Going from Diu, we came to _Damaun_, the second town of the Portuguese

in the country of Cambaia, forty leagues from Diu. This place, which has

no trade but in corn and rice, has many villages under its jurisdiction,

which the Portuguese possess quietly during peace, but in time of war

they are all occupied by the enemy. From Damaun we passed to _Basaim_,

[Baseen] and from thence to _Tanna_ in the island of Salsette, at both

which places the only trade is in rice and corn. The 10th November we

arrived at _Chaul_ on the firm land, at which place there are two towns,

one belonging to the Portuguese and the other to the Moors. That of the

Portuguese is nearest the sea, commanding the bay, and is walled round;

and a little above it is the Moors town, subject to a king called

_Xa-Maluco_. At this place is a great trade for all Kinds of spices,

drugs, silk, raw and manufactured, sandal-wood, elephants teeth, much

China work, and a great deal of sugar made from the nut called _gagara_,

[coco]. The tree on which it grows is called the _palmer_, and is the

most profitable tree in the world. It always bears fruit, and yields

wine, oil, sugar, vinegar, cordage, coals, or fuel; of the leaves are

made thatch for houses, sails for ships, and mats to sit or lie on; of

the branches are made houses, and brooms wherewith they sweep them; of

the wood ships. The wine issues from the top of the tree, and is

procured thus: They cut a branch, binding it hard, and hang an earthen

pot under the cut end, which they empty every evening and morning; and

still[403] the juice, putting raisins into it, by which it becometh

strong wine in a short time. Many ships come here from all parts of

India, and from Ormus and Mecca, so that there are many Moors and

Gentiles at this place. The natives have a strange superstition,

worshipping a cow, and having cows dung in great veneration, insomuch

that they paint or daub the walls of their houses with it. They kill no

animal whatever, not so much as a louse, holding it a crime to take away

life. They eat no flesh, living entirely on roots, rice, and milk. When

a man dies, his living wife is burnt along with his body, if she be

alive; and if she will not, her head is shaven, and she is ever after

held in low esteem. They consider it a great sin to bury dead bodies, as

they would engender many worms and other vermin, and when the bodies

were consumed these worms would lack sustenance; wherefore they burn

their dead. In all Guzerat they kill nothing; and in the town of Cambay

they have hospitals for lame dogs and cats, and for birds, and they even

provide food for the ants.

[Footnote 403: I am apt to suspect the word _still_ here used, is only

meant to imply fermentation, not distillation--E.]

Goa is the chief city of the Portuguese in India, in which their viceroy

resides and holds his court. It stands in an island about 25 or 30 miles

in circumference, being a fine city and very handsome for an Indian

town. The island is fertile and full of gardens and orchards, with many

palmer trees, and several villages. Here are many merchants of all

nations. The fleet which sails every year from Portugal, consisting of

four, five, or six great ships, comes first here, arriving mostly in

September, and remaining there forty or fifty days. It then goes to

Cochin, where the ships take in pepper for Portugal. Often one ship

loads entirely at Goa, and the rest go to Cochin, which is 100 leagues

to the south. Goa stands in the country of Adel Khan, which is six or

seven days journey inland, the chief city being Bisapor. [Bejapoor.]

On our arrival in Goa we were thrown into prison, and examined before

the justice, who demanded us to produce letters, [of licence?] and

charged us with being spies; but they could prove nothing against us. We

continued in prison till the 22d December, when we were set at liberty,

putting in surety for 2000 ducats not to depart from the town. Our

surety was one Andreas Taborer, who was procured for us by father

Stevens, an English Jesuit whom we found there, and another religious

man, a friend of his. We paid 2150 ducats into the hands of Andreas

Taborer, our surety, who still demanded more; on which we petitioned the

viceroy and justice to order us our money again, seeing they had it near

five months, and could prove nothing against us. But the viceroy gave us

a sharp answer, saying, we should be better sifted ere long, and that

they had other matter against us. Upon this we determined to attempt

recovering our liberty, rather than run the risk of remaining as slaves

for ever in the country, and besides it was said we were to have the

_strapado_. Wherefore, on the 5th of April 1585 in the morning, we

removed secretly from Goa; and getting across the river, we travelled

two days on foot in great fear, not knowing the way, as having no guide,

and not daring to trust any one.

One of the first towns we came to is called _Bellergan?_ where there is

a great market of diamonds, rubies, sapphires, and many other precious

stones. From thence we went to _Bejapoor_, a very large city, where the

king keeps his court, in which there are many Gentiles, who are gross

idolaters, having their idols standing in the woods, which they call

pagodas. Some of these are like a cow, some like a monkey, some like a

buffalo, others resemble a peacock, and others like the devil. In this

country are many elephants, which they employ in their wars. They have

great abundance of gold and silver, and their houses are lofty and well

built. From thence we went to _Galconda_, the king of which is called

_Cutub de lashach_. In this country, in the kingdom of Adel Khan, and in

the Decan, those diamonds are found which are called of the _old water_.

Golconda is a pleasant fair town, having good and handsome houses of

brick and timber, and it abounds with excellent fruits and good water.

It is here very hot, and both men and women go about with only a cloth

bound about their middles, without any other clothing. The winter begins

here about the last of May.

