from the sacred bag in such a case. (See § 214.)
[22] The Indians also broke up gambling with cards, but it has been
resumed, as the police have not the power to punish the offenders.
INDEX.
Accouchement among the Omahas 263
Adoption of children among the Omahas 265, 281
Adultery among the Omahas 364
Affinities in Omaha kinship 255
Age, Omaha life in old 274
Agriculture among the Omahas 302
Amusements of the Omahas 334-342
; Cards 341
; Children's 341
; Diving 341
; Hitting the stone 339
; Plumstone shooting 334
; Shooting at the rolling-wheel 335
; Stick and ring 337
; Stick counting 338
]; Women's game of ball 338
Animals, how divided among Omaha hunters 300
Anba-Hebe cited on tradition of the pipes 222
Archery, Omaha skill in 291
Arrows, Each Omaha has his own set of 291
Assembly, The Omaha tribal 361
gentile 362
Attack in war, Omaha preparation for making 326
receiving 313
Bags, Ordeal of the sacred 328
Ball, Omaha woman's game of 338
Bashfulness of Omahas 262
Bandolier, A.T., on Cochiti Indian weaving 361
Bathing among Omahas 269
Beans as a food among Omahas 308
Begging dance 355
Berries as a food among Omahas 306
Birth, Omaha ceremony on the fifth day after 245
Birthnames, Omaha 227, 231, 232, 236, 237, 239, 240, 243, 244, 245,
248
Black Shoulder gens of Omahas 228-233
; Birthnames 231
; Myth of creation. 229
; Mythical origin of 229
; Names 231
; Style of wearing the hair. 230
; Subgentes 230
; Taboo. 230
Boys, Birthnames of Omaha 227, 231, 236, 237, 239, 240, 243, 245,
248
Bravery, Anecdotes of Omaha 332
, Omaha rewards of 329
Buffalo dance, Omaha 347
hearts and tongues collected 289
feast on 290
killed in hunt, Division of 291
, Order of approaching a herd of 289
Calumet dance, The 276-282
pipe, The 277-279
Cannibalism of Indians 272
Captives by Omahas, Treatment of 313, 332
Cards 341
Catamenia among the Omahas 267
Celibacy among the Omahas 269
Ceremony on the fifth day after birth, Omaha 245
at death, Omaha 229, 233
Charities, Omaha 274
Charts of Omaha kinship 254
Chiefs are religions officers during the buffalo hunt, Omaha 357
, Omaha deposition of 362
election of 358
head 357
in the Omaha state, Position of 216
, Powers of Omaha 362
, Sacred inauguration of 359-360
, Subordinate 357
, Who can be elected Omaha 358
Child-birth among Omahas 263
Children, Omaha, Adoption of 265, 281
, Clothing of 265
, Diseases of 265
, Games of 340,341
, Life of 265
, Number of 264
Circle, Omaha tribal 219-220
Clothing, Omaha 310-311
Preparation of 310
Children's 265
Dressing hides for 310
Consanguineous kinship of Omahas 253
Corporations among Omahas 218, 342, 355, 367
; dancing societies 330, 342-355
; feasting societies 342
Council, The Omaha tribal 361
Courtship, Omaha 259
Couvade 263
Cultivation of the ground regulated by the Hañga gens 302
Customs, Curious Omaha, during a fog 240
harvest 238
Omaha fishing 301
hunting 283, 301
marriage 259
post-marriage 261
sleeping 273
visiting 276-282
₵atada Gens, The 236-241
[T]e-[p]a-it'ajǐ subgens 239-240
; Birthnames 240
; Sections 240
Turtle subgens 240-241
; Birthnames 240
; Custom during a fog 240
; Decoration of tents 240
; Sections 240
; Style of wearing the hair 240
; Turtle men 240
; Wajiñga ¢ataji subgens 238-239
; Birthnames 239
; Curious custom 238
; Names 239
; Sections and subsections 239
; Style of wearing the hair 238
; Wasabe Hit'aji subgens 236-238
; Birthnames 237
; Mythical origin 237
; Names 238
; Style of wearing the hair 237
; Taboo 237
₵egiha tribes, Early migrations of 211-213
Dance, Alaskan
dress, 344, 348
ornaments 344
, Painting for 348, 350
societies of Omahas 330, 342-355
, The begging 355
, buffalo 347
, buffalo head-dress 352
, calumet 276-282
, ghost 353
, grizzly bear 349
, He¢ucka 330
, Hede-watci 297
, Hekana 353
, Hewatci 331
, horse 348
, make-no-fight 352
, Mandan 332, 354
, Padañka 353
, scalp 330
, sun 272, 355
, T'égaxe-watci 352
, Visitors', of relating exploits 352
