CHAPTER CVII.

EXPENSE OF THE NAVY: WASTE OF MONEY NECESSITY OF A NAVAL PEACE

ESTABLISHMENT, AND OF A NAVAL POLICY.

The naval policy of the United States was a question of party

division from the origin of parties in the early years of the

government--the federal party favoring a strong and splendid navy,

the republican a moderate establishment, adapted to the purposes of

defence more than of offence: and this line of division between the

parties (under whatsoever names they have since worn), continues

more or less perceptible to the present time. In this time (the

administration of Mr. Tyler) all the branches being of the same

political party, and retaining the early principles of the party

under the name of whig, the policy for a great navy developed itself

with great vigor. The new Secretary, Mr. Upshur, recommended a large

increase of ships, seamen, and officers, involving an additional

expense of about two millions and a half in the naval branch of the

service; and that at a time when a deficit of fourteen millions

was announced, and a resort to taxes, loans and treasury notes

recommended to make it up; and when no emergency required increase

in that branch of the public service. Such a recommendation brought

on a debate in which the policy of a great navy was discussed--the

necessity of a naval peace establishment was urged--the cost of

our establishment examined--and the waste of money in the naval

department severely exposed. Mr. Calhoun, always attentive to the

economical working of the government, opened the discussion on this

interesting point.

"The aggregate expense of the British navy in the year 1840

amounted to 4,980,353 pounds sterling, deducting the expense

of transport for troops and convicts, which does not properly

belong to the navy. That sum, at $4 80 to the pound sterling, is

equal to $23,905,694 46. The navy was composed of 392 vessels

of war of all descriptions, leaving out 36 steam vessels in the

packet service, and 23 sloops fitted for foreign packets. Of the

392, 98 were line of battle ships, of which 19 were building;

116 frigates, of which 14 were building; 68 sloops, of which 13

were building; 44 steam vessels, of which 16 were building; and

66 gun brigs, schooners, and cutters, of which 12 were building.

"The effective force of the year--that which was in actual

service, consisted of 3,400 officers, 3,998 petty officers,

12,846 seamen, and 9,000 marines, making an aggregate of 29,244.

The number of vessels in actual service were 175, of which 24

were line of battle ships, 31 frigates, 30 steam vessels, and 45

gun brigs, schooners, and cutters, not including the 30 steamers

and 24 sloops in the packet service, at an average expenditure

of $573 for each individual, including officers, petty officers,

seamen, and marines.

"Our navy is composed, at present, according to the report

of the Secretary accompanying the President's message, of 67

vessels--of which 11 are line of battle ships, 17 frigates,

18 sloops of war, 2 brigs, 4 schooners, 4 steamers, 3 store

ships, 3 receiving vessels, and 5 small schooners. The estimates

for the year are made on the assumption, that there will be

in service during the year, 2 ships of the line, 1 razee, 6

frigates, 20 sloops, 11 brigs and schooners, 3 steamers, 3 store

ships and 8 small vessels; making in the aggregate, 53 vessels.

The estimates for the year, for the navy and marine corps,

as has been stated, is $8,705,579 83, considerably exceeding

one-third of the entire expenditures of the British navy for

1840.

"Mr. C. contended there should be no difference in the expenses

of the two navies. We should build as cheap and employ men as

cheap, or we should not be able to compete with the British

navy. If our navy should prove vastly more expensive than the

British navy, we might as well give up, and he recommended this

matter to the consideration of the Senate.

"Among the objects of retrenchment, I place at the head the

great increase that is proposed to be made to the expenditures

of the navy, compared with that of last year. It is no less

than $2,508,032 13, taking the expenditures of last year from

the annual report of the Secretary. I see no sufficient reason,

at this time, and in the present embarrassed condition of the

Treasury, for this great increase. I have looked over the

report of the Secretary hastily, and find none assigned, except

general reasons, for an increased navy, which I am not disposed

to controvert. But I am decidedly of the opinion, that the

commencement ought to be postponed till some systematic plan is

matured, both as to the ratio of increase and the description

of force of which the addition should consist, and till the

department is properly organized, and in a condition to enforce

exact responsibility and economy in its disbursements. That the

department is not now properly organized, and in that condition,

we have the authority of the Secretary himself, in which I

concur. I am satisfied that its administration cannot be made

effective under the present organization, particularly as it

regards its expenditures."

"The expenses of this government were of three classes: the

civil list, the army and the navy; and all of these had been

increased enormously since 1823. The remedy now was to compare

the present with the past, mark the difference, and compel the

difference to be accounted for. He cited 1823, and intended to

make that the standard, because that was the standard for him,

the government being then economically administered. He selected

1823, also, because in 1824 we commenced a new system, and that

of protection, which had done so much evil. We had made two

tariffs since then, the origin of all evils. The civil list rose

in seventeen years from about $2,000,000 to $6,000,000--nearly a

threefold proportion compared with the increase of population.