About eight days journey from thence is a sea port called Masulipatan,

toward the gulf of Bengal, to which many ships come out of India, Pegu,

and Sumatra, richly laden with spiceries, pepper, and other commodities.

The country is very fruitful. From thence I went to _Servidone?_ which

is a fine country, its king being called the _king of bread_. The houses

here are all built of loam and thatched. The country contains many Moors

and Gentiles, but there is not much religion among them. From thence I

went to _Bellapore_, and so to _Barrampore_, which is in the country of

_Zelabdim Echebar_ the great _Mogor_. In this place their money is of

silver, round and thick, to the value of twenty-pence. It is a great and

populous country; and in their winter, which is in June, July, and

August, there is no passing the streets except on horseback, the waters

are so high. In this country they make great quantities of cotton cloth,

both white and painted, and the land produces great abundance of corn

and rice. In the towns and villages through which we passed, we found

many marriages celebrated between boys of eight or ten years old, and

girls of five or six. These youthful couples did ride both on one horse,

very bravely dressed, and were carried about the streets with great

piping and playing, after which they returned home and banqueted on rice

and fruits, dancing most of the night, and so ended the marriage, which

is not consumated till the bride be ten years old. We were told they

married their children thus young, because when a man dies his wife is

burnt along with him; and by this device they secure a father-in-law, in

case of the fathers death, to assist in bringing up the children that

are thus early married, thus taking care not to leave their sons without

wives, or their daughters without husbands.

From thence we went to _Mandoway?_ a very strong town, which was

besieged for twelve years by Echebar before he could reduce it. It

stands on a very great high rock, as do most of their castles, and is of

very great circuit. From thence we went to _Vgini?_ and _Serringe?_

where we overtook the ambassador of Zelabdim Echebar, attended by a

prodigious retinue of men, elephants, and camels. In this district there

is a great trade carried on in cotton, and cloths made of cotton, and

great store of drugs. From thence we went to Agra, passing many rivers

which were much swollen by the rains, so that in crossing them we had

often to swim for our lives[404].

[Footnote 404: In this route from Masulipatan to Agra, there are several

places of which the names are so disfigured as to be unintelligible.

Barrampore and Mandoway, are probably Burhampore and Candwah in the

northern part of Candeish; Vgini and Serringe, may he Ougein and Seronge

in Malwa.--E.]

Agra is a very great and populous city built of stone, having large and

handsome streets, upon a fine river which falls into the gulf of Bengal,

and has a strong and handsome castle with a broad and deep ditch. It is

inhabited by many Moors and Gentiles, the king being Zelabdim Echebar,

called for the most part the great _Mogor_. From thence we went to

_Fatepore_, where the king ordinarily resides and holds his court, which

is called _Derican_. This town is larger than Agra, but the streets and

houses are by no means so good, but it is inhabited by a vast multitude

of people, both Moors and Gentiles. In Agra and Fatepoor, the king is

said to have 1000 elephants, 30,000 horses, 1400 tame deer, 800

concubines, and such numbers of ounces, tigers, buffaloes, game-cocks,

and hawks as is quite incredible. Agra and Fatepoor are two great

cities, either of them larger than London, and very populous, at the

distance of 12 miles from each other[405]. The whole road between these

places is one continued market of provisions and other articles, and is

constantly as full of people as a street or market in a great and

populous town. These people have many fine carts, many of which are

richly carved and gilt, having two wheels, and are drawn by two little

bulls, not much larger than our biggest English dogs, which run with

these carts as fast as any horse, carrying two or three men in each

cart: They are covered with silk or fine cloth, and are used like our

coaches in England. There is a great resort of merchants to this place

from Persia and all parts of India, and vast quantities of merchandise,

such as silks, cloths, and precious stones, diamonds, rubies, and

pearls. The king is dressed in a white _cabie_ made like a shirt, and

tied with strings on one side, having a small cloth on his head, often

coloured red and yellow. None enter into his apartments, except the

eunuchs who have charge of his women.

[Footnote 405: Futtipoor, certainly here meant, is now a place of small

importance about 20 miles west from Agra.--E.]

We remained in Fatepore till the 28th of September 1585, when Mr John

Newbery took his journey towards Lahore, intending to go from thence

through Persia to Aleppo or Constantinople, whichever he could get the

readiest passage to; and he directed me to proceed to Bengal and Pegu,

promising me, if it pleased God, to meet me at Bengal within two years

with a ship from England[406]. I left William Leades the jeweller at

Fatepore, in the service of the king Zelabdim Achebar, who gave him good

entertainment, giving a house and five slaves, with a horse, and six

S.S. in money daily. I went from Agra to _Satagam_ in Bengal, in company

with 180 boats loaded with _salt_, opium, _hinge_, lead, carpets, and

various other commodities, down the river _Jemena_, [Jumna]; the chief

merchants being Moors.

[Footnote 406: In Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 110, is the following notice

respecting Mr Newberry: "Before that," meaning his journey along with

Fitch, "he had travelled to Ormus in 1580, and thence into the

Continent, as may appear in fitter place by his journal, which I have,

passing through the countries of Persia, Media, Armenia, Georgia, and

Natolia, to Constantinople; and thence to the Danube, through Walachia,

Poland, Prussia, and Denmark, and thence to England."]