, Wacicka 342
, Witcita 349
, wolf 348
Death, Omaha ceremonies at 229, 233
Deer Head gens, The Omaha 245
Differentiation of organs in the State 216
Diseases of Omaha children 265
Distribution of parts of animals 300
Diving, Omaha 341
Domestic etiquette among Omahas 262
Domestic life among the Omahas 258-275
Dorsey, Rev. J. Owen, Omaha Sociology 205-370
Dougherty on Omaha child-bearing age 267
games with cards 341
killickinnick 310
marriage customs 259, 263
number of children 264
plumstone shooting 334
Dress of Omaha dancers 344, 348, 346, 349, 350, 352, 353
Drinks of Omahas 309
Drunkenness broken up among Omahas 370
Early migration of ₵egiha tribes 211-213
Elections of Omaha chiefs 358
Elk gens, The 225-228
; Names 227
; Scouts 226
; Style of wearing the hair 225
; Taboo 225
; The sacred tent 226
; Worship of thunder 227
Elopement, Omaha marriage by 260
Etiquette, Omaha domestic 262
Falsehood detected among Omahas by ordeal 328, 370
Fasting in sun-dance 272
Feasting societies, Omaha 342
Feasts 270, 272
Feasts after return from war 331, 332
at election of chiefs 361
, Calumet 279
preliminary 276
, Hekana 354
Mandan 273
, Marriage 260
, The Wacicka 342
war preparatory 315, 319
Fetiches, Omaha 270
Fishing customs, Omaha 301, 302
traps 302
Fletcher, Miss A.C., described Dakota dances 298, 355
Foeticide among Omahas 263
Food among Omahas 303-310
; Beans 308
; Berries 306
; Corn 304
; nelumhium luteum 308
; Modes of cooking corn 304, 305
; fruits 306
; meat 303
; melons 306
; nuts 307
; pumpkins 306
; roots 307
Fornication among Omahas 365
Fort, Old Ponka 313
Fruit as food among Omahas 306
Gahige cited as to creation myth 229
origin of Buffalo people 229
red corn 231
tradition of the pipes 222
Gens, The ₵atada 236-241
, Deerhead 245-247
, Elk 225-228
, Hañga 233-236
, Ictasanda 248-251
, Iñg¢e-jide 247
, Iñke-sabe 228-233
, Kansas 241
, Ma¢iñka-gaxe 242, 243
[T]e-sinde 244
Gentile assembly, The Omaha 362
system, The Omaha 215, 219-251
Ghost dance, The Omaha 353
Gifts bestowed at Omaha feasts 279, 281, 332
Government, The Omaha 356-363
Governmental instrumentalities 356
functions 356
Grizzly bear dance, The Omaha 349
Ground; Cultivation regulated by the Hañga gens 302
Hamilton, Rev. W., on Omaha customs after childbirth 264
gray Omaha children 275
cannibalism of Iowas 272
Hañga gens; Ceremony at death 233
; Mythical origin of 233
; Names 236
regulates certain feasts 272
regulates cultivation of the ground 302
regulates sacred pipes 221-224
regulates the buffalo hunt 284
; Sacred pole 234
; Sacred tents 233
; Style of wearing the hair 235
; Subgentes 235
; Taboo 235
Harvest customs, Curious Omaha 238
Hede-watci dance, The Omaha 297
Hekana dance, The Omaha 353
Henshaw, H.W., Indian studies on Omaha native tobacco 309
Hides for Omaha clothing, Dressing 310
Horses in Omaha warfare, Capture of 326
Horse dance, The Omaha 348
Hospitality among Omahas 271
Hunting; Anointing the sacred pole 293
; Approaching a herd of buffalo 289
; Collecting the hearts and tongues 289
customs 283
, Departure for 285
, Directors of 280
; Disposition of parts of a buffalo 293
; Division of a slain buffalo 291
tribe into summer parties 299
, kinds of 283
; buffalo eaten 292
; Policemen 288
party attacked 300
preparations before departure 285
, Return from summer 300
scouts 287
seasons 283
, Sham fight after 295
the larger animals 300
; Trapping 301
, Thanksgiving before return from 293
tribal circle 286
; Two tribes together 299
Ictasanda gens; Names 240-251
; Subgentes 249
; Taboo 248
Industrial occupations of the Omahas 283-311
Industries among the Omahas, Protective 312-333
Regulative 356-363
Infanticide 263
International law among Omahas 368
Iñg¢e-jide gens, The Omaha 247
; Decoration of skin-tents 248
; Names 248
; Subgentes 248
; Taboo 248
Journey, Omaha preparation for a 275
Kansas gens, The Omaha 241-242
; Subgentes 241
; Taboo 241
