In the same month of November 1589, there came two great ships out of

the Spanish Indies, and when within half a mile of the road of Tercera,

they were met with by an English ship which fought them both together

for a long while, and took them both. About seven or eight months

before, there came an English ship to Tercera, pretending to be a

Frenchman come for traffic, and began to load woad, but being discovered

was confiscated to the king, both ship and cargo, and the men all made

prisoners, yet were allowed to roam up and down to get their livings, by

labouring like slaves, being considered in as safe custody in the island

at large as if in a prison. But at length, upon a Sunday, they all went

behind the hills called _Bresil_, where they found a fishing boat, in

which they rowed out to sea to the ships of the Earl of Cumberland, who

chanced for their good fortune to come to the island, and anchored with

his ships about half a mile from the road of Angra, close to two small

islands about a bare shot from the shore of Tercera, which are full of

goats, deer, and sheep, belonging to the inhabitants of Tercera. These

sailors knew this well, wherefore they rowed to these islands in their

boats, whence they took as many goats and sheep as they needed, which

was well seen by those of the town and main island, but they durst not

go forth to hinder them. By this exploit, there only remained behind the

master and merchant of the detained English ship. This master had a

brother-in-law in England, who, on hearing of his brothers imprisonment,

got a licence from the queen to fit out a ship, with which to endeavour

to recover his losses by cruizing against the Spaniards, by which to

redeem his brother from imprisonment in Tercera, and it was he who took

the two Spanish ships before the town: The before-mentioned merchant,

who was my intimate acquaintance, was standing on the shore along with

me, looking at them at the time. When these ships were taken, which were

worth 300,000 ducats, the brother sent all the men on shore, except only

two of the principal gentlemen, whom he kept to give in exchange for his

brother; and by the pilot of one of the captured ships he sent a letter

to the governor of Tercera, offering to send the two gentlemen on shore

if his brother were delivered up, otherwise he would carry them

prisoners into England, which indeed he did, as the governor would not

deliver up his brother, saying the gentlemen might make that suit to the

king of Spain. We invited that Spanish pilot to supper with us, and the

Englishmen likewise, when he related to us the particulars of the fight,

much commending the order and manner in which the English fought, as

also their courteous behaviour to him: But, in the end, the English

merchant stole away in a French ship, without paying any ransom.

In January 1590, there arrived one ship alone at Tercera from the

Spanish West Indies, bringing news that a fleet of an hundred sail,

which had set out from the Indies, were driven by a storm on the coast

of Florida, where they were all cast away, vast riches and many men

being lost, and she alone had escaped with the news. Thus by account, of

200 ships which were certainly known to have sailed out of New Spain,

San Domingo, Havannah, Cabo Verde, Brazil, Guinea, &c. in the year

1589, for Spain and Portugal, not above 14 or 15 of them arrived safe,

all the rest having either been foundered, cast away, or taken. In the

same month of January, there came to Tercera from Seville, 15 or 16

ships, mostly fliboats of the Low Countries, and some ships of Britanny,

that were arrested in Spain. These came out full of soldiers and well

provided with guns and ammunition, to lade home the silver that lay in

Tercera, and to bring home Alvaro Flores into Spain, by order of the

king. As at this time of the year there are always great storms about

these islands, the above-mentioned ships durst not enter the road of

Tercera, for it then blew so great a storm that some of the ships, which

had entered the road, had been forced to cut away their masts, and were

in much danger of being lost, and among these a ship of Biscay was

actually driven upon the coast and dashed to pieces, but all the men

were saved. The other ships were obliged to keep to sea and to separate

from each other, allowing themselves to drive at the mercy of the winds

and waves till the 15th of March, as in all that time they had not one

day of good weather in which to anchor, so that they endured much

distress, heartily cursing both the silver and the island.

When this storm was passed, they fell in with an English ship of about

40 tons, which by reason of the heavy wind could not hoist all her

sails, so that they took her. Hoisting her English ensign on the stern

of their admiral, the ships came now as proudly into the road-stead of

Tercera as if they had defeated the whole navy of England: But, just as

their admiral was entering the road, trickt out with the English flag on

his stern, there came by chance two English ships past the island, which

paid her so well for her bravity, that she had to cry out

_misericordia_. Had she been a mile farther out, the English ships

doubtless would have taken her; but getting under the guns of the

fortress, which began to play upon the English ships, they were forced

to leave her and put farther out to sea, after having slain five or six

of the Spaniards.

The Englishmen taken in the small ship were put under hatches, coupled

together in irons; and, after they had been three or four days

prisoners, a Spanish ensign in the ship, who had a brother slain in the

armada that went against England, took a fancy to revenge his brothers

death, and to shew his own manhood on these captives; whereupon, taking

a poinard, he stabbed six of them to the heart as they sat below in

irons. Two others of them perceiving this atrocious action, clasped each

other about the body, and leapt into the sea, where they were drowned.

This infamous act was much disliked by all the Spaniards, so that the

assassin was carried prisoner to Lisbon; upon which the king of Spain

commanded him to be sent to England, that the queen might use him

according to her pleasure; which sentence, at the earnest request of the

friends of the murderer, was commuted to an order for his being

beheaded; but on Good Friday, when the cardinal was going to mass, the

captains and commanders made such intercession for him, that he was

finally pardoned. I thought good to note this incident, that the bloody

and dishonourable minds of the Spaniards to those who were under

subjection to them, might be made manifest.

The same two English ships, which followed the Spanish admiral till he

took shelter under the guns of the fort, put out to sea, where they met

with the only remaining vessel of that fleet which had been scattered in

the storm, all the rest being now in the road. This small ship they

took, sending all me men on shore unhurt; but it they had known what had

been done to the English captives, I believe they would have taken

vengeance, as many an innocent soul afterwards paid for the atrocity of

the Spanish ensign. The ship now taken by the English, was the same

which had been formerly confiscated at Tercera, and was sold to the

Spaniards that then came from the Indies, who sailed in her to San

Lucar; where it also was arrested by the duke, and appointed to go along

with the others, to fetch the silver from Tercera, as it was a good

sailer; but it was the meanest of all that fleet. By this means, it was

taken from the Spaniards and carried to England, where the owners got it

again when they least expected.

On the 19th March 1590, having laden the kings silver and received

Alvaro Flores with his company, and good provision of necessaries,

warlike ammunitions and soldiers, the before-mentioned 19 ships sailed

from Tercera, firmly resolved, as they set forth, to fight valiantly to

the last man, before they would yield or lose their riches. Though they

intended to make for San Lucar, the wind forced them to Lisbon, as if

willing to keep them there in safety, although Alvaro Flores would have

persisted in forcing his way to San Lucar against the wind and weather.

But, constrained by adverse wind, and importunately urged by the

mariners, who protested they would require their losses and damages from

him, he consented to put in at Lisbon, whence the silver was conveyed by

land to Seville. At this time, there lay 20 English ships off Cape St

Vincent, to watch for this fleet; so that if they had gone forwards for

Sun Lucar, which they certainly had done if the wind had been fair, they

must have fallen into the hands of the English: They may say, therefore,

that the wind lent them a fortunate voyage on this occasion. If the

English had met them, they had surely been in great danger, and possibly

few of them had escaped, on account of the fear which they were then in

of the English; as fortune, or God rather, was then wholly against them,

which was enough to make the Spaniards out of heart, and to inspire the

English with the greater boldness; for being victorious, they were stout

and valiant, and seeing all their enterprizes successful, they were

become lords and masters of the sea, and needed to care for no man, as

well appears from this short narrative.

On the 7th of August 1590, a fleet of 20 English ships appeared off

Tercera, five of them being ships belonging to the queen, of which one

Martin Frobisher was general, as we afterwards learnt. They came

purposely to watch for the fleet of the Spanish West Indies, and for the

India ships, and the ships of the other countries in the West. This put

the islanders in great fear, especially those of Fayal, where the

English sent a trumpeter to the governor, to ask certain supplies of

wine, flesh, and other provisions for their money. This request was not

only refused, but they shot the messenger and slew him, which gave the

English much displeasure, so that they sent another message desiring

them to look to themselves and keep sure guard, as they meant to come

and visit them per force. The governor sent back for answer, that he was

there in behalf of the king of Spain, and would do his best to keep them

out, as in duty bound; but nothing was done after all, though the people

of Fayal were in great fear, sending to Tercera for aid, whence they had

some barks with powder and other ammunition of war, with some Biscuit

and other necessary provisions.

The 30th of August, certain news came from Portugal, that 80 ships had

sailed from _the Groin_, (Corunna) laden with victuals, ammunition of

war, money, and soldiers, bound for Britanny in aid of the catholic

leaguers of France against the king of Navarre. At this time likewise,

two Netherland hulks, when half seas over on their way from Portugal to

Tercera, were met by four English ships belonging to the queen,

commanded by Sir John Hawkins, by whom they were stopped; but he let

them go again uninjured. According to the report of these Netherlanders,

each of these ships carried 80 pieces of ordnance. They reported

likewise, that Captain Drake (Sir Francis) lay with 40 English ships in

the channel, watching for the fleet from Corunna; and that ten other

English ships lay off Cape St Vincent, that if any ships escaped

Frobisher at the islands, they might intercept them. These tidings

greatly alarmed the islanders, lest if the English failed of catching

the Spanish fleet, and got nothing by them, they might fall upon the

islands, that they might not go home empty handed; whereupon they held

strict watch, sending home advice to the king of what intelligence they

had.

The 1st September, there came a Portuguese ship from Pernambuco in

Brazil to the island of St Michael, with news, that the admiral of the

Portuguese fleet from the East Indies, having missed St Helena, was

forced to put into Pernambuco, though expressly forbidden by the king

under a heavy penalty, because of the worms in that haven which greatly

spoil the ships. The same ship, in which was the Admiral Bernardin

Ribero, sailed the former year 1589 from Lisbon for India with five

ships in her company, four only of which got to India, the fifth being

never heard of, so that she was believed lost. The other four returned

safe into Portugal, though the admiral was much spoiled, as he met two

English ships, which fought him a long while and slew many of his men,

yet he escaped from them at last. The 5th of the same month, there

arrived at Tercera a caravel belonging to Corvo, bringing 50 men who had

been spoiled by the English, who set them ashore on the island of Corvo.

They had been taken in a ship coming from the Spanish West Indies, and

reported that the English had taken four other West India ships, and a

caravel having the king of Spains letters of advice for the Portuguese

ships coming from the East Indies; and that, including those they had

taken, the English had at least 40 ships together, so that nothing could

escape them; therefore, that the Portuguese ships coming from India

durst not put into the islands, but took their course between 40° and

42° of N. latitude, whence they shaped their course for Lisbon, shunning

likewise Cape St Vincent, as otherwise they could not look for safety,

the sea being quite full of English ships. Wherefore, the king advised

that the fleet now at Havannah in the Spanish West Indies, and ready to

sail for Spain, should remain till the next year, because of the great

danger of falling into the hands of the English. This was no small

charge and hindrance to the fleet, as the ships that remain long at the

Havannah consume themselves and in a manner eat up one another, from the

great number of their people, and the great scarcity and dearness of

every thing at that place; wherefore many of the ships adventured rather

to hazard themselves singly for the voyage than to stay there; all of

which fell into the hands of the English, and many of their men were

brought to Tercera: So that we could see nothing else for a whole day

but spoiled men set on shore, some from one ship and some from another,

it being pitiful to see and hear them all, cursing the English and their

own bad fortunes, with those who had been the cause of provoking the

English to war, and complaining of the small remedy and order taken

therein by the officers of the king of Spain.