In this country they have many strange ceremonies. The bramins, who are

their priests, come to the water having a string about their necks, and

with many ceremonies lave the water with both their hands, turning the

string with both their hands in several manners; and though it be never

so cold, they wash themselves regularly at all times. These gentiles eat

no flesh, neither do they kill any thing, but live on rice, butter,

milk, and fruits. They pray in the water naked; and both dress and eat

their food naked. For penance, they lie flat on the earth, then rise up

and turn themselves round 30 or 40 times, lifting their hands to the

sun, and kiss the earth with their arms and legs stretched out; every

time they lie down making a score on the ground with their fingers, that

they may know when the prescribed number of prostrations is finished.

Every morning the Bramins mark their foreheads, ears, and throats, with

a kind of yellow paint or earth; having some old men among them, who go

about with a box of yellow powder, marking them on the head and neck as

they meet them. Their women come in troops of 10, 20, and 30 together to

the water side singing, where they wash themselves and go through their

ceremonies, and then mark themselves, and so depart singing. Their

daughters are married at ten years of age, and the men may have seven

wives each. They are a crafty people, worse than the Jews. When they

salute one another, they say, _Rame_, _rame_.

From Agra I came to _Prage_[407], where the river Jumna enters into the

mighty Ganges, and there loses its name. The Ganges comes out of the

north-west, and runs east to discharge its waters into the gulf of

Bengal. In these parts there are many tigers, and vast quantities of

partridges and turtle-doves, besides many other kinds of birds. There

are multitudes of beggars in these countries, called _Schesche_, which

go entirely naked. I here saw one who was a monster among the rest. He

had no clothes whatever, his beard being very long, and the hair of his

head was so long and plentiful, that it covered his nakedness. The nails

on some of his fingers were two inches long, as he would cut nothing

from him; and besides he never spake, being constantly accompanied by

eight or ten others, who spoke for him. If any one spoke to him, he laid

his hand on his breast and bowed, but without speaking, for he would not

have spoken to the king.

[Footnote 407: At the angle of junction between the rivers Jumna and

Ganges, the city of Allahabad is now situated.--E.]

We went from _Prage_ down the Ganges, which is here very broad, and

abounds in various wild-fowl, as swans, geese, cranes, and many others,

the country on both sides being very fertile and populous. For the most

part the men have their faces shaven, but wear the hair of their heads

very long; though some have their crowns shaved, and others have all

their heads shaven except the crown. The water of the river Ganges is

very sweet and pleasant, having many islands, and the adjoining country

is very fertile. We stopt at _Bannaras_, [Benares], a large town in

which great quantities of cotton-cloths are made, and sashes for the

moors. In this place all the inhabitants are gentiles, and the grossest

idolaters I ever saw. To this town the gentiles come on pilgrimages out

of far distant countries. Along the side of the river there are many

fair houses, in all or most of which they have ill favoured images made

of stone or wood; some like lions, leopards, or monkeys; some like men

and women; others like peacocks; and others like the devil, having four

arms and four hands. These all sit cross-legged, some with one thing in

their hands, and others with other things; and by break of day or

before, numbers of men and women come out of the town to these places,

and wash in the Ganges. On mounds of earth made for the purpose, there

are divers old men who sit praying, and who give the people three or

four straws, which they hold between their fingers when they bathe in

the Ganges; and some sit to mark them in the forehead: And the devotees

have each a cloth with a small quantity of rice, barley, or money, which

they give to these old men when they have washed. They then go to one or

other of the idols, where they present their sacrifices. When they have

finished their washings oblations and charities, the old men say certain

prayers by which they are all sanctified.

In divers places there stand a kind of images, called _Ada_ in their

language, having four hands with claws; and they have sundry carved

stones on which they pour water, and lay thereon some rice, wheat,

barley and other things. Likewise they have a great place built of

stone, like a well, with steps to go down, in which the water is very

foul and stinking, through the great quantity of flowers which are

continually thrown into the water: Yet there are always many people in

that water, for they say that it purifies them from their sins, because,

as they allege, God washed himself in that place. They even gather up

the sand or mud from the bottom, which they esteem holy. They never pray

but in the water, in which they wash themselves over head, laving up the

water in both hands, and turning themselves about, they drink a little

of the water three times, and then go to the idols which stand in the

houses already mentioned. Some take of the water, with which they wash a

place of their own length, and then lie down stretched out, rising and

lying down, and kissing the ground twenty or thirty times, yet keeping

their right foot all the time in the same place. Some make their

ceremonies with fifteen or sixteen pots, little and great, ringing a

little bell when they make their mixtures, ten or twelve times. They

make a circle of water round about their pots and pray, divers sitting

by them, and one in particular who reaches the pots to them; and they

say certain words many times over the pots, and when they have done,

they go to their idols, before which they strew their sacrifices, which

they think very holy, and mark many of those who sit by in the

foreheads, which they esteem highly. There sometimes come fifty or even

an hundred together, to wash at this well, and to sacrifice to these

idols.

In some of these idol houses, there are people who stand by them in warm

weather, fanning them as if to cool them; and when they see any company

coming, they ring a little bell which hangs beside them, when many give

them alms, particularly those who come out of the country. Many of these

idols are black and have brazen claws very long, and some ride upon

peacocks, or on very ill-favoured fowls, having long hawks bills, some

like one thing and some like another, but none have good faces. Among

the rest, there is one held in great veneration, as they allege be gives

them all things, both food and raiment, and one always sits beside this

idol with a fan, as if to cool him. Here some are burned to ashes, and

some only scorched in the fire and thrown into the river, where the dogs

and foxes come presently and eat them. Here the wives are burned along

with the bodies of their deceased husbands, and if they will not, their

heads are shaven and they are not afterwards esteemed.