Kinship, Omaha affinities of 255
, classes of 252
, consanguineous 253
, partial 252-258
, peculiarities of 254
Law among Omahas 364-370
as to maiming 365
quarreling and fighting 364
social vices 364-365
witchcraft 364
; Corporation 367
for membership of gens 225
Government 367
, International 368
, Marriage 255-258
, Military 368
, National 367
, Personal 304-365
, Property 366
, Religious 368
Life of Omahas, Domestic 258-275
Make-no-fight dance, The Omaha 352
Mañ¢iñka-gaxe gens, The Omaha 242
Mandan dance, The 332
feast, The 273
Marriage, Age for Omaha 259
; Celibacy among Omahas 269
customs among Omahas 259
feasts 260
laws of Omahas 255-258
, Permissive 257
, Prohibitory 256
; Remarriage 258
; Rights of parents 268
; Widowers 268
; Widows 267
among Omahas, permanence of 261
Meals, Omaha 271-273
Meat as food among Omahas 303
Medicines or fetiches carried on journeys by Omahas 276
Melons as food among Omahas 306
Membership of gens among Omahas, Law of 225
Migration of ₵egiha tribes 211-213
the Omahas 213-214
Military law of Omahas 368
Mode of approaching a village when visiting, Omaha 276
Murder by Omahas, Punishment of 369
; accidental killing among Omahas 370
Musicians, Omaha 341
Names, Omaha birth 227, 231, 232, 236, 237, 239, 240, 243, 244 ,245,
248, 249
, gentile 227, 232-233, 235 ,236, 238, 239, 240, 241, 243, 244,
246, 248, 250, 251
, New, taken in war by Omahas 324
Narcotics, Omaha 309
Nikie names, meaning of 227
Nursing, Omaha 264
Nuts; Food among Omahas 307
Omahas, Accouchement among 263
, Agriculture among 302
; Ama^nhe 269
Amusements. (<i>See</i> Amusements.)
; Calumet dance 276
pipe 277
, Catamenia among 267
; Charities 274
; Chiefs 357, 358
, Child-bearing 263, 264
; Classes in the state 216
, Clothing of 310
; Corporations 218, 342
; ₵atada gens 236
Dances 342-355
; Deerhead gens 245
; Domestic etiquette 262
life 259
; Drinks 309
; Elk gens 225
; Fasting 266, 317, 319
Feasts among. (<i>See</i> Feasts.)
; Fetiches 270, 317
; Fishing 301
; Food 303-309
; Games 334-341
; Gentes 215
; Gentile system 219, 251
; Government 356-363
; Hañga gens 233
, Hunting among 283
; Ictasanda gens 248
, Industries among 283-303, 310-311
; Iñke-sabe gens 228
; Iñg¢e-jide gens 247
; Isinu 208
; Kansas gens 241
; Kinship system 252-255
; Law 364
; Ma¢iñka-gaxe gens 242
; Marriage customs 259
laws 255, 267
; Meals 271
; Medicines or fetiches 276, 317
; Method of camping 219, 220
; Migrations of 213
; Sociology 211-370
, Parental rights among 268
, Personal habits of 269
, Politeness 268
; Preparations for attacking the enemy 326
; Pregnancy among 263
; Preparations for attacking the enemy 326
; Present state of 214
; Protective industries of 312
, Refugees among 268
, Regulative industries among 356
, Sacred pipes of 221
, tents of 221
, Servants among 217
, Societies among 342
, Sociology 205-370
; Tribal circles 219
, visiting customs of 276
; Wama^nhe 269
, warfare of 312
, Women among 266
Ordeal of the sacred bags, Omaha 328
Origin of Omaha ₵atada gens, Mythical 237
Ornaments of Omaha dancers, <i>passim</i> from 344
Pæderastia among Omahas 365
Parents of Omahas, Rights of 268
Pa[p]anka dance, The Omaha 353
Peace with another tribe, Omaha mode of making 368
Personal law of Omahas 364
Phratries, Omaha 215, 337
Pipe dance, Omaha 276
, The Calumet 277
Pipes, Keepers of the sacred 222, 223, 358, 363
, The Omaha sacred 221-224
, Tradition of the 222
Pitching tents, Omaha rules for 220-221
Plumstone shooting 334
Pole, Anointing the sacred 293
, The sacred 234, 293
Policemen, a class in the Omaha state 216
appointed in hunting, Omaha 288
war, Omaha 321
, Power of the Omaha 363
Politeness; Omahas 269-270
Polyandry among Omahas 261
Polygamy among Omahas 261
Ponka chiefs, Initiation of 359-360
dancing societies 355
games 334, 336, 337, 339, 340
Fort, Old 313
mode of camping 219
tradition of the sacred pole 234
Ponkas, but one pipe in pipe dance 282