In Congress the increase had been enormous. The increase of

contingent expenses had been fivefold, and compared with

population, sixfold. The aggregate expenses of the two Houses

now amounted to more than $250,000. The expense of collecting

revenue had also been enormously increased. From 1823 it had

gone up from $700,000 to $1,700,000--an increase of one million

of dollars. The expense on collection in 1823 was but one per

cent., now one per cent. and 5-100. Under the tariff these

increases were made from 1824 to 1828. Estimating the expenses

of collection at $800,000, about $1,000,000 would be saved. The

judiciary had increased in this proportion, and the light-house

department also. In the war department, in 1822 (the only year

for which he had estimates), the expenses per man were but $264;

now the increase had gone up to $400 for each individual. At one

time it had been as much as $480 for each individual--$1,400,000

could be saved here in the army proper, including the military

academy alone. It might be said that one was a cheap and the

other a dear year. Far otherwise; meat was never cheaper,

clothing never as cheap as now. All this resulted from the

expansive force of a surplus revenue. In 1822 he had reduced the

expenses of every man in the army.

"It had been proposed to increase the expenditures of the

navy two and a half millions of dollars over the past year,

and he was not ready for this. Deduct two millions from this

recommendation, and it would be two millions saved. These

appropriations, at least, might go over to the next session.

The expenses of the marine corps amounted to nearly six hundred

thousand dollars, nearly six hundred dollars a head--two hundred

dollars a head higher than the army, cadets and all. He hoped

the other expenses of the navy department were not in proportion

so high as this. Between the reductions which might be made in

the marine corps and the navy, two millions and a half might be

saved.

"The Secretary of the Treasury estimates for 32 millions of

dollars for the expenses of the current year. I am satisfied

that $17,000,000 were sufficient to meet the per annum expenses

of the government, and that this sum would have been according

to the ratio of population. This sum, by economy, could be

brought down to fifteen millions, and thus save nine millions

over the present estimates. This could be done in three or four

years--the Executive leading the way, and Congress co-operating

and following the Executive."

This was spoken in the year 1842. Mr. Calhoun was then confident

that the ordinary expenses of the government should not exceed 17

millions of dollars, and that, with good economy that sum might be

further reduced two millions, making the expenses but 15 millions

per annum. The navy was one of the great points to which he looked

for retrenchment and reduction; and on that point he required that

the annual appropriation for the navy should be decreased instead

of being augmented; and that the money appropriated should be

more judiciously and economically applied. The President should

lead the way in economy and retrenchment. Organization as well

as economy was wanted in the navy--a properly organized peace

establishment. The peace establishment of the British navy in 1840,

was 24 millions--there being 173 vessels in commission. Instead

of reduction, the expense of our navy, also in time of peace, is

gaining largely upon hers. It is nearly doubled since Mr. Calhoun

spoke--15 millions in 1855.

Mr. Woodbury, who had been Secretary of the Navy under President

Jackson, spoke decidedly against the proposed increase, and against

the large expenditure in the department, and its unfavorable

comparison with the expenses of the British navy in time of peace.

He said:

"There are twenty-nine or thirty post-captains now on leave or

waiting orders, and from thirty to forty commanders. Many of

them are impatient to be called into active service--hating a

life of indolence--an idle loafing life--and who are anxious

to be performing some public service for the pay they receive.

It was, generally, not their fault that they were not on duty;

but ours, in making them so numerous that they could not be

employed. He dwelt on the peace establishment of England--for

her navy averaged £18,000,000 in time of war, before the year

1820--but her peace establishment was now only £5,000,000 to

6,000,000. Gentlemen talk of 103 post-captains being necessary,

for employment in commission; while England has only 70

post-captains employed in vessels in commission. She had fewer

commanders so employed than our whole number of the same grade.

"The host of English navy officers was on retired and

half-pay--less in amount than ours by one-third when full, and

not one-half of full pay often, when retired; and her seamen

only half. Her vessels afloat, also, were mostly small ones--63

of them being steamers, with only one or two guns on an average.

"That the navy ought to be regulated by law, every gentleman

admits. Without any express law, was there not a manifest

propriety in any proviso which should prevent the number of

appointments from being carried half up, or quite up to the

standard of the British navy, on full pay? It would be a great

relief to the Executive, and the head of the Navy Department, to

fix some limitation on appointments, by which the importunities

with which they are beset shall not be the occasion of

overloading the Government with a greater number of officers in

any grade than the exigencies of the service actually demand. A

clerk in any public office, a lieutenant in the army, a judge

could not be appointed without authority of law; and why should

there not be a similar check with regard to officers in the navy?