The people go all naked, except a small cloth about their middles. The

women have their necks, arms, and ears decorated with rings of silver,

copper, and tin, and with round hoops of ivory, adorned with amber

stones and many agates, and have their foreheads marked with a great red

spot, whence a stroke of red goes up the crown, and one to each side. In

their winter, which is in May, the men wear quilted gowns of cotton,

like to our counterpanes, and quilted caps like our grocers large

mortars, with a slit to look out at, tied beneath their ears. When a man

or woman is sick and like to die, they are laid all night before the

idols, either to help their sickness or make an end of them. If they do

not mend that night, the friends come and sit up with them, and cry for

some time, after which they take them to the side of the river, laying

them on a raft of reeds, and so let them float down the river.

When they are married the man and woman come to the water side, where

there is an old bramin or priest, a cow and calf, or a cow with calf.

Then the man and woman, together with the cow and calf, go into the

river, giving the old bramin a piece of cloth four yards long, and a

basket cross bound, in which are sundry things. The bramin lays the

cloth on the back of the cow, after which he takes hold of the end of

the cows tail, and says certain words. The woman has a brass or copper

pot full of water; the man takes hold of the bramin with one hand, and

the woman with the other, all having hold of the cow by the tail, on

which they pour water from the pot, so that it runs on all their hands.

They then lave up water with their hands, and the bramin ties the man

and woman together by their clothes[408]. When this is done, they go

round about the cow and calf, and then give some alms to the poor, who

are always present, and to the bramin or priest they give the cow and

calf, after which they go to several of the idols, where they offer

money, lying down flat on the ground before the idol, and kissing the

earth several times, after which they go away. Their chief idols are

black and very ugly, with monstrous mouths, having their ears gilded and

full of jewels, their teeth and eyes of gold, silver, or glass, and

carrying sundry things in their hands. You may not enter into the houses

where they stand with your shoes on. In these houses there are lamps

continually burning before the idols.

[Footnote 408: This tying of new married folks together by the clothes,

was used by the Mexicans in old times.--_Hakluyt_.]

From Benares I went down the Ganges to _Patenaw_, [Patna] passing many

fair towns and a very fertile country, in which way many great rivers

enter the Ganges, some as large as itself, by which it becomes so broad

that in time of the rains you cannot see across. The scorched bodies

which are thrown into the water swim on the surface, the men with their

faces down, and the women with theirs up. I thought they had tied some

weight to their bodies for this purpose, but was told no such thing was

done. There are many thieves in this country, who roam up and down like

the Arabs, having no fixed abode. Here the women are so decked with

silver and copper that it is strange to see them, and they wear so many

rings on their toes that they cannot use shoes. Here at Patna they find

gold in this manner: They dig deep pits in the earth, and wash the earth

in large holes, and in these they find gold, building the pits round

about with bricks, to prevent the earth from falling in.

Patna is a long and large town, being formerly a separate kingdom, but

is now under subjection to the great Mogor. The men are tall and

slender, and have many old people among them. The houses are very

simple, being made of earth and covered with straw, and the streets are

very large. There is here a great trade in cotton and cotton cloth,

likewise great quantities of sugar, which is carried to Bengal and

India, much opium, and other commodities. He that is chief here under

the king is called _Tipperdas_, and is held in much estimation by the

people. Here in Patna I saw a dissembling prophet, who sat on a horse in

the market-place, making as if he were asleep, and many of the people

came and touched his feet with their hands, which they then kissed. They

took him for a great man, but in my opinion he was only a lazy lubber,

whom I left sleeping there. The people of these countries are much given

to these dissembling hypocrites.

From Patna I went to _Tanda_ in the land of _Gouren_[409], which is in

the country of Bengal. This is a place of great trade in cotton and

cotton cloth, formerly a kingdom, but now subject to the great Mogor.

The people are great idolaters, going naked with only a cloth about

their middles, and the country hath many tigers, wild buffaloes, and

wild fowl. _Tanda_ is about a league from the river Ganges, as in times

past the river flowed over its banks in the rainy season, and drowned a

considerable extent of country with many villages, and so it yet

remains, and the old bed of the river still remains dry, by which means

the city now stands at a distance from the water. From Agra I was five

months coming down the Jumna and the Ganges to Bengal, but it may be

sailed in much shorter time.

[Footnote 409: In our modern maps Tanda and the country or district of

Gouren are not to be found; but the ruins of _Gour_, which may have some

reference to Gouren, are laid down in lat. 24° 52' N. long. 88° 5' E.

about seven miles from the main stream of the great Ganges, and ten

miles south from the town of Maida.--E.]

I went from Bengal into the country of _Couche_[410], which is 25 days

journey north from Tanda. The king is a Gentile, named _Suckel Counse_.

His country is very extensive, and reaches to within no great distance

of Cauchin China, whence they are said to procure pepper. The port is

called _Cacchegate_. All the country is set with bamboos or canes made

sharp at both ends, and driven into the earth, and they can let in the

water and drown the country above knee-deep, so that neither men nor

horses can pass; and in case of any wars, they poison all the waters.