The 19th of the same month of September, a caravel arrived at Tercera

from Lisbon, bringing one of the kings officers to cause lade the goods

that were saved from the Malacca ship, and for which we had so long

tarried there, and to send them to Lisbon. At the same time Don Alonso

de Baçan sailed from Corunna for the Azores with 40 great ships of war,

to wait for the fleets from the Spanish and Portuguese Indies, which,

along with our Malacca goods when laden, he was to convoy to the Tagus.

But, when he had been some days at sea, always with a contrary wind,

only two of his ships could get to the islands, all the rest being

scattered. When these two ships arrived at Tercera and did not find the

fleet, they immediately returned in search of it. In the mean time the

king changing his mind, sent orders for the commercial ships to remain

in the Indies, and for Don Alonso Baçan to return to Corunna, which he

did accordingly, never once coming near the Azores except the two ships

already mentioned; for he well knew that the English lay near Corvo, but

would not visit them, and so returned to Corunna. Thus our goods from

Malacca remained unshipped, and were trussed up again, having to wait

some other opportunity.

The 23d October in this same year 1590, a caravel came from Portugal to

Tercera, bringing advice that of the five ships which sailed in that

year from Lisbon for the East Indies, four of them had returned to

Portugal after being four months at sea: the admiral ship, in which was

the viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque, having only got to India after being

eleven months at sea without ever seeing land, as was afterwards learnt

by news over-land, having arrived in great misery at Malacca. In this

ship there died 280 men during the voyage out, according to a note sent

by the viceroy to the cardinal at Lisbon, with the names and sirnames of

every man, likewise giving a narrative of the voyage, and the misery

they had endured. This obstinate perseverance was entirely occasioned by

the anxiety of Albuquerque not to lose the government of Portuguese

India, as he had sworn to lose his life or arrive in India, which indeed

he did to the great danger and loss of his company, many of whom paid

with their lives, and that chiefly owing to want of provisions.

Albuquerque knew well, however, if he had returned to Portugal with the

other ships, that he would have been deprived of his government, as the

people began already to murmur at his proud and lofty demeanour. Among

other instances of his pride, he caused to be painted over his gallery,

the figure of Fortune and his own picture, with a staff standing by, as

if threatening Fortune, with this motto, _Quero que vencas_; that is, _I

will have thee to overcome_[383]. When this was read by the cardinal and

other gentlemen, who accompanied him on board out of respect, they

thought it an instance of foolish arrogance: But this is no strange

matter among the Portuguese, as they above all others _must let the fool

peep out of their sleeves_, especially when in authority. I knew Mathias

de Albuquerque in India, when a military officer, then beloved of all

men and behaving himself courteously to all, so that he was unanimously

desired to be their viceroy. But, having received his patent with full

power and authority, he so much changed from his former behaviour, that,

by reason of his pride, all began to fear and curse him, even before his

departure from Lisbon, such charges being often seen in many men, when

advanced to high state and dignity[384].

[Footnote 383: De Faria says, "The season was so far advanced when he

set out, that it was generally believed he would not accomplish the

voyage. But he caused himself to be painted on his colours standing on

Fortune; and, setting these up in his ship, declared he would perform

the voyage in spite of her, and did so" As De Faria does not reflect

upon him for this, it may be presumed, he thought it merely an

indication of an heroic disposition.--Astley, I. 231. a.]

[Footnote 384: De Faria gives a very advantageous character of this

viceroy, saying that he was one of the most deserving of those who

enjoyed that high station. He left 80,000 ducats in the treasury,

besides jewels of Ceylon of great value. He thought no one could cheat

him; yet, on purpose to undeceive him, a soldier drew his pay three

several times by as many names. He was of middle stature, and lame of

one foot, but not so in disposition and manners, being a good Christian

and well-bred gentleman.--Astley, I. 231, b.]

The 20th January 1591, news was brought from Portugal to Tercera, that

the English had taken a ship sent by the king to the Portuguese Indies,

carrying advice to the viceroy of the return of the four ships to

Portugal; which captured ship was stuffed full of goods, in consequence

of their return, besides having 500,000 ducats in ryals of eight. It

sailed from Lisbon in November 1590, and fought the English a long time,

but had at length to yield, and was carried to England, where all the

men were set free and returned to Lisbon, at which place the captain was

thrown into prison, but afterwards justified himself and was released,

as he told me personally. The English took, at the same time, a ship

coming from the Mina, laden with gold, and two ships laden with pepper

and other spices, bound for Italy, their pepper only being worth 170,000

ducats. All these rich prizes were carried clear off into England.

In July 1591, an earthquake commenced in the island of Tercera, which

continued from the 26th of that month to the 12th of August, or 18 days,

during all which time no person durst remain within a house, but all

fled into the fields in terrible consternation, fasting and praying

almost incessantly. Many houses fell down, and in particular a town

called Villa Franca was almost utterly destroyed, all its houses and

cloisters thrown down, and several people slain. In some places the

ground rose up, the cliffs were removed from their places, and even some

hills were thrown down and levelled with the adjoining plains. The

earthquake was so violent, that the ships in the road and in the

adjoining sea, were shaken as if the whole earth had been agitated to

its centre. In one place a fountain sprung from the ground, whence clear

water flowed in abundance for four days, and then ceased. All this time

a noise was heard under ground as of thunder, or as if all the devils in

hell had been assembled there, by which many died of fear. Four several

times the island of Tercera shook with such violence as if it had turned

upon its foundations, yet was it not overwhelmed. Earthquakes are common

in these islands, as about 20 years before there happened just such an

earthquake, when a hill, close to the town of Villa Franca, fell down

and buried all the town with earth, by which many people were

overwhelmed and slain.

The 25th of August, the kings armada from Ferrol arrived in Tercera,

consisting of 30 ships of war belonging to Biscay, Portugal, and Spain,

together with 10 Dutch fliboats that were pressed at Lisbon into the

service, besides other small vessels and _pataxos_ to serve as

advice-boats, and to scour the seas for intelligence. This fleet came to

wait for and convoy the ships from the Spanish Indies; and the fliboats

were for the purpose of bringing home to Lisbon our goods that were

saved in the lost ship from Malacca. This fleet arrived at the island of

Corvo on the 13th of September[385], where the English then lay waiting

for the fleet from the Spanish Indies, with a squadron of about 16

ships. Some or most of the Spanish ships were already come to the

Azores, and the English were in great hopes to have taken them: But, on

perceiving the Spanish fleet of war to be so strong, the lord Thomas

Howard, who was admiral of the English, gave orders to his fleet not to

assail the Spaniards, and on no account to separate from him without

special orders[386]. Yet the vice-admiral, Sir Richard Grenville, in his

ship the Revenge, bore into the Spanish fleet, and shot among them doing

much harm, thinking that the rest of the English ships would have

followed him, which they did not, but left him there and sailed away,

the reason of which could not be known. Perceiving this, the Spaniards

boarded the Revenge with 7 or 8 ships, but she bravely withstood them

all, fighting with them at the least 12 hours without ceasing, and sunk

two of them, one a double fliboat of 600 tons, and admiral of the

fliboats, the other a ship of Biscay. In the end, however, in

consequence of the overwhelming number that came against her, the

Revenge was taken, but to the heavy loss of the Spaniards, who lost in

the fight, either slain or drowned, above 400 men, while 100 of the

English were slain. Sir Richard was himself wounded in the brain, of

which he afterwards died.

[Footnote 385: It is probable, from this date, that the arrival of the

fleet at Tercera on the 25th August, as above, is an error; and that it

only then left Ferrol; on its voyage for Tercera.--E.]

[Footnote 386: See the English account of these events in the

immediately preceding section.--E.]

Sir Richard, after the Revenge yielded, was carried on board the San

Paulo, the ship in which was Don Alonso de Baçan, the admiral of the

Spanish fleet, where his wounds were dressed by the Spanish surgeons,

but Don Alonso would neither see nor speak to him. All the other

captains went to visit and comfort him in his hard fortune, wondering at

his courage and constancy, as he shewed no signs of faintness, not even

changing colour: But, feeling his death approaching, he spoke in Spanish

to the following purport: "Here die I Richard Grenville, with a joyous

and quiet mind, having ended my life as a true soldier ought to do,

fighting for my country, my queen, my religion, and my honour: so that

my soul most joyfully departeth from this body, and shall always leave

behind the everlasting fame of a true and valiant soldier, having done

my duty as became me." When he had finished these, or such like words,

he gave up the ghost with great and unshaken courage, no man being able

to perceive the least sign of concern. This sir Richard Grenville was a

great and rich gentleman of England, having large yearly revenues, but

of a daring and intrepid disposition, and much affected to warlike

enterprize; insomuch that he voluntarily offered his services to the

queen. He had performed many valiant deeds, and was greatly feared among

the islands, his intrepidity being well known to all. He was, however,

of a severe and rigid character, so that his own people feared and hated

him for his fierceness, and spoke very hardly of him. For, when they in

the Revenge first fell in among the Spanish fleet, they had their

mainsail in readiness, and might possibly have got away, as it was one

of the best sailing ships of the English; and, as the master perceived

that the rest of the squadron had left them, and did not follow up to

their support, he gave orders to _cut the mainsail_, that they likewise

should make off: But sir Richard threatened him and all the rest of the

crew, that if any man laid hold of the mainsail with that intent, he

would cause him to be hung up immediately; so that in fact they were

compelled to fight, and in the end were taken. He was of so hardy a

complexion, that, while among the Spanish officers, while at dinner or

supper with them, he would swallow three or four bumpers of wine, and

then by way of bravado, crush the glasses between his teeth and swallow

them, so that the blood ran out of his mouth, yet without any apparent

harm to him. This was told me by several credible persons, who had often

stood by and beheld him.

The Englishmen who remained alive in the Revenge, as the captain of the

soldiers, the master, and others, were distributed among the different

ships by which she was taken. On taking possession of her, a fight had

almost taken place between the Biscaineers and Portuguese who boarded

her, both claiming the honour of having boarded first, so that there

grew a great noise and quarrel among them, one seizing the chief ensign,

and the other the flag, the captains and every one holding their own.

The ships which had laid her on board were altogether out of order, and

sore shattered, having many of their men hurt, so that they had to come

to Tercera to be repaired. On their arrival, I and my chamber companion,

desirous to hear the news, went on board one of the twelve apostles, or

great ships of Biscay, whose captain was _Bartandono_[387], who had been

general of the Biscaineers in the great armada that went against

England. On seeing us, he called us into his gallery, where he received

us courteously, being then at dinner along with the English captain, who

was dressed in a suit of black velvet, but could not tell us any thing,

as he could speak no other language but English and Latin, which last

Bartandono could speak a little. The English captain was permitted by

the governor of Tercera to land with his sword by his side, and was in

our lodging visiting the Englishman who belonged to the ship of which

the sailors escaped, as I related before. This captain wrote a letter,

in which he related all the particulars of the fight, and left it with

that English merchant who resided in the lodging with us, to forward it

to the lord admiral of England. The captain went afterwards to Lisbon,

where he was honourably received, and sent, to Setubal, whence he sailed

for England with the other prisoners. The master likewise of the Revenge

came on shore, with licence from Bartandono, and lived in the same

lodgings with us. He had at the least 10 or 12 wounds, in his head and

body, of which he afterwards died on his voyage from the islands to

Lisbon.

[Footnote 387: Named Britandona in the foregoing section.--E.]