migrations of 212-213
Powell, Maj. J.W., defines the state 215
Powers of Omaha principal chiefs 362
subordinate chiefs 362
keepers of sacred tents 362
pipes 363
Omaha policemen 363
Preparation of food among Omahas 303-310
Pregnancy among Omahas 263
Profanity not an Omaha vice 370
Property Omaha; debtors 367
, Omaha gentile 366
, household 366
, law of 366
, personal 366
, tribal 366
, theft of 367
Prostitution among Omahas 365
Protective industries of Omahas 312-333
Proverbs, Omaha 334
Pumpkins as food among Omahas 306
Puns, Omaha 334
Rattles, Collection of Indian, Omaha 278
Rape among Omahas 365
Refugees among Omahas, Rights of 268
Regulative industries of Omahas 356-363
Religion of Omahas 363
Religious law of Omahas 368
Remarriage among Omahas 258
Return from hunting, Omahas 300
Rice, wild 308
Riddles, Omaha 334
Roots as food among Omahas 307
Sacred pipes, The Omaha 221-224
, Keepers of the 222, 223, 358, 363
pole, The Omaha 234, 293
tents of Omahas 221, 226, 233
Salt used by Omahas 309
Schoopanism among Omahas 365
Scouts of Omahas 226, 287, 321
, Report of Omaha war 325
, Service of Omaha 226
, hunting 287, 288
Sections of Omaha subgentes 215, 237, 239, 240
Servants among Omahas 217-218
Sham fight, Omaha 295
Shooting arrows at a mark 339, 340
Shooting at the rolling wheel 335
, Order of, in the Wacicka dance 345
Singing, Omaha 279, 316, 320, 322, 323, 325
Skin bags in Omaha dances 343
Sleeping customs, Omaha 273
Social vices among Omahas 364-365
; Adultery 364
; Fornication 365
; Pæderastia 365
; Prostitution 365
; Rape 365
; Schoopanism 365
Societies among Omahas 342
Sociology, Omaha 205-370
Songs, Omaha war 320, 322, 323, 325, 331
State, Definition of the 215
, The Omaha 215-218
Stepmothers, Omaha 268
Stick and ring, Omaha game of 337
Stick counting 338
Subgentes, Omaha 215, 225, 230, 235, 236, 241, 242, 245, 248, 249
, Importance of the 258
, Referred to in A^nba-Hebe's tradition 222, 223
, Sections of 215, 237, 239, 240
, Subsections of 239
Sun-dance, The 297, 298, 355
, Fasting in 272
System of kinship, Omaha 252-255
Taboos of the Omaha gentes 225, 230, 231, 235, 237,238, 239, 240,
241, 244, 245, 248
Tents, Powers of the keepers of the sacred 362
, Rules for pitching 220-221
, The sacred 221, 226, 233
Thanksgiving before return from hunt, Omaha 293
Theft among Omahas 367
Thunder bird myth, Worship of 227
Tobacco of the Omahas 309
Tradition of the pipes, Omaha 222
sacred pole, Omaha 234
, Ponka 234
Trapping, Omaha 301
Traps, Omaha fish 302
Tribal circles, Omaha 219, 220, 286
council, The Omaha 361
Tukala dance obtained from the Dakotas, The 354
Two Crows cited in Omaha Sociology <i>passim</i> 205-370
Vices, Omaha social 364
Visiting customs, Omaha 276-282
Visitors' dance of relating exploits, Omaha 352
Wacicka dance, The 342
War customs of the Omahas:
In defensive 312-314
In preparation for defensive 313
In preparation for offensive 315, 319
Behavior of those at home 325
Captured horses 326
Feast 315, 319
Followers, uninvited 317
Large party 318
Mandan dance 332
New names taken 324
Officers 318, 319, 321
Opening of the sacred bags 321
Ordeal of the sacred bags 328
Order of camping 323
Order of march 321
Policemen 321
Preparation for attack 326
Preparation for starting 317
Report of scouts 325
Return of party 328
Rewards of bravery 329
Sacred bags 319, 321, 322
Scalp dance 330
Secret departure 317
Small party 315
Songs 320, 332, 323, 325, 331
Treatment of captives 313, 332
Treatment of wounded foes 332
Wars, Origin of Omaha 312
unlike old world, Indian 312
Warriors assume new names on the way, Omaha and Ponka 324
Wearing hair in the Hañga gens, Style of 235
Wheel, Omaha shooting at the rolling 335
Widowers, Omaha 268
Widows, Omaha 267
Wolf dance, The Omaha 348
Women, Game of ball by Omaha 338
, Social standing of Omaha 266
Worship of the thunder, Omaha 227
[Transcriber's Note:
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.]