The people are all Gentiles, who kill nothing, having their ears

marvellously great and a span long, which they draw out by various

devices when young. They have much silk and musk, and cloth made of

cotton. They have hospitals for sheep, goats, dogs, cats, birds, and all

kinds of living creatures, which they keep when old and lame until they

die. If a man bring any living creature into this country, they will

give money for it or other victuals, and either let it go at large or

keep it in their hospitals. They even give food to the ants. Their small

money is almonds[411], which they often eat.

[Footnote 410: This seemeth to be Quicheu, accounted by some among the

provinces of China.--_Hakluyt_.

The name of this country is so excessively corrupt, and the description

of the route so vague, that nothing can be made out of the text at this

place with any certainty. It is merely possible that he may have gone

into Bootan, which is to the north of Bengal.--E.]

[Footnote 411: In Mexico they likewise use the cacao fruit, or chocolate

nut, for small money, which are not unlike almonds.--_Hakluyt_.]

From thence I returned to _Hugeli_, [Hoogly in Bengal] which is the

place where the Portuguese have their residence in Bengal, being in lat.

23° N[412]. About a league from it is _Satagan_[413], called by the

Portuguese _Porto Piqueno_, or the little port. We went through the

wilderness, because the right way was infested by robbers. In passing

through the country of Gouren we found few villages, being almost all

wilderness, in which were many buffaloes, wild swine, and deer, with

many tigers, the grass being everywhere as tall as a man. Not far from

Porto Piqueno, to the south-westwards, and in the country of _Orixa_, is

a sea-port called _Angeli_[414]. It was formerly a separate kingdom, the

king being a great friend to strangers; but was afterwards taken by the

king of Patna, who did not enjoy it long, being himself conquered by the

king of Delhi, Agra, and Cambaia, Zelabdim Echebar. Orissa is six days

journey south-westwards from _Satagan_. In this place there is much,

rice, and cloth made of cotton; likewise great store of cloth made of

grass, which they call _Yerva_, resembling silk, of which they make

excellent cloth, which is sent to India and other places[415]. To this

haven of _Ingelly_ there come many ships every year out of India,

Negapatnam, Sumatra, Malacca, and many other places, and load from hence

great quantities of rice, much cotton cloths, sugar and long pepper, and

great store of butter and other provisions for India[416]. Satagan is a

very fair city for one belonging to the Moors, and is very plentiful in

all things. In Bengal they have every day a great market or fair, called

_chandeau_, in one place or other, and they have many boats called

_pericose_, with which they go from place to place to buy rice and many

other things. These boats are rowed by 24 or 26 oars, and are of great

burden, but are quite open. The gentiles hold the water of the Ganges in

great reverence; for even if they have good water close at hand, they

will send for water from the Ganges at a great distance. If they have

not enough of it to drink, they will sprinkle a little of it upon

themselves, thinking it very salutary.

[Footnote 412: More accurately 22° 55' 20" N. and long. 88° 28' E. Hoogly

stands on the western branch of the Ganges, called the Hoogly river,

about twenty miles direct north from Calcutta.--E.]

[Footnote 413: We thus are enabled to discover nearly the situation of

Satagan or Satigan, to have been on the Hoogly river, probably where

Chinsura now stands, or it may have been Chandernagor.--E.]

[Footnote 414: Injelly, at the mouth of a small river which falls into

the Hoogly, very near its discharge into the bay of Bengal. Injelly is

not now considered as in Orissa, but in the district of Hoogly belonging

to Bengal, above forty miles from the frontiers--E.]

[Footnote 415: A similar cloth may be made of the long grass which grows

in Virginia.--_Hakluyt_.]

[Footnote 416: India seems always here limited to the Malabar

coast.--E.]

From Satagan I travelled by the country of the King of Tippara, or

_Porto Grande_[417]. The _Mogores_ or _Mogen_ [Moguls] have almost

continual wars with Tiperah; the Mogen of the kingdom of _Recon_ and

_Rame_, are stronger than the King of Tiperah, so that Cittigong or

Porto Grande is often under the dominion of the king of _Recon_[418].

There is a country four days journey from _Couche_ called

_Bottanter_[419], the principal city of which is _Bottia_, and the king

is called _Dermain_. The people are tall, strong, and very swift. Many

merchants come here out of China, and it is said even from Muscovy and

Tartary, to purchase musk, _cambals_, agates, silk, pepper, and saffron,

like the saffron of Persia[420]. This country is very great, being not

less than three months journey in extent, and contains many high

mountains, one of them so steep and high that it may be perfectly seen

at the distance of six days journey[421]. There are people on these

mountains having ears a span long, and they call such as have not long

ears asses. They say that from these mountains _they see ships sailing

on the sea_, but know not whence they come nor whither they go. There

are merchants who come out of the east from under the sun, which is from

China, having no beards, who say their country is warm; but others come

from the north, on the other side of the mountains, where it is very

cold. These merchants from the north are apparelled in woollen cloth and

hats, with close white hose or breeches and boots, who come from Muscovy

or Tartary. These report that they have excellent horses in their

country, but very small; some individuals possessing four, five, or six

hundred horses and cattle. These people live mostly on milk and flesh.