The Spanish navy remained at the Azores till the end of September, to

assemble all the fleet together, which in the end amounted to the number

of 140 sail in all, including the ships of war and those of the Indies.

When all ready to sail, there arose suddenly so violent a storm, that

the islanders declared nothing like it had been seen in the memory of

man. The sea raged with such fury as if it would have swallowed up the

islands, the waves rising higher than the cliffs, so that it was amazing

to behold them, and living fish were thrown upon the land. The storm

lasted for seven or eight successive days, veering about to every point

of the compass at least twice or three times during its continuance,

with a continual tempestuous force most terrible to behold, even by us

who were on shore, much more to those who were on the sea, and exposed

to its fury. During this dreadful storm, above 12 ships were dashed to

pieces on the coasts and rocks of the island of Tercera all round about,

so that nothing was to be heard but weeping, lamenting, and wailing, now

a ship being broken in pieces in one place, then another at a different

place, and all the men drowned. For 20 days after the storm, nothing

else was done but fishing for dead men that were continually driving on

shore. Among the rest, the Revenge was cast away on a ledge of rocks

near the isle of Tercera, where she split to pieces and sunk, having in

her 70 men, Gallegos and Biscaineers and others, with some of the

captive English, one only of whom got upon the rock alive, having his

head and body all wounded. Being brought on shore, he told us the sad

tidings, and desired to be shriven, after which he presently died. The

Revenge had in her several fine brass pieces of artillery, which were

all sunk in the sea; but the islanders had great hopes of weighing them

up next summer.

Among those ships that were cast away about Tercera, was one of those

fliboats which had been arrested in Portugal for the kings service,

named the White Dove, the master of which was one Cornelius Martenson of

Schiedam in Holland, having in her 100 soldiers, as was the case in all

the rest. Being overruled by the Spanish captain, so that he could not

be master of his own ship, he was sailing about at the mercy of the

winds and waves, and came at length in sight of Tercera, whereupon the

Spaniards, thinking all their safety consisted in putting into the

roads, compelled the master and pilot to make towards the island; and

when they remonstrated, saying they would certainly be cast away and all

destroyed, the Spanish captain called him a drunkard and heretic, and

striking him with a staff, commanded him to do as he was ordered. Seeing

this, the master said, "Well then, since it is your desire to be cast

away, I can lose but one life." He then made sail for the land, which

was on that side of the island where there is nothing but rocks and

stones as high as mountains, most terrible to behold. Several of the

inhabitants stood on the cliffs with long ropes, having bundles of cork

fastened to one end, to throw down to the men, that they might lay hold

of them and save their lives. Few of them, however, got near enough for

this, as most of them were dashed to pieces before they could reach the

rocks forming the wall-like shore. At this time, when approaching the

rocks, the master, who was an old man, called his son who sailed with

him, and having embraced and taken a last farewell, the good old father

desired his son to take no note of him, but to seek and save himself.

"Son, said he, thou art young, and mayst have some hope of saving thy

life; but I am old and it is no great matter what becomes of me." Thus,

shedding many tears, as may well be conceived in such a situation, the

ship struck the rocks and went in pieces, the father and son falling

into the sea on different sides of the vessel, each laying hold on what

came first to hand, but to no purpose. The sea was so high and furious,

that all were drowned, except fourteen or fifteen who saved themselves

by swimming, with their legs and arms half broken and sore hurt. Among

these was the Dutch masters son and four other Dutch boys; all the rest

of the Spaniards and sailors, with captain and master, being drowned.

What heart so hard as not to melt at so grievous a sight, especially

considering the beastly and ignorant insolence of the Spaniards? From

this instance, it may be conceived how the other ships sped, as we

indeed partly beheld, and were informed by those few who were saved,

some of whom were our countrymen.

On the other islands the loss was no less than at Tercera, two ships

were cast away on the island of St George; two on Pico; three on

Graciosa. Besides those, there were seen everywhere round about, many

pieces of broken ships and other things, floating towards the islands,

with which the sea was everywhere covered, most pitiful to behold. Four

ships were cast away on the island of St Michael, and three more were

sunk between Tercera and St Michael, from which not one man was saved,

though they were seen and heard to cry out for aid. All the rest were

dismasted and driven out to sea, all torn and rent; so that of the whole

armada and merchant ships, 140 in all, only 32 or 33 arrived in Spain

and Portugal, and these with great pain, misery and labour, not any two

together, but this day one, to-morrow another, and next day a third. All

the rest were cast away about the Azores islands, or foundered at sea,

whereby may be judged what loss was incurred; as the loss was esteemed

greater by many, than had been sustained in the great armada that went

against England. It may very well be considered that this terrible

disaster was a just judgment of God against the Spaniards; and it may

truly be said that the taking of the Revenge was justly revenged against

them, not by the force of men, but by the power of God. Some of the

people in Tercera said openly, that they verily believed God would

consume them, and that he had taken part with the Lutherans and

heretics. They alleged farther, that so soon as they had thrown the body

of Sir Richard Grenville overboard, they verily believed, as he had a

devilish faith and religion, therefore all the devils loved him: For he

instantly sunk to the bottom of the sea, and down into hell, where he

raised up all the devils to revenge his death; and that they brought

these great storms and tempests upon the Spaniards, because they only

maintained the Catholic and true Romish religion. Such and the like

blasphemies did they utter openly and continually, without being

reproved of any one for their false opinions.

Of their fleet which sailed from New Spain, 50 in all, 35 were cast away

or foundered at sea, so that 15 only escaped. Of the San Domingo fleet,

14 were cast away coming through the channel from Havannah, the admiral

and vice-admiral being of the number. Two ships, coming from the Terra

Firma, laden with gold and silver, were taken by the English; and before

the fleet under Don Alonso de Baçan came to Corvo, at the least 20

ships, coming from San Domingo, India, Brazil, &c. had been taken at

different times by the English, all of which were sent to England.

Section XIV.

_Cruizing voyage to the Azores, in 1592, by Sir John Burrough,

Knight_[388]

INTRODUCTION.

THE title of this section as here given from Astleys Collection, is by

no means accurate, as the service performed by Burrough forms only one

prominent portion of the present narrative. The expedition which it

relates was fitted out and commanded by the memorable Sir Walter

Raleigh, and the entire title of this relation, as given by Hakluyt, is

as follows: "A true report of the honourable service at sea, performed

by Sir John Burrough, knight, lieutenant-general of the fleet prepared

by the honourable Sir Walter Raleigh, knight, lord warden of the

stanneries of Cornwal and Devon. Wherein chiefly the Santa Clara of

Biscay, a ship of 600 tons, was taken, and two East India Caraks, the

Santa Cruz and the Madre de Dios were forced; the one burnt, and the

other taken and brought into Dartmouth, the 7th September 1592."

[Footnote 388: Hakluyt, III. 9. Astley, I. 245.]

Even this long title does not clearly describe the narrative, as Sir

Walter Raleigh actually sailed on the expedition. But it is not

necessary to extend this observation, as the story will sufficiently

explain itself. The editor of Astleys collection, alleges that Sir

Walter Raleigh seems to have been the author of this article.--E.

* * * * *

Having received a commission from the queen for an expedition to the

West Indies, Sir Walter Raleigh used the utmost diligence in making all

necessary preparations, both in the choice of good ships and sufficient

men and officers, as the performance sufficiently evinced. His ships

were 14 or 15 in number; of which the two principal belonged to the

queen, called the Garland and Foresight The rest either belonged to

himself or his friends, or to the adventurers of London. As for the

gentlemen who went with him as officers, they were so well qualified in

courage, experience and discretion, that the greatest prince might think

himself happy in being served by the like. The honour of

lieutenant-general [vice-admiral] was conferred upon Sir John Burrough,

a gentleman every way worthy of that command, by his many good and

heroic qualities; with whom, after Sir Walter returned, was joined in

commission Sir Martin Frobisher; who, for his great skill and knowledge

in maritime affairs, had formerly held employments of similar or greater

importance. The rest of the captains, sailors and soldiers were men of

notable resolution, and who for the most part had before given

sufficient proof of their valour, in sundry services of the like nature.

With these ships thus manned, Sir Walter Raleigh departed towards the

west country, there to provide such farther necessaries as were needful

for the expedition. The wind blew long from the west, quite contrary to

his intended course, by which he was wind-bound many weeks, the fittest

season for his purpose being thereby lost, his victuals much consumed,

and the minds of his people greatly changed. When her majesty came to

understand how crossly all this went, she began to call the propriety of

this expedition in question, as the 6th of May was come before Sir

Walter could put to sea. Sir Martin Frobisher came to him the next day,

in a pinnace of the lord admiral called the Disdain, and brought her

majestys letters of recal, with orders to leave the fleet under the

command of Sir John Burrough and Sir Martin Frobisher. But, finding his

honour so far engaged, that he saw no means to save his reputation or

content his friends who had adventured great sums on fitting out the

expedition, Sir Walter pretended to understand the queens letters as if

they had left it to his choice either to return or proceed; wherefore he

would in no case leave his fleet, now under sail.

Continuing therefore his course to sea, he met within a day or two some

ships newly come from Spain, among which was a ship belonging to

Monsieur Gourdon, governor of Calais, on board of which was one Mr Nevil

Davies an Englishman, who had endured a long and miserable captivity of

twelve years, partly in the inquisition, and had now by good fortune

made his escape, and was on his way home. Among other things, this man

reported that there was little good to be done or expected this year in

the West Indies, as the king of Spain had sent express orders to all the

ports both of the islands and the main, that no ships were to sail that

year, nor any treasure to be shipt for Spain. Yet did not this

unpleasant intelligence induce Sir Walter to desist from his

proceedings; till, on Thursday the 11th of May, a tempest of great

violence, when he was athwart Cape Finister, so scattered the greater

part of his fleet, and sunk his boats and pinnaces, that Sir Walter, who

was in the Garland belonging to her majesty, was in danger of

foundering.

Upon this, considering that the season of the year was too far gone for

the enterprize he meditated against Panama, having been detained by

contrary winds on the coast of England from February till May, in which

time he had expended three months victuals, and considering that to

cruize upon the Spanish coast or at the islands for the homeward bound

East or West India ships, was a mere work of patience, he gave

directions to Sir John Burrough and Sir Martin Frobisher, to divide the

fleet in two parts. Sir Martin, with the Garland, Captain George

Clifford, Captain Henry Thin, Captain Grenville and others, to lie off

the south cape, on purpose to oblige the Spanish fleet to remain on

their own coast; while Sir John Burrough, with Captain Robert Crosse,

Captain Thomson and others, should go to cruize off the Azores for the

caraks or any other Spanish ships coming from Mexico or other parts of

the West Indies. These intentions took effect accordingly: For the

Spanish admiral, having intelligence of the English fleet being on the

coast, attended to the defence of the southern parts of Spain, keeping

as near Sir Martin Frobisher as he could, to hinder the success of any

thing he might undertake, and thereby neglected the safe conduct of the

caraks.

