MEETING OF THE SECOND SESSION OF THE 29TH CONGRESS: PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE:
VIGOROUS PROSECUTION OF THE WAR RECOMMENDED: LIEUTENANT-GENERAL
PROPOSED TO BE CREATED.
Congress met at the regular annual period, the first Monday in
December; and being the second session of the same body, there was
nothing to be done, after the assembling of a quorum, before the
commencement of business, but to receive the President's message. It
was immediately communicated, and, of course, was greatly occupied
with the Mexican war. The success of our arms, under the command
of General Taylor, was a theme of exultation; and after that, an
elaborate argument to throw the blame of the war on Mexico. The war
was assumed, and argued to have been made by her, and its existence
only recognized by us after "American blood had been spilled upon
American soil." History is bound to pronounce her judgment upon
these assumptions, and to say that they are unfounded. In the first
place, the legal state of war, the _status belli_, was produced by
the incorporation of Texas, with which Mexico was at war. In the
next place, the United States' government understood that act to
be the assumption of the war in fact, as well as in law, by the
immediate advance of the army to the frontier of Texas, and of
the navy to the Gulf of Mexico, to take the war off the hands of
the Texians. In the third place, the actual collision of arms was
brought on by the further advance of the American troops to the left
bank of the Lower Rio Grande, then and always in the possession
of Mexico, and erecting field works on the bank of the river, and
pointing cannon at the town of Matamoras on the opposite side, the
seat of a Mexican population, and the head-quarters of their army
of observation. It was under these circumstances that the Mexican
troops crossed the river, and commenced the attack. And this is
what is called spilling American blood on American soil. The laws
of nations and the law of self-defence, justify that spilling of
blood; and such will be the judgment of history. The paragraph in
the original message asking for a provisional territorial government
to be established by Congress for the conquered provinces was
superseded, and replaced by one asserting the right of the United
States to govern them under the law of nations, according to the
recommendation of Mr. Benton, and expressed in these words:
"By the laws of nations a conquered territory is subject to be
governed by the conqueror during his military possession, and
until there is either a treaty of peace, or he shall voluntarily
withdraw from it. The old civil government being necessarily
superseded, it is the right and duty of the conqueror to secure
his conquest, and provide for the maintenance of civil order and
the rights of the inhabitants. This right has been exercised and
this duty performed by our military and naval commanders, by the
establishment of temporary governments in some of the conquered
provinces in Mexico, assimilating them as far as practicable
to the free institutions of our country. In the provinces of
New Mexico and of the Californias, little, if any further
resistance is apprehended from the inhabitants of the temporary
governments which have thus, from the necessity of the case,
and according to the laws of war, been established. It may be
proper to provide for the security of these important conquests,
by making an adequate appropriation for the purpose of erecting
fortifications, and defraying the expenses necessarily incident
to the maintenance of our possession and authority over them."
Having abandoned the idea of conquering by "a masterly inactivity,"
and adopted the idea of a vigorous prosecution of the war, the
President also adopted Mr. Benton's plan for prosecuting it, which
was to carry the war straight to the city of Mexico--General Taylor,
for that purpose, to be supplied with 25,000 men, that, advancing
along the table land by San Luis de Potosi, and overcoming all the
obstacles in his way, and leaving some garrisons, he might arrive
at the capital with some 10,000 men:--General Scott to be supplied
with 15,000, that, landing at Vera Cruz, and leaving some battalions
to invest (with the seamen) that town, he might run up the road to
Mexico, arriving there (after all casualties) with 10,000 men. Thus
20,000 men were expected to arrive at the capital, but 10,000 were
deemed enough to master any Mexican force which could meet it--no
matter how numerous. This plan (and that without any reference to
dissensions among generals) required a higher rank than that of
major-general. A lieutenant-general, representing the constitutional
commander-in-chief, was the proper commander in the field: and as
such, was a part of Colonel Benton's plan; to which negotiation
was to be added, and much relied on, as it was known that the old
republican party--that which had framed a constitution on the model
of that of the United States, and sought its friendship--were all
in favor of peace. All this plan was given to the President in
writing, and having adopted all that part of it which depended on
his own authority, he applied to Congress to give him authority to
do what he could not without it, namely, to make the appointment of
a lieutenant-general--the appointment, it being well known, intended
for Senator Benton, who had been a colonel in the army before either
of the present generals held that rank. The bill for the creation of
this office readily passed the House of Representatives, but was
undermined and defeated in the Senate by three of the President's
cabinet ministers, Messrs. Marcy, Walker, and Buchanan--done
covertly, of course, for reasons unconnected with the public
service. The plan went on, and was consummated, although the office
of lieutenant-general was not created. A major-general, in right
of seniority, had to command other major-generals; while every one
accustomed to military, or naval service, knows that it is rank,
and not seniority, which is essential to harmonious and efficient
command.