"It was urged heretofore, in official communications by himself,

that it would be proper to limit Executive discretion in this;

and a benefit to the Executive and the departments would also

accrue by passing laws regulating the peace establishment. He

had submitted a resolution for that purpose, in December last,

which had not been acted on; though he hoped it yet would be

acted upon before our adjournment. It was better to bring this

matter forward in an appropriation bill, than that there should

be no check at all. It is the only way in which the House now

finds it practicable to effect any control on this question. It

could only be done in an appropriation bill, which gives that

House the power of control as to navy officers. There should

be no reflection on the House on this account; for there is no

reflection on the Executive or the Senate. It is their right and

duty in the present exigency. He considered the introduction

of it into this bill under all the circumstances, not only

highly excusable, but justifiable. He did not mean to say that

a separate law would not, in itself, if prepared early and

seasonably, be more desirable; but he contended this check was

better than none at all. When acting on this proviso the Senate

is acting on the whole bill. It was not put in without some

meaning. It was not merely to strip the Executive and the Senate

of the appointing power, now unlimited: its object was to reduce

the expenses of the navy, from the Secretary of the Navy's

estimate of eight and a half millions of dollars, to about

$6,293,000. That was the whole effect of the whole measure, and

of all the changes in the bill.

"The difference between both sides of the Senate on this

subject seemed to be, that one believed the navy ought to be

kept upon a _quasi_ war establishment; and the other, in peace

and not expecting war, believed it ought to be on a peace

establishment;--not cut down below that, but left liberally for

peace.

"During the administration of the younger Adams, there was a

peace establishment of the navy; and was it not then perfectly

efficient and prosperous for all peace purposes? Yet the average

expenditure then was only from three to four millions. It was so

under General Jackson. Under Mr. Adams, piracy was extirpated in

the West Indies. Under his successor, the Malays in the farthest

India were chastised; and a semi-banditti broken up at the

Falkland Islands. It was not till 1836 '37 that a large increase

commenced. But why? Because there was an overflowing treasury.

We were embarrassed with money, rather than for money. An

exploring expedition was then decided upon. But even with that

expedition--so noble and glorious in some respects--six millions

and a fraction were the whole expenses. But why should it now at

once be raised to eight and a half millions?"

The British have a peace as well as a war establishment for their

navy; and the former was usually about one-third of the latter. We

have no naval peace establishment. It is all on the war footing,

and is now (1855) nearly double the expense of what it was in the

war with Great Britain. A perpetual war establishment, when there

is no war. This is an anomaly which no other country presents, and

which no country can stand, and arises from the act of 1806, which

authorizes the President "_to keep in actual service, in time of

peace, so many of the frigates and other armed public vessels of the

United States as in his judgment the nature of the service might

require, and to cause the residue thereof to be laid up in ordinary

in convenient ports_." This is the discretion which the act of 1806

gives to the President--unlimited so far as that clause goes; but

limited by two subsequent clauses limiting the number of officers to

be employed to 94, and the whole number of seamen and boys to 925;

and placing the unemployed officers on half pay without rations--a

degree of reduction which made them anxious to be at sea instead of

remaining unemployed at home. Under Mr. Jefferson, then, the act

of 1806 made a naval peace establishment; but doing away all the

limitations of that act, and leaving nothing of it in force but the

presidential discretion to employ as many vessels as the service

might require, the whole navy is thrown into the hands of the

President: and the manner in which he might exercise that discretion

might depend entirely upon the view which he would take of the naval

policy which ought to be pursued--whether great fleets for offence,

or cruisers for defence. All the limitations of the act of 1806 have

been thrown down--even the limitation to half pay; and unemployed

pay has been placed so high as to make it an object with officers to

be unemployed. Mr. Reuel Williams, of Maine, exposed this solecism

in a few pertinent remarks. He said:

"Half of the navy officers are now ashore, and there can be no

necessity for such a number of officers as to admit of half

being at sea, and the other half on land. Such was not the case

heretofore. It was in 1835 that such increase of shore pay was

made, as caused it to be the interest of the officers to be off

duty. The only cure for this evil was, either to reduce the pay

when off duty, or to limit the time of relaxation, and to adjust

the number to the actual requirements of the service."

The vote was taken upon the increase proposed by the Secretary of

the Navy, and recommended by the President, and it was carried by

one vote--the yeas and nays being well defined by the party line.

"YEAS--Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Berrien, Choate, Clayton,

Conrad, Crittenden, Evans, Graham, Henderson, Huntington, Kerr,

Mangum, Merrick, Miller, Morehead, Porter, Preston, Rives,

Simmons, Tallmadge, and Woodbridge--23."

"NAYS--Messrs. Allen, Bagby, Benton, Buchanan, Crafts, Cuthbert,

Fulton, King, Linn, McRoberts, Sevier, Smith of Connecticut,

Smith of Indiana, Sturgeon, Tappan, Walker, White, Wilcox,

Williams, Woodbury, Wright and Young--22."

Mr. Benton spoke chiefly to the necessity of having a naval

policy--a policy which would determine what was to be relied on--a

great navy for offence, or a moderate one for defence; and a peace

establishment in time of peace, or a war establishment in peace as

well as war. Some extracts from his speech are given in the next

chapter.

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 107 / 202 章