Before the fleet separated, they met with a great ship of Biscay on the

coast of Spain, called the Santa Clara of 600 tons, which was taken

after a stout resistance. She was freighted with all sorts of small iron

ware, as horse shoes, nails, ploughshares, iron bars, spikes, bolts,

locks, gimbols, &c. and valued by us at 6000 or 7000 pounds, though

worth treble that value to them. This ship was on her way to San Lucar,

to take in there some farther articles of freight for the West Indies;

and being first rummaged, was sent off for England. Our fleet then

sailed towards the south cape of St Vincent; and while near the rock of

Lisbon, Sir John Burrough in the Roebuck espied a sail far off to which

he gave chace. Being a fliboat and a quick sailer, she drew him far to

the south before he could fetch her, but at last, she came under his lee

and struck sail. The master gave information, that a great fleet was

prepared at Cadiz and San Lucar, destined according to report for the

West Indies; but the real object of this armament was this: Having

received notice that Sir Walter Raleigh was fitted out with a strong

force for the West Indies, the king of Spain had provided this great

fleet to oppose him; but, in the first place, as the East India caraks

were expected, this fleet was to convoy them home. But, as he persuaded

himself, if Sir Walter went to the West Indies, the Azores would only

have a few small ships of war to infest them, his orders to Don Alonzo

de Baçan, brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and general of his

armada, were to pursue the fleet of Sir Walter Raleigh whatever course

he went, and to attack him wherever he could find him.

Our men soon found this to be true, for, not long after the capture of

the fliboat, as Sir John Burrough sailed back again to rejoin his fleet,

he discovered the Spanish fleet to seaward; which, espying him between

them and the shore, made themselves sure of carrying him into a Spanish

harbour. For this purpose, they spread themselves in such sort before

him, that his danger was very great, as his course to seawards was

utterly impeded, and the land being hostile could yield him no relief.

In this extremity, putting his trust in God and his good ship, he thrust

out from among them with all sail, and in spite of their force and

notable cunning to intercept him, got clear off. Having thus got clear,

and finding the coast so well guarded by this fleet, and knowing it were

only folly to expect meeting with Sir Martin Frobisher, who knew of the

armada as well as himself, and would be sure to avoid them, he began to

shape his course directly for the Azores, according to the orders of Sir

Walter Raleigh, and soon came in sight of St Michael, running so near

the town of Villa Franca, that he could easily discern the ships that

lay there at anchor. He intercepted several small vessels, both here and

between St Georges and Pico in his course to Flores, but could get no

intelligence from them for his purpose.

Arriving before Flores on Thursday the 21st June towards evening, then

only accompanied by captain Caufield and the master of his ship, the

rest not being yet arrived, be made towards the shore in his boat, where

he found all the inhabitants of Santa Cruz, a village or small town of

that island, under arms, and drawn up to oppose his landing. Having no

intention of committing hostilities, Sir John shewed a white flag in

token of amity, which was answered by the islanders, upon which a

friendly conference ensued, and hostages were taken on both sides, the

captain of the town for them, and captain Caufield for us; so that

whatever our people wanted and that place could supply, as fresh water,

victuals, or the like, was freely granted by the inhabitants, and our

people had leave to refresh themselves on shore without restraint, as

long and as often as they pleased. At this place Sir John Burrough was

informed, that they had no expectation of any fleet coming from the West

Indies; but that only three days before his arrival, a carak had passed

by from the East Indies for Lisbon, and that there were four more behind

all of one convoy. Being very glad of this news, Sir John embarked

immediately, having at this time in his company only a small bark of

Bristol, belonging to one Mr Hopkins.

In the meanwhile, part of the English ships that Sir John had left on

the coast of Spain drew towards the Azores; and Sir John very soon got

sight of one of the caraks. The same evening he descried two or three of

the earl of Cumberlands ships, whereof one Mr Norton was captain, which

had descried the carak and pursued in the track she was following for

the islands, but no way could be made by either party, as it was almost

a dead calm. In this dilemma, on purpose to discover her force, burden,

and countenance, Sir John took his boat and rowed three miles towards

her, to make her out exactly; and on his return, having consulted with

his officers, it was resolved to board her in the morning. A heavy storm

arose in the night, which forced them to weigh anchor, yet did they bear

up amain against the weather, not to lose the carak. In the morning,

being very near the shore, our men could perceive the carak close to the

land, and the Portuguese using their utmost endeavour to convey whatever

they could from her on shore. Seeing our men making all haste to come

upon her, the Portuguese forsook her, but first, that nothing might be

left for our men, they set her on fire, that neither the glory of

victory nor the benefit of the ship and cargo might remain to the

English. And, lest the English might find means to extinguish the fire,

and thereby to preserve a part of the cargo, being in number 400 well

armed men, they entrenched themselves on shore as near as possible to

the carak, to keep our men aloof till the fire might consume the carak

and all her contents.

Seeing this, Sir John landed with an hundred of his men, many of whom

had to swim on shore or wade more than breast high; and having easily

dispersed those who guarded the shore, he no sooner approached the

entrenchment but the Portuguese fled, leaving as much as the fire had

spared to reward the pains of our men. Among others taken at the

entrenchment, were a Portuguese called Vincent Fonseca, purser of the

carak, with two of her cannoneers, one a German, and the other a

Hollander; who, refusing to give any account voluntarily of what was

asked, were threatened with torture, and then confessed that within

fifteen days three other caraks would certainly arrive at the same

island, there being five caraks in the fleet at their departure from

Goa, the Buen Jesus admiral, Madre de Dios, San Bernardo, San

Christophoro, and Santa Cruz, that now on fire. They had especial orders

from the king of Spain, not in any case to touch at St. Helena, where

the Portuguese caraks used always till now to refresh on their way from

the East Indies, procuring water and fresh, provisions. The reason of

this order was, that the king was informed the English men of war meant

to lie there in wait for them. If therefore, their necessities should

drive them to seek supply any where, they were commanded to put in at

Angola on the coast of Africa, and only to remain there so long as was

necessary to take in water, that they might avoid the inconvenience of

infections, to which that hot country is dangerously liable. The last

rendezvous appointed for them was the island of Flores, where they were

assured of a naval force meeting them and convoying them to Lisbon.

On receiving this intelligence, Sir John held a council with Captains

Norton, Downton, and Abraham Cocke, commanding three ships of the Earl

of Cumberland, Mr Thomson of Harwich, captain of the Dainty, belonging

to Sir John Hawkins, one of Sir Walter Raleighs fleet, Captain

Christopher Newton of the Golden Dragon, newly come from the West

Indies, and others. To these he communicated the intelligence he had

just got from the foresaid examination, and what great presumptions of

truth appeared in their story; and wishing, since God and their good

fortune had so opportunely brought them together, that they might unite

their utmost endeavours to bring these Orientals under the lee of

English obedience. Upon this it was mutually agreed not to part company

or leave these seas, till time and opportunity should enable them to put

their consultations into execution. Next day her majestys ship

Foresight, Sir Robert Cross, joined them, and he, being informed of the

matter, entered heartily on this service. Then Sir John, with all these

ships, went 6 or 7 leagues to the west of Flores, spreading them out in

a line from north to south, each ship at least two leagues distant from

each other, by which order they were able to discover two whole degrees

of the sea.

They lay in this manner from the 29th of June to the 3d of August, when

Captain Thomson in the Dainty had first sight of the huge carak called

the Madre de Dios, one of the greatest belonging to the crown of

Portugal. Having the start of the rest, and being an excellent sailor,

the Dainty began the combat something to her cost, by the slaughter and

hurt of several of her men. Within a little Sir John Burrough came up to

second her in the Roebuck, belonging to Sir Walter Raleigh, and saluted

the Madre de Dios with great shot, continuing the fight within

musket-shot, assisted by Captains Thomson and Newport, till Sir Robert

Cross came up, who was vice-admiral and was to leeward, on which Sir

John asked his opinion what was best to be done. Sir Robert said, if she

were not boarded she would reach the shore and be set on fire, as had

been done with the other. Wherefore Sir John Burrough concluded to

grapple her, and Sir Robert Cross engaged to do so likewise at the same

moment, which was done accordingly. After some time in this situation,

Sir John Burroughs ship received a shot of a _cannon perier_[389] under

water; and, being ready to sink, desired Sir Robert to fall off, that he

also might clear himself and save his ship from sinking. This was done

with much difficulty, as both the Roebuck and Foresight were so

entangled that they could not clear themselves.

[Footnote 389: Probably a large stone ball.--E.]

That same evening, finding the carak drawing near the land, Sir Robert

Crosse persuaded his consorts to board her again, as otherwise there

were no hopes of taking her. After many fears and excuses, he at last

encouraged them, and then went athwart her bows all alone, and so

hindered her sailing, that the rest had time to get up to the attack

before she could make the land. So, towards evening, after Sir Robert

had fought her three hours singly, two of the Earl of Cumberlands ships

came up, and then they and Sir Robert Crosse carried her by boarding

with very little loss, as Sir Robert by this time had broken their

courage, and made the assault easy for the rest. Having disarmed the

Portuguese, and bestowed them for better security as prisoners into the

other ships, Sir Robert had now time to contemplate the proportions of

this vast carak, which did then, and may still provoke the admiration of

all men not accustomed to such a sight. But though this first view

afforded our men sufficient admiration, yet the pitiful sight of so

many bodies slain and mangled drew tears from their eyes, and induced

them to lend aid to those miserable people, whose limbs were sore torn

by the shot, and their bodies agonized by a multitude of wounds. No man

could almost step but upon a dead carcass or a bloody floor, but

especially about the helm, where many of them had been slain while

endeavouring to steer, as it required the united strength of twelve or

fourteen men at once to move the rudder, and some of our ships beating

in at her stern with their ordnance, often slew four or five labouring

on each side of the helm at one shot, whose places were immediately

supplied by fresh hands, and as our artillery incessantly plied them

with continual vollies, much blood was necessarily spilt in that place.

Moved with compassion for their misery, our general immediately sent

them his own surgeons, withholding no possible aid or relief that he or

his company could supply. Among those whom this chance of war had

rendered most deplorable, was Don Fernando de Mendoça, grand captain and

commander of this mighty carak, descended of the house of Mendoça in

Spain, but having married in Portugal, lived there as one of that

nation. He was a gentleman well striken in years, of comely personage

and good stature, but of hard fortune. In the course of his services

against the Moors he had been twice taken prisoner, and both times

ransomed by the king. In a former return voyage from the East Indies, he

was driven upon the _Baxos_ or sands of _India_, near the coast of

Sofala, being then captain of a carak which was lost, and himself fell

into the hands of the infidels on shore, who kept him in a long and

rigorous captivity. Once more, having great respect for him, and willing

to mend his fortune, the king had given him the conduct of this huge

carak, in which he went from Lisbon as admiral of the India fleet, and

had returned in that capacity, but that the viceroy embarked in the Bon

Jesus, and assumed that rank in virtue of his late office. Not willing

to add too severely to the affliction of this man, Sir John Burrough

freely dismissed Don Fernando and most of his followers, giving them

some vessels for that purpose, with all necessary provisions.

Having dispatched this business, Sir John Burrough had leisure to take

such a survey of the goods in his prize, as the convenience of the seas

would admit; and seeing many inclined to commit spoil and pillage, he

very prudently seized upon the whole in the name of her majesty. He then

made a cursory inspection of the cargo, and perceived that the wealth

would be fully answerable to expectation, and would be more than

sufficient to content both the desires of the adventurers, and the

fatigues and dangers of the captors. I cannot here refrain from

acknowledging the great favour of God to our nation, by putting this

rich prize into our hands, thereby manifestly discovering the secrets

and riches of the trade of India, which had hitherto lain strangely

bidden and cunningly concealed from our knowledge, only a very imperfect

glimpse of it being seen by a few, while it is now turned into the broad

light of full and perfect knowledge. Whence it would appear to be the

will of God for our good, if only our weakness would so apprehend it,

that we should participate in those East Indian treasures, by the

establishment of a lawful traffic, to better our means of advancing the

true religion and the holy service of God.