They cut off the tails of their cows, and sell them very dear, as they

are in high request in those parts. The rump is only a span long, but

the hair is a yard in length. These tails are used for show, to hang

upon the heads of elephants, and are much sought after in Pegu and

China.

[Footnote 417: Perhaps this ought to have been, by the country of Tipera

_to_ Porto Grande. Porto Grande, formerly called Chittigong, is now

called Islamabad, and is in the district of Chittigong, the most

easterly belonging to Bengal.--E.]

[Footnote 418: Aracan is certainly here meant by _Recon_; of _Rame_

nothing can be made, unless Brama, or Birmah be meant.--E.]

[Footnote 419: _Bottanter_ almost certainly means Bootan. Of _Bottia_ we

know nothing, but it is probably meant to indicate the capital.

_Dermain_ may possibly be some corruption of _Deb raja_, the title of

the sovereign. It is obvious from this passage, that _Couche_ must have

been to the south of Bootan, and was perhaps Coch-beyhar, a town and

district in the north-east of Bengal, near the Bootan frontier.--E.]

[Footnote 420: The saffon of Persia of the text may perhaps mean

_turmeric_. The cambals may possibly mean camblets.--E.]

[Footnote 421: These seem to be the mountains of Imaus, called Cumao by

the natives.--_Hakluyt_.

The Himmaleh mountains, dividing Bootan from Thibet, said to be visible

from the plains of Bengal at the distance of 150 miles.--E.]

From Chittigong in Bengal, I went to _Bacola_[422], the king of which

country is a Gentile of an excellent disposition, who is particularly

fond of shooting with a gun. His country is large and fertile, having

great abundance of rice, and manufactures much silk, and cloths of

cotton. The houses of this city are good and well built, with large

streets. The people go naked, except a cloth round their waists, and the

women wear many silver hoops about their necks and arms, and rings of

silver, copper, and ivory about their legs. From thence I went to

_Serrepore_ upon the Ganges, the king or rajah of which is called

Chondery. They are all hereabouts in rebellion against the great Mogul,

for there are so many rivers and islands that they escape from one to

another, so that his horsemen cannot prevail against them. Great store

of cotton cloth is made here. _Sinnergan_ is a town six leagues from

_Serrepore_, where the best and finest cotton cloth of all the east is

made[423]. The chief king of all those countries is called Isa-khan,

being supreme over all the other kings or rajahs, and is a great friend

to the Christians. Here, as in most parts of India, the houses are very

small and covered with straw, having a few mats hung round the walls and

over the door-way, to keep out tigers and foxes. They live on rice,

milk, and fruits, eating no flesh and killing no animals; and though

many of them are very rich, their sole article of dress is a small cloth

before them. From hence they send great quantities of cotton cloths and

much rice, all over India, Pegu, Malacca, Sumatra, and other places.

[Footnote 422: Perhaps Pucouloe, a place of some size near Davas between

the Ganges and Burhampooter rivers.--E.]

[Footnote 423: Serampoor on the Hoogly river agrees at least in sound

with the Serrepore of the text; but, from the context, I rather suspect

Serrepore to have stood among the numerous islands of the great eastern

Ganges, in the province of Dava, and near the junction of the Ganges and

Burhampooter or Megna rivers. Of Sinnergan I can make nothing, only that

it must have stood in the same district.--E.]

I went from Serrepore the 28th of November 1586 for Pegu, in a small

ship or foist, commanded by one Albert Caravallos, and sailing down the

Ganges, we passed by the island of Sundiva, Porto grande, or Chittigong,

in the country of Tiperah, and the kingdom of Recon and Mogen[424],

leaving all on our left hand, our course being south by east, with the

wind at north-west, which brought us to the bar of Negrais in Pegu. Had

we met with a foul wind, we must have thrown many things overboard, for

we were so lumbered with people and goods, even on the deck, that there

was scarce a place to sit down upon. From Bengal to Pegu is 90 leagues.

We entered the bar of Negrais, [at the mouth of the western branch of

the river of Ava], which is an excellent bar, having four fathoms water

where shallowest. Three days afterwards we came to Cosmin, a very pretty

town, pleasantly situated and abounding in all things. The people are

tall and well disposed; the women white, round faced, and having small

eyes. The houses are high built, set upon great high posts, and they go

up to them by means of ladders for fear of the tigers, which are very

numerous. The country is very fertile, abounding in great figs, oranges,

coconuts, and other fruits. The land is very high on the sea coast, but

after getting within the bar, it is very low and much intersected with

rivers, so that they go everywhere in boats, which they call _paraos_,

in which many of them dwell with their wives and children.

[Footnote 424: Recon has already been supposed to be Aracan, which is

now quite obvious; but in what manner Mogen may refer to Ava, the next

country to the south, does not appear.--E.]

From the bar of Negrais to the city of Pegu, is ten days journey by the

rivers. We went from _Cosmin_ to Pegu in paraos or boats, and passing up

the river we came to _Medon_, a very pretty town, having a wonderful

number of paraos, for they dwell in them, and hold markets on the water.

