CHAPTER CLXIX.

DEATH OF SILAS WRIGHT, EX-SENATOR AND EX-GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK.

He died suddenly, at the early age of fifty-two, and without the

sufferings and premonitions which usually accompany the mortal

transit from time to eternity. A letter that he was reading, was

seen to fall from his hand: a physician was called: in two hours

he was dead--apoplexy the cause. Though dying at the age deemed

young in a statesman, he had attained all that long life could

give--high office, national fame, fixed character, and universal

esteem. He had run the career of honors in the State of New

York--been representative and senator in Congress--and had refused

more offices, and higher, than he ever accepted. He refused cabinet

appointments under his fast friend, Mr. Van Buren, and under Mr.

Polk, whom he may be said to have elected: he refused a seat on

the bench of the federal Supreme Court; he rejected instantly the

nomination of 1844 for Vice-President of the United States, when

that nomination was the election. He refused to be put in nomination

for the presidency. He refused to accept foreign missions. He spent

that time in declining office which others did in winning it; and of

those he did accept, it might well be said they were "_thrust_" upon

him. Office, not greatness, was thrust upon him. He was born great,

and above office, and unwillingly descended to it; and only took it

for its burthens, and to satisfy an importunate public demand. Mind,

manners, morals, temper, habits, united in him to form the character

that was perfect, both in public and private life, and to give the

example of a patriot citizen--of a farmer statesman--of which we

have read in Cincinnatus and Cato, and seen in Mr. Macon, and some

others of their stamp--created by nature--formed in no school: and

of which the instances are so rare and long between.

His mind was clear and strong, his judgment solid, his elocution

smooth and equable, his speaking always addressed to the

understanding, and always enchaining the attention of those who had

minds to understand. Grave reasoning was his forte. Argumentation

was always the line of his speech. He spoke to the head, not to

the passions; and would have been disconcerted to have seen any

body laugh, or cry, at any thing he said. His thoughts evolved

spontaneously, in natural and proper order, clothed in language of

force and clearness; all so naturally and easily conceived that an

extemporaneous speech, or the first draught of an intricate report,

had all the correctness of a finished composition. His manuscript

had no blots--a proof that his mind had none; and he wrote a neat,

compact hand, suitable to a clear and solid mind. He came into

the Senate, in the beginning of General Jackson's administration,

and remained during that of Mr. Van Buren; and took a ready and

active part in all the great debates of those eventful times.

The ablest speakers of the opposition always had to answer him;

and when he answered them, they showed by their anxious concern,

that the adversary was upon them whose force they dreaded most.

Though taking his full part upon all subjects, yet finance was his

particular department, always chairman of that committee, when his

party was in power, and by the lucidity of his statements making

plain the most intricate moneyed details. He had a just conception

of the difference between the functions of the finance committee of

the Senate, and the committee of ways and means of the House--so

little understood in these latter times: those of the latter founded

in the prerogative of the House to originate all revenue bills;

those of the former to act upon the propositions from the House,

without originating measures which might affect the revenue, so as

to coerce either its increase or prevent its reduction. In 1844 he

left the Senate, to stand for the governorship of New York; and

never did his self-sacrificing temper undergo a stronger trial, or

submit to a greater sacrifice. He liked the Senate: he disliked the

governorship, even to absolute repugnance. But it was said to him

(and truly, as then believed, and afterwards proved) that the State

would be lost to Mr. Polk, unless Mr. Wright was associated with

him in the canvass: and to this argument he yielded. He stood the

canvass for the governorship--carried it--and Mr. Polk with him; and

saved the presidential election of that year.

Judgment was the character of Mr. Wright's mind: purity the quality

of the heart. Though valuable in the field of debate, he was still

more valued at the council table, where sense and honesty are most

demanded. General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren relied upon him as

one of their safest counsellors. A candor which knew no guile--an

integrity which knew no deviation--which worked right on, like a

machine governed by a law of which it was unconscious--were the

inexorable conditions of his nature, ruling his conduct in every

act, public and private. No foul legislation ever emanated from

him. The jobber, the speculator, the dealer in false claims, the

plunderer, whose scheme required an act of Congress; all these

found in his vigilance and perspicacity a detective police, which

discovered their designs, and in his integrity a scorn of corruption

which kept them at a distance from the purity of his atmosphere.

His temper was gentle--his manners simple--his intercourse

kindly--his habits laborious--and rich upon a freehold of thirty

acres, in much part cultivated by his own hand. In the intervals

of senatorial duties this man, who refused cabinet appointments

and presidential honors, and a seat upon the Supreme Bench--who

measured strength with Clay, Webster, and Calhoun, and on whose

accents admiring Senates hung: this man, his neat suit of broadcloth

and fine linen exchanged for the laborer's dress, might be seen

in the harvest field, or meadow, carrying the foremost row, and

doing the cleanest work: and this not as recreation or pastime, or

encouragement to others, but as work, which was to count in the

annual cultivation, and labor to be felt in the production of the

needed crop. His principles were democratic, and innate, founded

in a feeling, still more than a conviction, that the masses were

generally right in their sentiments, though sometimes wrong in their

action; and that there was less injury to the country from the

honest mistakes of the people, than from the interested schemes of

corrupt and intriguing politicians. He was born in Massachusetts,

came to man's estate in New York, received from that State the only

honors he would accept; and in choosing his place of residence in it

gave proof of his modest, retiring, unpretending nature. Instead of

following his profession in the commercial or political capital of

his State, where there would be demand and reward for his talent, he

constituted himself a village lawyer where there was neither, and

pertinaciously refused to change his locality. In an outside county,

on the extreme border of the State, taking its name of St. Lawrence

from the river which washed its northern side, and divided the

United States from British America--and in one of the smallest towns

of that county, and in one of the least ambitious houses of that

modest town, lived and died this patriot statesman--a good husband

(he had no children)--a good neighbor--a kind relative--a fast

friend--exact and punctual in every duty, and the exemplification of

every social and civic virtue.

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 170 / 202 章