This carak, in the judgment of those most experienced, was of not less

than 1600 tons burden, 900 of which were stowed full of rich

merchandize; the remainder being allowed partly for the ordnance, which

were 32 pieces of brass cannon of all sorts, and partly to the ships

company, passengers, and victuals, which last could not be a small

quantity, considering the length of the voyage, and that there were

between six and seven hundred persons on board. To give a taste as it

were of the commodities, it may suffice to give a general enumeration of

them, according to the catalogue made out at Leadenhall, London, on the

15th September 1592. After the jewels, which were certainly of great

value, though they never came to light, the principal wares consisted of

spices, drugs, silks, calicoes, quilts, carpets, and colours, &c. The

spices were pepper, cloves, mace, nutmegs, cinnamon, green ginger. The

drugs, benzoin, frankincense, gallinga, mirabolans, socotorine aloes,

camphor. The silks, damasks, taffetas, sarcenets, _altobassos_ or

counterfeit cloth of gold, unwrought China silk, sleaved silk, white

twisted silk, and curled cypress. The calicoes were book-calicoe,

calicoe-lawns, broad white calicoes, fine starched calicoes, coarse

white calicoes, brown broad calicoes, brown coarse calicoes. There were

also canopies, and coarse diaper towels, quilts of coarse sarsenet, and

of calico, and carpets like those of Turkey. Likewise pearls, musk,

civet, and ambergris. The rest of the wares were many in number, but

less in value; as elephants teeth, porcelain vessels of China, coco

nuts, hides, ebony as black as jet, bedsteads of the same, curious cloth

made of the rind of trees, &c. All which piles of merchandize, being

valued at a reasonable rate by men of approved judgment, amounted to no

less than 150,000 pounds Sterling, which being divided among the

adventurers, of whom her majesty was the chief, was sufficient to

content all parties.

The cargo being taken out, and the goods reloaded on board ten of our

ships to be sent to London, one Mr Robert Adams, a man of excellent

skill, took the exact bigness, height, length, breadth, and other

dimensions of this huge vessel, that these might be preserved according

to the exact rules of geometrical proportions, both for present

knowledge and transmission to posterity, omitting nothing which either

his art could demonstrate, or any mans judgment think worthy of being

known. After an exact survey of the whole frame, he found the extreme

length, from the beak head to the stern, where a lantern was erected,

165 feet. The breadth, in the second close deck, of which she had three,

but this the broadest, was 46 feet 10 inches. At her departure from

Cochin in India, her draught of water was 31 feet; but at her arrival in

Dartmouth, not above 26, being lightened 5 feet during her voyage by

various causes. She contained 7 several stories; viz. one main orlop,

three close decks, one forecastle, and a spar deck of two floors each.

The length of the keel was 100 feet, of the main-mast 121 feet, and its

circumference at the partners was 10 feet 7 inches. The main-yard was

106 feet long. By this accurate mensuration, the hugeness of the whole

is apparent, and far beyond the mould of the largest ships used among

us, either for war or cargo.

Don Alonso de Baçan, having a greater fleet, and yet suffering these two

great caraks to be lost, the Santa Cruz burnt, and the Madre de Dios

taken, was disgraced by the king of Spain for his negligence.

SECTION XV.

_The taking of two Spanish Ships, laden with quicksilver and the Popes

bulls, in 1592, by Captain Thomas White_.[390]

While returning from Barbary in the Amity of London, and in the latitude

of 36° N. at 4 in the morning of the 26th of July 1592, Captain White

got sight of two ships at the distance of three or four leagues. Giving

immediate chace, he came within gun-shot of them by 7 o'clock; and by

their boldness in shewing Spanish colours, he judged them rather to be

ships of war than laden with merchandize; indeed, by their own

confession afterwards, they made themselves so sure of taking him, that

they debated among themselves whether it were better for them to carry

his ship to San Lucar or Lisbon. After waving each other amain, the

Spaniards placed themselves in order of battle, a cables length before

the other, when the fight began, both sides charging and firing as fast

as they were able, at the distance of a cables length, for the space of

five hours. In this time, the Amity received 32 great shots in her hull,

masts, and sails, besides at least 500 iron muskets and arquebuses,

which were counted after the fight.

[Footnote 390: Astley, I. 249. The editor of Astleys collection gives no

notice of the source whence he procured this narrative. The Spanish

ships with quicksilver are usually called _azogue_ or _assogue_ ships;

the word assogue signifying quicksilver.--E.]

Finding them to make so stout a resistance, Captain White attempted to

board the Biscaian, which was foremost; and after lying on board about

an hour, plying his ordnance and small shot, he _stowed all her

men_[391]. At this time, the other vessel, which was a fliboat, thinking

Captain White had boarded her consort with all his men, _bore room with

him_[392], intending to have laid him close on board, so as to entrap

him between both ships, and place him between two fires. Perceiving this

intention, he fitted his ordnance in such sort as to get quit of her, so

that she boarded her consort, and both fell from him. Mr White now kept

his loof, hoisted his main-sails, and weathering both ships, came close

aboard the fliboat, to which he gave his whole broadside, by which

several of her men were slain, as appeared by the blood running from her

scuppers. After this he tacked about, new charged all his ordnance, and

coming round again upon both ships, ordered them to yield or he would

sink them outright. One of them being shot between wind and water, would

have complied, but the other called him a traitor; on which Captain

White called out, that if he also did not presently yield, he would sink

him first. Intimidated by this threat, they both hung out white flags

and yielded; yet refused to strike their own sails, as they had sworn

not to strike to any Englishman.

[Footnote 391: This expression seems to mean, that he forced them to run

below.--E.]

[Footnote 392: That is, bore down upon him.--E.]

He then commanded the captains and masters to come on board the Amity,

where they were examined and placed in safe custody; after which he sent

some of his own men on board both ships to strike the sails and man

them. There were found in both, 126 persons alive, with eight dead

bodies, besides those that had been cast overboard. This victory was

obtained by 42 men and a boy, of whom two were slain and three wounded.

The two prizes were laden with 1400 chests of quicksilver, marked with

the arms of Castile and Leon, besides a vast quantity of bulls or

indulgences, and ten packs of gilded missals and breviaries, all on the

kings account. Also an hundred tons of excellent wine, intended for the

supply of the royal fleet; all of which Captain White brought shortly

afterwards to Blackwall in the river Thames.

By this capture of quicksilver, the king of Spain lost for every quintal

a quintal of silver, that should have been delivered to him by the

mine-masters in Peru, amounting in value to L.600,000. There were

likewise 2,072,000 bulls for living and dead persons, intended for the

use of New Spain, Yucatan, Guatimala, Honduras, and the Philippine

islands, taxed at two ryals each; besides 18,000 bulls at four ryals;

amounting in all to L.107,700: So that the total loss to the king of

Spain was L.707,700, not reckoning the loss and disappointment by the

mass-books and wine.

SECTION XVI.

_Narrative of the Destruction of a great East India Carak, in 1594,

written by Captain Nicholas. Downton_[393].

In the latter end of the year 1593, the right honourable the earl of

Cumberland, at his own charges and those of his friends, fitted out

three ships of equal size and rates, having each the same quantity of

provisions and the same number of men. These were, the Royal Exchange,

which went as admiral, commanded by Captain George Cave; the May-flower,

vice-admiral, commanded by Captain William Anthony; and the Sampson,

which my lord was pleased to commit to me, Nicholas Downton. In all the

three ships there were embarked 420 men of all sorts, or 140 in each.

Besides these, there, was a pinnace: called the Violet, or _Why-not-I._

[Footnote 393: Hakluyt, III. 14. Astley, I 250.]

Our instructions were sent to us at Plymouth, and we were directed to

open them at sea. The 6th of April 1594, we set sail from Plymouth

sound, directing our course for the coast of Spain. The 24th, being then

in lat. 43° N; we divided ourselves east and west from each other, on

purpose to keep a good look out, with orders from our admiral to close

up again at night. In the morning of the 27th, we descried the

May-flower and the little pinnace, in company with a prize they had

taken belonging to Viana in Portugal, and bound for Angola. This vessel

was about 28 tons burden, having 17 persons on board, with some 12 tons

of wine, which we divided among our ships, together with some rusk in

chests and barrels, 5 bales of coarse blue cloth, and some coarse linen

for negroes shirts; all of which goods were divided among our fleet. The

4th of May, we had sight again of our pinnace and the admirals shallop,

which had taken three Portuguese caravels, two of which we sent away and

kept the third. The 2d June we came in sight of St Michaels. The 3d we

sent off our pinnace, which was about 24 tons burden, together with the

small caravel we had taken off the Burlings, to range about the

anchorages of the Azores, trying to make captures of any thing they

could find, appointing them to meet with us at a rendezvous 12 leagues

W.S.W. from Fayal. Their going from us served no purpose, and was a

misfortune, as they omitted joining us when appointed, and we also

missed them when they might have been of much service.

The 13th of June we fell in with a mighty carak from the East Indies,

called _Las cinquellagues_, or the five wounds. The May-Flower was in

sight of her before night, and I got up with her in the evening. While I

had ordered our men to give her a broadside, and stood carefully

examining her strength, and where I might give council to board her in

the night when the admiral came up, I received a shot a little above the

belly, by which I was rendered unserviceable for a good while after, yet

no other person in my ship was touched that night. Fortunately, by means

of one captain Grant, an honest true-hearted man, nothing was neglected

though I was thus disabled. Until midnight, when the admiral came up,

the May-Flower and the Sampson never desisted from plying her with our

cannon, taking it in turns: But then captain Cave wished us to stay till

morning, when each of us was to give her three broadsides, and then lay

her on board; but we long lingered in the morning till 10 o'clock,

before we attempted to board her.

The admiral then laid her on board amid ships, and the May-Flower came

up on her quarter, as if to take her station astern of our admiral on

the larboard side of the carak; but the captain of the May-Flower was

slain at the first coming up, on which his ship fell astern on the

_outlicar_[394] of the carak, a piece of timber, which so tore her

foresail that they said they could not get up any more to fight, as

indeed they did not, but kept aloof from us all the rest of the action.

The Sampson went aboard on the bow of the carak, but had not room

enough, as our quarter lay on the bow of the Exchange, and our bow on

that of the carak. At the first coming up of the Exchange, her captain

Mr Cave was wounded in both legs, one of which he never recovered, so

that he was disabled from doing his duty, and had no one in his absence

that would undertake to lead his company to board the enemy. My friend,

captain Grant, led my men up the side of the carak; but his force being

small, and not being manfully seconded by the crew of the Exchange, the

enemy were bolder than they would have been, so that six of my men were

presently slain, and many more wounded; which made those that remained

return on board, and they would never more give the assault. Some of the

Exchanges men did very well, and I have no doubt that many more would

have done the like, if there had been any principal men to have led them

on, and not to have run into corners themselves. But I must allow that

the carak was as well provided for defence as any ship I have seen; and

perhaps the Portuguese were encouraged by our slackness, as they plied

our men from behind barricades, where they were out of danger from our

shot. They plied us also with wildfire, by which most of our men were

burnt in some parts of their body; and while our men were busied in

putting out the fire, the enemy galled them sore with small arms and

darts. This unusual casting of wildfire did much dismay many of our men,

and caused them greatly to hang back.

[Footnote 394: Probably a boom or outrigger for the management of the

after-sails.--E.]