In rowing up and down with their commodities in these boats, they have a

great _sombrero_ or umbrella over their heads, to defend them from the

sun, as broad and round as a great cart wheel, made of the leaves of the

coco or the fig tree, which are very light. From Medon we went to Dela,

where there are 18 or 20 great long houses, where they tame and keep

many elephants belonging to the king, as elephants are caught in the

wilderness near this place. From Dela we went to _Cirian_, [Siriam] a

good town having an excellent sea-port, to which come many ships from

Mecca, Malacca, Sumatra, and other places; and there the ships discharge

their cargoes, and send up their goods in paraos to Pegu. From Siriam we

went to _Macao_, a pretty town, where we left the boats, and in the

morning taking _delingeges_, which are a kind of couches made of cords

and quilted cloth, carried on a _stang_, or long pole, by three or four

men, we came to Pegu the same day.

Pegu is a great strong and fair city, having walls of stone and great

ditches all round about. It consists of two towns, the old and the new.

In the old town dwell all the stranger merchants, and very many native

merchants, and all the goods are sold in the old town, which is very

large, and hath many extensive suburbs all round about it, all the

houses being of bamboo canes and covered with straw. In your house,

however, you have a warehouse, which they call a _godown_, built of

bricks, in which to keep your goods, as often the city takes fire, and

four or five hundred houses are burnt down, so that these _godowns_ are

very useful to save your goods. The king with all his nobility and

gentry dwell in the new town, which is a great and populous city,

entirely square with fair walls, and a great ditch all round about full

of water, in which are many crocodiles. It has twenty gates, five on

each side of the square, all built of stone. There are also many turrets

for centinels, made of wood and splendidly gilded. The streets are the

handsomest I ever saw, all as straight as a line from one gate to the

other, and so broad that ten or twelve men may ride abreast through

them. On both sides, at every door, there are palmer trees planted,

which bear coco-nuts, and which make a fine shew as well as a commodious

shade, so that the people may walk all day in the shade. The houses are

of wood, covered with tiles.

The palace of the king stands in the middle of this city, and is walled

and ditched all round, all the houses within being of wood very

sumptuously gilded, and the fore-front is of very rich workmanship, all

gilded in a very costly manner. The pagoda, or house in which his idols

stand, is covered with tiles of silver, and all the walls are gilt over

with gold. Within the first gate of the palace is a very large court, on

both sides of which are the houses for the king's elephants, which are

wonderfully large and handsome, and are trained for war and for the

king's service. Among the rest, he has four white elephants, which are a

great rarity, no other king having any but he; and were any other king

to have any, he would send for it, and if refused would go to war for

it, and would rather lose a great part of his kingdom than not have the

elephant. When any white elephant is brought to the king, all the

merchants in the city are commanded to go and visit him, on which

occasion each individual makes a present of half a ducat, which amounts

to a good round sum, as there are a vast many merchants, after which

present you may go and see them at your pleasure, although they stand in

the king's house. Among his titles, the king takes that of king of the

white elephants. They do great honour and service to these white

elephants, every one of them having a house gilded with gold, and

getting their food in vessels of gilt silver. Every day when they go to

the river to wash, each goes under a canopy of cloth of gold or silk,

carried by six or eight men, and eight or ten men go before each,

playing on drums, _shawms_, and other instruments. When each has washed

and is come out of the river, he has a gentleman to wash his feet in a

silver basin, which office is appointed by the king. There is no such

account made of the black elephants, be they never so great, and some of

them are wonderfully large and handsome, some being nine cubits high.

The king has a very large place, about a mile from Pegu, for catching

wild elephants, in a great grove or wood, having a fair court in the

middle. There are many huntsmen, who go into the wilderness with

she-elephants, trained for the purpose, each huntsman having five or six

which are anointed with a certain ointment to entice the wild males to

follow them. When they have brought a wild elephant within their snares,

the hunters send word to the town, on which many horsemen and footmen go

out, and force the wild elephant to enter into a narrow way leading to

the inner inclosure, and when the he and she are in, then is the gate

shut upon them. They then get the female out, and when the male finds

himself alone and entrapped, he cries out and sheds tears, running

against the enclosure, which is made of strong trees, and some of them

break their tusks in endeavouring to force their way out. The people

then goad him with pointed canes, till they force him into a narrow

stall, in which he is securely fastened with strong ropes about his body

and legs, and is left there for three or four days without food or

drink. Then they bring a female to him, with food and drink, and unbind

the ropes, and he becomes tame in three or four days. When they take the

elephants to war, they fix a frame of wood on their backs with great

ropes, upon which sit four or six men, who fight with guns, bows and

arrows, darts, and other weapons; and it is said that the elephant's

hide is so thick that a musket ball will not pierce them, except in some

tender place.

The weapons of these people are very bad, their swords being short and

blunt at the points. They have arquebusses also, but they shoot very

badly with them. The king keeps great state, sitting in public twice

every day, having all his nobles, which they call _shemines_, sitting on

each side at a good distance, and a numerous guard on the outside of

all, so that the hall, or court is very large. If any one wish to speak

to the king, he maketh three profound reverences, when he enters, in

the mid way, and when he comes near the king; at each of these he kneels

down, holds his hands above his head, and bows with his head to the

ground three times. He then sits down to speak to the king, and if

favoured is allowed to come near, within three or four paces, but

otherwise is made to sit at a greater distance. When the king goes to

war he is accompanied by a great military force. While I was in Pegu, he

went to Odia, in the kingdom of Siam, with 300,000 men and 5000

elephants. His particular guard was 30,000. When the king rides abroad,

he is accompanied by a strong guard and many nobles, and often rides on

an elephant having a great castle on its back superbly gilded; sometimes

he travels on a great frame of wood like a horse-litter, having a small

house or canopy upon it, covered over head, and open at the sides, which

is all splendidly gilded with gold, and adorned with many rubies and

sapphires, of which he hath an infinite store, as a vast many of them

are found in this country. This couch or litter is called _serrion_ in

their language, and is carried on the shoulders of 16 or 18 men. On

these occasions, there is much triumphing and shouting made before the

king, by great numbers of men and women.