Finding that our men would not again board, we plied our great ordnance

at them, elevated as much as possible, as otherwise we could do them

little harm. By shooting a piece from our forecastle, we set fire to a

mat at the beak head of the enemy, which kindled more and more,

communicating from the mat to the boltsprit, and thence to the

top-sail-yard; by which fire the Portuguese abaft were much alarmed, and

began to make show of a parley: But their officers encouraged them,

alleging that the fire could be easily extinguished, on which they again

stood stiffly to their defence; yet at length the fire grew so strong,

that I plainly saw it was beyond all help, even if she had yielded to

us. We then wished to have disentangled ourselves from the burning

carak, but had little hope of success; yet we plied water with great

diligence to keep our ship safe. At this time I had little hope but our

ship, myself, and several of our wounded men must have been all

destroyed along with the carak. Most of our people indeed might have

saved themselves in boats on board our consorts. When we were at the

worst, by Gods providence our spritsail-yard with the sail and ropes,

which were fast entangled with the spritsail-yard of the carak, were so

burned that we fell away, with the loss of some of our sails. The

Exchange also, being farther aft and more distant from the fire, was

more easily cleared, and fell off abaft.

As soon as God had put us out of danger, the fire caught hold of the

forecastle of the carak, where I think there was great store of benzoin,

or some such combustible matter, for it flamed and flowed over the

carak, which was almost in an instant all over in flames. The Portuguese

now leapt over-board in great numbers, and I sent captain Grant with

the boat, bidding him use his discretion in saving them. He brought me

on board two gentlemen. One of them was an old man named Nuno Velio

Pereira, who had been governor of Mozambique and Sofala in the year

1582, and had since been governor of a place of importance in the East

Indies. The ship in which he was coming home was cast away a little to

the east of the Cape of Good Hope, whence he travelled by land to

Mozambique, and got a passage in this carak. The other was named Bras

Carrero, who was captain of a carak that was cast away at Mozambique,

and came likewise as a passenger in this ship. Also three men of the

inferior sort; but only these two gentlemen we clothed and brought home

to England. The rest, and others which were saved by our other boats,

were all set on shore on the island of Flores, except two or three

negroes, one of whom was a native of Mozambique, and the other of the

East Indies.

This fight took place in the open sea, 6 leagues to the southward of the

sound or channel between Fayal and Pico. The people whom we saved

informed us, that the cause of the carak refusing to yield was, that she

and all her goods belonged to the king, being all that had been

collected for him that year in India, and that the captain of her was

greatly in favour with the king, and expected to have been made viceroy

of India at his return. This great carak was by no means lumbered,

either within board or on deck, being more like a ship of war than a

merchant vessel; and, besides her own men and guns, she had the crew and

ordnance that belonged to another carak that was cast away at

Mozambique, and the crew of another that was lost a little way to the

east of the Cape of Good Hope. Yet, through sickness caught at Angola,

where they watered, it was said she had not now above 150 white men on

board, but a great many negroes. They likewise told us there were three

noblemen and three ladies on board; but we found them to disagree much

in their stories. The carak continued to burn all the rest of that day

and the succeeding night; but next morning, on the fire reaching her

powder, being 60 barrels, which was in the lowest part of her hold, she

blew up with a dreadful explosion, most of her materials floating about

on the sea. Some of the people said she was larger than the Madre de

Dios, and some that she was less. She was much undermasted and

undersailed, yet she went well through the water, considering that she

was very foul. The shot we made at her from the cannon of our ship,

before we laid her on board, might be seven broadsides of six or seven

shots each, one with another, or about 49 shots in all. We lay on board

her about two hours, during which we discharged at her about 20 sacre

shots. Thus much may suffice for our dangerous conflict with that

unfortunate carak.

On the 30th of June, after traversing the seas, we got sight of another

huge carak, which some of our company took at first for the great San

Philippo, the admiral of Spain; but on coming up with her next day, we

certainly perceived her to be a carak. After bestowing some shots upon

her, we summoned her to yield, but they stood stoutly on their defence,

and utterly refused to strike. Wherefore, as no good could be done

without boarding, I consulted as to what course we should follow for

that purpose; but as we, who were the chief captains, were partly slain

and the rest wounded in the former conflict, and because of the

murmuring of some disorderly and cowardly fellows, all our resolute

determinations were crossed: To conclude in a few words, the carak

escaped our hands. After this, we continued to cruize for some time

about Corvo and Flores, in hopes of falling in with some ships from the

West Indies; but, being disappointed in this expectation, and provisions

falling short, we returned for England, where I arrived at Portsmouth on

the 28th of August 1594.

SECTION XVII.

_List of the Royal Navy of England of the demise of Queen

Elizabeth_[395].

The following list of the royal navy of England, as left in good

condition by Queen Elizabeth at her death in 1603, was written by Sir

William Monson, a naval officer of that and the two following reigns,

"By which, he observes, she and her realm gained honour, by the exploits

and victories they and her subjects obtained." It would occupy too much

space to give a contrasted list of the royal navy in the present year,

1813; but which our readers can easily obtain from the monthly lists

published at London.

[Footnote 395: Church. Collect. III. 196.]

Men in Men at Of which

Names of Ships. Tonnage. Harbour. Sea. Mariners. Sailors. Guns.

Elizabeth-Jonas, 900 30 500 340[A] 120[A] 40

Triumph, 1000 30 500 340 120 40

White Bear, 900 30 500 340 120 40

Victory, 800 17 400 268 100 32

Ark Royal, 800 17 400 268 100 32

Mere Honour, 800 17 400 268 100 32

St Matthew, 1000 30 500 340 120 40

St Andrew, 900 17 400 268 100 32

Due Repulse, 700 16 350 230 90 30

Garland, 700 16 300 190 80 30

Warspite, 600 12 300 190 80 30

Mary-Rose, 600 12 250 150 70 30

Hope, 600 12 250 150 70 30

Bonaventure, 600 12 250 150 70 30

Lion, 500 12 250 150 70 30

Nonpareille, 500 12 250 150 70 30

Defiance, 500 12 250 150 70 30

Rainbow, 500 12 250 150 70 30

Dreadnought, 400 10 200 130 50 20

Antilope, 350 10 160 114 30 16

Swiftsure, 400 10 200 130 50 20

Swallow, 380 10 160 114 30 16

Foresight, 300 10 160 114 30 16

Tide, 250 7 120 88 20 12

Crane, 200 7 100 76 20 12

Adventure, 250 7 120 88 20 12

Quittance, 200 7 100 76 20 12

Answer, 200 7 100 76 20 12

Advantage, 200 7 100 70 20 12

Tiger, 200 7 100 70 20 12

Tremontain, 6 70 52 10 8

Scout, 120 6 66 48 10 8

Catis, 100 5 60 42 10 8

Charles, 70 5 45 32 7 6

Moon, 60 5 40 30 5 5

Advice, 50 5 40 30 5 5

Spy, 50 5 40 30 5 5

Merlin, 45 5 35 26 4 5

Sun, 40 5 30 24 2 4

Synnet[B] 20 2

George Hoy, 100 10

Penny-rose Hoy, 80 8

[Footnote A: The difference between mariners and sailors is not obvious:

Perhaps the former were what are now called ordinary, and the latter

able seamen. Besides, the numbers of both these united, do not make up

the whole compliment of men at sea: Perhaps the deficiency, being 40 in

the largest ships of this list, was made up by what were then called

_grummets:_ servants, ship-boys, or landsmen.--E.]

[Footnote B: This name ought probably to have been the Cygnet.]

CHAPTER IX.

EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH TO THE EAST INDIES, BEFORE THE

ESTABLISHMENT OF AN EXCLUSIVE COMPANY.

SECTION I.

_Voyage to Goa in 1579, in the Portuguese fleet, by Thomas

Stevens_[396].

INTRODUCTION.

We now begin to draw towards India, the following being the first

voyage we know of, that was performed to that country by any Englishman.

Though Stevens was only a passenger in the ship of another nation, yet

the account he gave of the navigation was doubtless one of the motives

that induced his countrymen to visit India a few years afterwards in

their own bottoms. Indeed the chief and more immediate causes seem to

have been the rich caraks, taken in the cruizing voyages against the

Spaniards and Portuguese about this time, which both gave the English

some insight into the India trade, and inflamed their desire of

participating in so rich a commerce.

[Footnote 396: Hakluyt, II, 581. Astley, I. 191.]

The account of this voyage is contained in the following letter from

Thomas Stevens, to his father Thomas Stevens in London: In this letter,

preserved by Hakluyt, several very good remarks will be found respecting

the navigation to India, as practised in those days; yet no mention is

made in the letter, as to the profession of Stevens, or on what occasion

he went to India. By the letters of Newberry and Fitch[397], which will

be found in their proper place, written from Goa in 1584, it appears

that he was a priest or Jesuit, belonging to the college of St Paul at

that place; whence it may be concluded that the design of his voyage was

to propagate the Romish religion in India. In a marginal note to one of

these letters, Hakluyt intimates that _Padre_ Thomas Stevens was born in

Wiltshire, and was sometime of New College Oxford. He was very

serviceable to Newberry and Fitch, who acknowledge that they owed the

recovery of their liberty and goods, if not their lives, to him and

another _Padre_. This is also mentioned by Pyrard de la Val, who was

prisoner at Goa in 1608, at which time Stevens was rector of Morgan

College in the island of Salcet[398]."--_Astley._

[Footnote 397: In Hakluyts Collection, new edition, II. 376. et seq.]

[Footnote 398: Purchas his Pilgrims, II. 1670.]

* * * * *

After most humble commendations to you and my mother, and craving your

daily blessing, these are to certify you of my being alive, according to

your will and my duty. I wrote you that I had taken my journey from

Italy to Portugal, which letter I think came to your hands, in which

hope I have the less need to tell you the cause of my departing, which

in one word I may express, by naming _obedience_. I came to Lisbon

towards the end of March, eight days before the departure of the ships,

so late that, if they had not been detained about some important

affairs, they had been gone before our arrival; insomuch that others

were appointed to go in our stead, that the kings intention and ours

might not be frustrated. But on our sudden arrival, these others did not

go, and we went as originally intended.

The 4th of April, five ships departed for Goa, in which, besides

mariners and soldiers, there were a great number of children, who bear

the sea much better than men, as also do many women. I need not tell

you, as you may easily imagine the solemnity of setting out, with sound

of trumpets and discharges of cannon, as they go forth in a warlike

manner. The 10th of the same month we came in sight of Porto Sancto near

Madeira, where an English ship set upon ours, now entirely alone, and

fired several shots which did us no harm: But when our ship had run out

her largest ordnance, the English ship made away from us. This English

ship was large and handsome, and I was sorry to see her so ill

occupied, as she went roving about the seas, and we met her again at the

Canaries, where we arrived on the 13th of the same month of April, and

had good opportunity to wonder at the high peaked mountain in the island

of Teneriffe, as we beat about between that island and Grand Canary for

four days with contrary winds, and indeed had such evil weather till the

14th of May, that we despaired of being able to double the Cape of Good

Hope that year. Yet, taking our course between Guinea and the Cape de

Verd islands, without seeing any land at all, we arrived at the coast of

Guinea, as the Portuguese call that part of the western coast of Africa

in the torrid zone, from the lat. of 6° N. to the equinoctial; in which

parts they suffer so much by extreme heats and want of wind, that they

think themselves happy when past it. Sometimes the ships stand quite

still and becalmed for many days, and sometimes they go on, but in such

a manner that they had almost as good stand still. The atmosphere on the

greatest part of this coast is never clear, but thick and cloudy, full

of thunder and lightening, and such unwholesome rain, that the water on

standing only a little while is full of animalculae, and by falling on

any meat that is hung out, fills it immediately with worms.

All along that coast, we oftentimes saw a thing swimming in the water

like a cocks comb but much fairer, which they call a _Guinea ship_[399].

It is borne up in the water by a substance almost like the swimming

bladder of a fish in size and colour, having many strings from it under

water, which prevent it from being overturned. It is so poisonous, that

one cannot touch it without much danger. On this coast, between the

sixth degree of north latitude and the equator, we spent no less than

thirty days either in calms or contrary winds. The 30th of May we

crossed the line with great difficulty, directing our course as well as

we could to pass the promontory[400], but in all that gulf of Guinea,

and all the rest of the way to the Cape, we found such frequent calms

that the most experienced mariners were much astonished. In places where

there always used to be horrible tempests, we found most invincible

calms, which were very troublesome to our ships, which being of the

greatest size cannot go without good winds; insomuch that when it is

almost an intolerable tempest for other ships, making them furl all

their sails, those large ships display their sails to the wind and sail

excellent well, unless the waves be too furious, which seldom happened

in our voyage. You must understand that, when once past the line, they

cannot go direct for the Cape the nearest way, but, according to the

wind, must hold on as near south as they can till in the latitude of the

Cape, which is 35° 30' S. They then shape their course to the east, and

so get round the Cape. But the wind so served us at 33 degrees, that we

directed our course thence for the Cape.

[Footnote 399: Otherwise called, by the English sailors, a Portuguese

man-of-war.--E.]

[Footnote 400: The Cape of Good Hope must be here meant.--E.]

You know that it is hard to sail from east to west, or the contrary,

because there is no fixed point in all the sky by which they can direct

their course, wherefore I shall tell you what help God hath provided to

direct them. There is not a fowl that appeareth, neither any sign in the

air or in the sea, that have not been written down by those who have

formerly made these voyages; so that partly by their own experience,

judging what space the ship was able to make with such and such a wind,

and partly by the experience of others recorded in the books of

navigations which they have, they guess whereabouts they may be in

regard to longitude, for they are always sure as to latitude. But the

greatest and best direction of all is, to mark the variation of the

needle or mariners compass; which, in the meridian of the island of St

Michael, one of the Azores in the same latitude with Lisbon, points due

north, and thence swerveth so much towards the east, that, between the

foresaid meridian and the extreme south point of Africa, it varieth

three or four of the thirty-two points. Again, having passed a little

beyond the cape called _das Agulias_, or of the Needles, it returneth

again towards the north; and when it hath attained that, it swerveth

again toward the west proportionally, as it did before eastwards.

In regard to the first mentioned signs from fowls: The nearer we came to

the coast of Africa, the more kinds and greater number of strange fowls

appeared; insomuch that, when we came within not less than thirty

leagues, almost 100 miles, and 600 miles as we thought from any other

land, as good as 3000 fowls of sundry kinds followed our ship; some of

them so great, that, when their wings were opened, they measured seven

spans from point to point of their wings, as the sailors said. It is a

marvellous thing to think how God hath so provided for these fowls in

so vast an expanse of sea, that they are all fat. The Portuguese have

named them all, according to some obvious property. Thus they call some

_rushtails_, because their tails are small and long like a rush, and not

proportionate to their bodies; some _fork-tails_, because their tails

are very broad and forked; others again _velvet-sleeves_, because their

wings are like velvet, and are always bent like a mans elbow. This bird

is always welcome, as it appears nearest the Cape. I should never have

an end, were I to tell you all particulars, but shall touch on a few

that may suffice, if you mark them well, to give cause for glorifying

God in his wonderful works, and in the variety of his creatures.

To say something of fishes: In all the places of calms, and especially

in the burning zone near the line, there continually waited on our ship

certain fishes, called _tuberones_[401] by the Portuguese, as long as a

man, which came to eat such things as might fall from the ship into the

sea, not even refusing men themselves if they could light upon any, and

if they find any meat hung over into the sea, they seize it. These have

waiting upon them continually six or seven, small fishes, having blue

and green bands round their bodies, like finely dressed serving men. Of

these two or three always swim before the shark, and some on every side,

[whence they are called _pilot fish_, by the English mariners.] They

have likewise other fishes [called _sucking fish_] which always cleave

to their bodies; and seem to feed on such superfluities as grow about

them, and they are said to enter into their bodies to purge them, when

needful. Formerly the mariners used to eat the sharks, but since they

have seen them devour men, their stomachs now abhor them; yet they draw

them up with great hooks, and kill as many of them as they can, thinking

thereby to take a great revenge. There is another kind of fish almost as

large as a herring, which hath wings and flieth, and are very numerous.

These have two enemies, one in the sea and the other in the air.

[Footnote 401: Evidently sharks, from the account of them.--E.]

That in the sea is the fish called _albicore_, as large as a salmon,

which follows with great swiftness to take them; on which this poor

fish, which cannot swim fast as it hath no fins, and only swims by the

motion of its tail, having its wings then shut along the sides of its

body, springeth out of the water and flieth, but not very high; on this

the albicore, though he have no wings, giveth a great leap out of the

water, and sometimes catcheth the flying fish, or else keepeth in the

water, going that way as fast as the other flieth. When the flying fish

is weary of the air, or thinketh himself out of danger, he returneth to

the water, where the albicore meeteth him; but sometimes his other

enemy, the sea-crow, catcheth him in the air before he falleth.

With these and the like sights, but always making our supplications to

God for good weather and the preservation of our ship, we came at length

to the south cape of Africa, the ever famous Cape of Good Hope, so much

desired yet feared of all men: But we there found no tempest, only

immense waves, where our pilot was guilty of an oversight; for, whereas

commonly all navigators do never come within sight of land, but,

contenting themselves with signs and finding the bottom, go their course

safe and sure, he, thinking to have the winds at will, shot nigh the

land; when the wind, changing into the south, with the assistance of the

mountainous waves, rolled us so near the land that we were in less than

14 fathoms, only six miles from _Capo das Agulias_, and there we looked

to be utterly lost. Under us were huge rocks, so sharp and cutting that

no anchor could possibly hold the ship, and the shore was so excessively

bad that nothing could take the land, which besides is full of _tigers_

and savage people, who put all strangers to death, so that we had no

hope or comfort, but only in God and a good conscience. Yet, after we

had lost our anchors, hoisting up our sails to try to get the ship upon

some safer part of the coast, it pleased God, when no man looked for

help, suddenly to fill our sails with a wind off the land, and so by

good providence we escaped, thanks be to God. The day following, being

in a place where they are always wont to fish, we also fell a fishing,

and caught so many, that they served the whole ships company all that

day and part of the next. One of our lines pulled up a coral of great

size and value; for it is said that in this place, which indeed we saw

by experience, that the corals grow on the rocks at the bottom of the

sea in the manner of stalks, becoming hard and red.

Our day of peril was the 29th of July. You must understand that, after

passing the Cape of Good Hope, there are two ways to India, one within

the island of Madagascar, or between that and Africa, called the Canal

of Mozambique, which the Portuguese prefer, as they refresh themselves

for a fortnight or a month at Mozambique, not without great need after

being so long at sea, and thence in another month get to Goa. The other

course is on the outside of the island of St Lawrence or Madagascar,

which they take when they set out too late, or come so late to the Cape

as not to have time to stop at Mozambique, and then they go on their

voyage in great heaviness, because in this way they have no port; and,

by reason of the long navigation, and the want of fresh provisions and

water, they fall into sundry diseases. Their gums become sore, and swell

in such a manner that they are fain to cut them away; their legs swell,

and all their bodies become sore, and so benumbed that they cannot move

hand nor foot, and so they die of weakness; while others fall into

fluxes and agues, of which they die. This was the way we were forced to

take; and, although we had above an hundred and fifty sick, there did

not die above seven or eight and twenty, which was esteemed a small loss

in comparison with other times. Though some of our fraternity were

diseased in this sort, thanks be to God I had good health the whole way,

contrary to the expectation of many: May God send me as good health on

the land, if it may be to his glory and service. This way is full of

hidden rocks and quicksands, so that sometimes we dared not sail by

night; but by the goodness of God we saw nothing all the way to hurt us,

neither did we ever find bottom till we came to the coast of India.

When we had again passed the line to the northward, and were come to the

third degree or somewhat more, we saw crabs swimming that were as red as

if they had been boiled; but this was no sign of land. About the

eleventh degree, and for many days, more than ten thousand fishes

continually followed, or were round about our ship, of which we caught

so many that we eat nothing else for fifteen days, and they served our

turn well; for at this time we had no meat remaining, and hardly any

thing else to eat, our voyage drawing nigh to seven months, which

commonly is performed in five, when they take the inner passage. These

fishes were no sign of land, but rather of deep sea. At length two birds

were caught of the hawk tribe, which gave our people great joy, thinking

they had been birds of India, but we found afterwards that they were

from Arabia; and when we thought we had been near India, we were in the

latitude of Socotoro, an island near the mouth of the Red Sea. Here God

sent us a strong wind from the N.E. or N.N.E. on which they bore away

unwillingly toward the east, and we ran thus for ten days without any

sign of land, by which they perceived their error. Hitherto they had

directed their course always N.E. desiring to increase their latitude;

but partly from the difference of the needle, and most of all because

the currents at that time carried us N.W. we had been drawn into this

other danger, had not God sent us this wind, which at length became more

favourable and restored us to our right course.

These currents are very dangerous, as they deceive most pilots, and some

are so little curious, contenting themselves with ordinary experience,

that they do not take the trouble of seeking for new expedients when

they swerve, neither by means of the compass nor by any other trial. The

first sign of approaching land was by seeing certain birds, which they

knew to be of India; the second was some sedges and boughs of

palm-trees; the third was snakes swimming at the surface of the water,

and a certain substance which they called _money_, as round and broad as

a groat-piece, and wonderfully printed or stamped by nature, as if it

had been coined money. These two last signs are so certain, that they

always see land next day, if the wind serve; which we did next day, when

all our water, for you know they have no beer in these parts, and

victuals began to fail us.

We came to Goa the 24th day of October, and were there received in a

most charitable manner. The natives are tawny, but not disfigured in

their lips and noses, like the Moors and Kafrs of Ethiopia. The lower

ranks go for the most part naked, having only a clout or apron before

them of a span long and as much in breadth, with a lace two fingers

breadth, girded about with a string, and nothing more; and thus they

think themselves as well dressed as we, with all our finery. I cannot

now speak of their trees and fruits, or should write another letter as

long as this; neither have I yet seen any tree resembling any of those I

have seen in Europe, except the vine, which here grows to little

purpose, as all their wines are brought from Portugal. The drink used in

this country is water, or wine made from the coco palm-tree. Thus much

must suffice for the present; but if God send me health, I shall have

opportunity to write you once again; but the length of this letter

compelleth me now to take my leave, with my best prayers for your most

prosperous health. From Goa, the 10th November 1579.--Your loving Son,

THOMAS STEVENS.

SECTION II.

_Journey to India over-land, by Ralph Fitch, Merchant of London, and

others, in 1583_[402].

INTRODUCTION

We learn from the following journal, that the present expedition was

undertaken at the instigation, and chiefly at the expence of Sir Edward

Osborne, Knight, and Mr Richard Staper, citizens and merchants of

London. Besides Fitch, the author of the narrative, Mr John Newbery,

merchant, William Leedes jeweller, and James Story painter, were engaged

in the expedition. The chief conduct of this commercial enterprize

appears to have been confided to John Newbery; and its object appears to

have been, to extend the trade, which the English merchants seem to have

only recently established through Syria, by Aleppo, Bagdat and Basora,

to Ormus and perhaps to Goa, in imitation of the Italians, so as to

procure the commodities of India as nearly as possible at first hand. In

the prospect of being able to penetrate into India, and even into China,

Newbery was furnished with letters of credence or recommendation, from

Queen Elizabeth to Zelabdim Echebar, stiled king of Cambaia, who

certainly appears to have been Akbar Shah, emperor of the Mogul

conquerors of Hindostan, who reigned from 1556 to 1605; and to the

emperor of China. The promoters of this enterprise, seem to have been

actuated by a more than ordinary spirit of research for those times, by

employing a painter to accompany their commercial agents. It is farther

presumable that the promoters of the expedition, and their agents,

Newbery and Fitch, were members of the Turkey company; and though the

speculation turned out unsuccessful, owing to causes sufficiently

explained in the narrative and its accompanying documents, it is

obviously a prelude to the establishment of the English East India

Company; which, from small beginnings, has risen to a colossal height of

commercial and sovereign grandeur, altogether unexampled in all history.

[Footnote 402: Hakluyt, II. 382.]

Hakluyt gives the following descriptive title of this uncommonly curious

and interesting narrative: "The voyage of Mr Ralph Fitch, merchant of

London, by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormus, and so to Goa in the

East India, to Cambaia, and all the kingdom, of Zelabdim Echebar the

great Mogor, to the mighty river Ganges, and down to Bengala, to Bacola

and Chonderi, to Pegu, to Imahay in the kingdom of Siam, and back to

Pegu, and from thence to Malacca, Zeilan, Cochin, and all the coast of

the East India; begun in the year of our Lord 1583, and ended in 1591:

wherein the strange rites, manners, and customs of those people, and the

exceeding rich trade and commodities of those countries, are faithfully

set down and diligently described, by the foresaid Mr Ralph Fitch."

Hakluyt has prefaced this journal, by several letters respecting the

journey, from Mr Newbery, and one from Mr Fitch, and gives by way of

appendix an extract from Linschoten, detailing the imprisonment of the

adventurers at Ormus and Goa, and their escape, which happened while he

was at Goa, where he seems to have materially contributed to their

enlargement from prison. These documents will be found in the sequel to

the narrative of Mr Fitch.

It must not however be concealed, that the present journal has a very

questionable appearance in regard to its entire authenticity, as it has

obviously borrowed liberally from that of Cesar Frederick, already

inserted in this work, Vol. VII. p. 142-244. It seems therefore highly

probable, that the journal or narrative of Fitch may have fallen into

the hand of some ingenious _book-maker_, who wished to increase its

interest by this unjustifiable art. Under these circumstances, we would

have been led to reject this article from our collection, were not its

general authenticity corroborated by these other documents, and by the

journal of John Eldred, who accompanied Newbery and Fitch to Basora. A

part of the striking coincidence between the journals of Cesar Frederick

and Ralph Fitch might have arisen from their having visited the same

places, and nearly by the same route, only at the distance of 20 years;

Frederick having commenced his journey in 1563, and Newbery and Fitch

theirs in 1588. Some of the resemblances however could only have been

occasioned by plagiarism.

It is very difficult to conceive how Fitch, after his imprisonment at

Goa, and escape from thence under surety to the Portuguese viceroy,

should have ventured in the sequel to visit the Portuguese settlements

in Ceylon, Cochin, Calicut, Goa even, Chaul, and Ormuz, on his way home

again by Basora, Bagdat, Mosul, &c. to Aleppo and Tripoli. These parts

of his journal, and his excursions to the north of Pegu, certainly have

a suspicious appearance. It is possible that he may have described these

several routes, historically, in his own journal; and that some

book-maker, into whose hands his papers may have fallen, chose to give

these a more interesting appearance, by making Fitch the actor in what

he only described on the authority of others. It is strange that these

circumstances should not have occurred to Hakluyt, as the narrative of

Fitch is inserted in his collection immediately following that of Cesar

Frederick. Yet with these obvious faults, the relation of Fitch is

interesting, as the first direct attempt of the English to open a trade

with India; and so far at least, its authenticity is unquestionable,

being corroborated by other documents that are not liable to the

smallest suspicion.--E.

* * * * *

In the year 1583, I Ralph Fitch of London, merchant, being desirous to

see the countries of the Eastern India, went in company with Mr John

Newbery, merchant, who had been once before at Ormus, together with

William Leedes, jeweller, and James Story, painter; being chiefly set

forth by the right worshipful Sir Edward Osburn, knight, and Mr Richard

Staper, citizens and merchants of London. We shipped ourselves in a ship

called the Tiger of London, in which we went to Tripoly in Syria, whence

we went with the caravan to Aleppo in seven days. Finding good company

at Aleppo, we went from thence to Birra [Bir,] which is two days and a

half journey with camels.

Bir is a small town, but abounding in provisions, near which runs the

river Euphrates. We here purchased a boat, and agreed with a master and

boatmen to carry us to Babylon [Bagdat]. These boats serve only for one

voyage, as the stream is so rapid that they cannot return. They carry

passengers to a town called Felugia [Feluchia], where the boat has to be

sold for very little money, what cost fifty pieces at Bir bringing only

seven or eight at that place. From Bir to Feluchia is a journey of

sixteen days; but it is not good for one boat to go alone, as if it

should chance to break, it would be difficult to save the goods from the

Arabs, who are always robbing thereabouts, and it is necessary to keep

good watch in the night, when the boat is made fast, as the Arabs are

great thieves, and will swim on board to steal your goods, and then flee

away. Against them a musket is a good weapon, as they are much afraid of

fire-arms. Between Bir and Feluchia, there are certain places on the

Euphrates where you have to pay custom, being so many _medins_ for a

_some_ or camels load, together with certain quantities of raisins and

soap, which are for the sons of _Aborise_, who is lord of the Arabs and

of that great desert, and hath some villages on the river. Feluchia,

where the goods coming from Bir are unladed, is a small village, from

whence you go to Bagdat in one day.

Babylon, or Bagdat, is not a very large town, but is very populous, and

much frequented by strangers, being the centre of intercourse between

Persia, Turkey, and Arabia, caravans going frequently from it to these

and other countries. It is well supplied with provisions, which are

brought from Armenia down the river Tigris, upon rafts made of goat skin

bags blown full of wind, over which boards are laid, on which the goods

are loaded. When these are discharged, the skin bags are opened and

emptied of air, and are then carried back to Armenia on camels to serve

again. Bagdat belonged formerly to Persia, but is now subject to the

Turks. Over against Bagdat, on the other side of the Tigris, is a very

fair village, to which there is a passage across from Bagdat by a long

bridge of boats, connected by a vast iron chain made fast at each side

of the river. When any boats have to pass up or down the river, a

passage is made for them by removing some of the boats of this bridge.

The Tower of Babel is on this side of the Tigris towards Arabia, about

seven or eight miles from Bagdat, being now ruined on all sides, and

with the ruins thereof hath made a little mountain, so that no shape or

form of a tower remains. It was built of bricks dried in the sun, having

canes and leaves of the palm-tree laid between the courses of bricks. It

stands in a great plain between the Tigris and Euphrates, and no

entrance can be any where seen for going into it.

Near the river Euphrates, two days journey from Bagdat, in a field near

a place called _Ait_, there is a hole in the ground which continually

throws out boiling pitch accompanied by a filthy smoke, the pitch

flowing into a great field which is always full of it. The _Moors_ call

this opening the mouth of hell; and on account of the great abundance

of the pitch, the people of the country daub all their boats two or

three inches thick with it on the outside, so that no water can enter

them. These boats are called _danec_. When there is plenty of water in

the Tigris, the boats may go down from Bagdat to Basora in eight or nine

days; but when the water is low it requires a longer time.

In times past, Basora belonged to the Arabs, but is now subject to the

Turks. Yet there are some Arabs that the Turks cannot subdue, as they

occupy certain islands in the great river Euphrates, which the Turks

have never been able to conquer. These Arabs are all thieves, and have

no settled dwelling, but remove from place to place with their camels,

horses, goats, wives, children, and household goods. They wear large

blue gowns; their wives having their ears and noses full of copper and

silver rings, and wear copper rings on their legs. Basora is near the

head of the gulf of Persia, and drives a great trade in spiceries and

drugs, which come from Ormus. The country round produces abundance of

white rice and dates, with which they supply Bagdat and all the country,

sending likewise to Ormus and India. I went from Basora to Ormus, down

the gulf of Persia, in a ship made of boards sewed together with

_cayro_, which is a thread made of the husks of coco-nuts, and having

certain canes, or leaves, or straw, sewed upon the seams between the

boards, so that these vessels leak very much. Having Persia on our left

hand, and Arabia on our right, we passed many islands, and among others

the famous isle of Baharin, or Bahrain, from which come the best and

roundest orient pearls.

Ormus is an island about 25 or 30 miles in circuit, which is perhaps the

most arid and barren island in the world, as it produces nothing but

salt, all its water, wood, provisions, and every other necessary, coming

from Persia, which is about 12 miles distant; but all the other islands

thereabout are very fertile, and from them provisions are sent to Ormus.

The Portuguese have here a castle near the sea, with a captain and a

competent garrison, part of which dwell in the castle and part In the

town; in which likewise dwell merchants from all nations, together with

many Moors and Gentiles. This place has a great trade in spices, drugs,

silk, cloth of silk, fine tapestry of Persia, great store of pearls from

Bahrain, which are the best of all pearls, and many horses from Persia

which supply all India. Their king is a Moor, or Mahomedan, who is

chosen by the Portuguese, and is entirely under subjection to them.

Their women are very strangely attired, wearing many rings set with

jewels on their ears, noses, necks, arms, and legs, and locks of gold

and silver in their ears, and a long bar of gold upon the sides of their

noses. The holes in their ears are worn so wide with the weight of their

jewels, that one may thrust three fingers into them.

Very shortly after our arrival at Ormus we were put into prison, by

order of Don Mathias de Albuquerque, the governor of the castle, and had

part of our goods taken from us; and on the 11th October, he shipped us

from thence, sending us to the viceroy at Goa, who at that time was Don

Francisco de Mascarenhas. The ship in which we were embarked belonged to

the captain, who carried in it 124 horses for sale. All goods carried to

Goa in a ship wherein there are horses pay no duties; but if there are

no horses, you then pay eight in the hundred for your goods. The first

city of India at which we arrived on the 5th November, after passing the

coast of _Zindi_, [Sindi] was named Diu, which stands in an island on

the coast of the kingdom of Cambaia, or Gujrat, and is the strongest

town belonging to the Portuguese in those parts. It is but small, yet

abounds in merchandise, as they here load many ships with different

kinds of goods for the straits of Mecca or the Red Sea, Ormus, and other

places; these ships belong both to Christians and Moors, but the latter

are not permitted to pass unless they have a Portuguese licence.

Cambaietta, or Cambay, is the chief city of that province, being great

and populous and well built for a city of the gentiles. When there

happens a famine the natives sell their children for a low price. The

last king of Cambaia was sultan Badur, who was slain at the siege of

Diu, and shortly after the capital city was reduced by the great

_Mogor_, [Mogul] who is king of Agra and Delhi, forty days journey from

thence. Here the women wear upon their arms, a vast number of ivory

rings, in which they take so much pride that they would rather go

without their meat than want their bracelets.