This king has little force by sea, having very few ships. He has houses

quite full of gold and silver, both of which are often coming in to him,

but very little goes out again, so that he makes little account of it,

and this vast treasury is always open to inspection, in a great walled

court with two gates, which are always open to all men. In this court

there are four houses very richly gilded and covered with leaden roofs,

in each of which is a pagod or idol, of huge stature and vast value. In

the first of these houses is the image of a king, all in gold, having a

golden crown on his head richly set with large rubies and sapphires, and

round about are the images of four children all in gold. In the second

house is the image of a man in silver, of prodigious size, as high as a

house, insomuch that the foot is as long as the stature of a man. This

figure is in a sitting posture, having a crown on its head, richly

adorned with precious stones. In the third house is the statue of a man

in brass, still larger than the former, with a rich crown on its head.

In the fourth house is another brazen statue, still larger than the

former, having also a crown on its head richly adorned with jewels. In

another court not far from this, there are four other pagodas or idols

of wonderful size, made of copper, which were formed in the places in

which they now stand, being of such enormous size that they could not be

removed. These stand in four separate houses, and are gilded all over

except their heads, which resemble black-a-moors. The expences of these

people in gilding their images are quite enormous. The king has only one

wife, but above 300 concubines, by whom he is said to have 80 or 90

children. He sits in judgment every day, on which occasion the

applicants use no speech, but give up their supplications in writing,

being upon long slips of the leaves of a tree, a yard long and about two

inches broad, written with a pointed iron or stile like a bodkin. He who

gives in his application, stands at some distance carrying a present. If

his application is to be complied with, his present is accepted and his

request granted; but if his suit be denied he returns home with his

present.

There are few commodities in India which serve for trade at Pegu, except

opium of Cambaia, painted cottons from San Thome or Masulipatam, and

white cloth of Bengal, vast quantities of which are sold here. They

bring likewise much cotton yarn, dyed red with a root called _saia_,

which never loses its colour, a great quantity of which is sold yearly

in Pegu at a good profit. The ships from Bengal, San Thome, and

Masulipatam, come to the bar of Negrais and to Cosmin. To Martaban,

another sea-port in the kingdom of Pegu, many ships come from Malacca,

with sandal-wood, porcelains, and other wares of China, camphor of

Borneo, and pepper from Acheen in the island of Sumatra. To Siriam,

likewise a port of Pegu, ships come from Mecca with woollen cloth,

scarlet, velvets, opium, and other goods.

In Pegu there are eight brokers called _tareghe_, which are bound to

sell your goods at the prices they are worth, receiving as their fee two

in the hundred, for which they are bound to make good the price, because

you sell your goods on their word. If the broker do not pay you on the

day appointed, you may take him home to your house and keep him there,

which is a great shame for him. And, if he do not now pay you

immediately, you may take his wife, children, and slaves, and bind them

at your door in the sun; for such is the law of the country. Their

current money is of brass, which they call _ganza_, with which you may

buy gold, silver, rubies, musk, and all other things. Gold and silver is

reckoned merchandise, and is worth sometimes more and sometimes less,

like all other wares, according to the supply and demand. The ganza or

brass money goes by weight, which they call a _biza_; and commonly this

biza is worth, in our way of reckoning, about half a crown or somewhat

less. The merchandises in Pegu are, gold, silver, rubies, sapphires,

spinels, musk, benzoin, frankincense, long pepper, tin, lead, copper,

_lacca_, of which hard sealing-wax is made, rice, wine made of rice,

[_aruck_,] and some sugar. The elephants eat sugar canes in great

quantities, or otherwise they might make abundance of sugar.

They consume many canes likewise[425], in making their _varellas_ or

idol temples, of which there are a prodigious multitude, both large and

small. These are made round like a sugar loaf, some being as high as a

church, and very broad beneath, some being a quarter of a mile in

compass. Within these are all of earth, faced round with stone. In these

_varellas_ they consume a vast quantity of gold, as they are all gilded

aloft, and some from top to bottom; and they must be newly gilded every

ten or twelve years, because the rain washes off the gold, as they all

stand exposed to the weather. Were it not for the prodigious quantities

of gold consumed in this manner, it would be very plentiful and cheap in

Pegu. About two days journey from Pegu there is a _varella_ or pagoda

called _dogonne_, of wonderful bigness, gilded all over from top to

bottom, to which the inhabitants of Pegu go in pilgrimage; and near it

is a house where their talapoins or priests preach to the people. This

house is fifty five paces long, and hath three _pawnes_ or covered walks

in it, the roof being supported by forty great gilded pillars, which

stand between the walks. It is open on all sides, having a vast number

of small gilded pillars, and the whole is gilded both within and

without. Round about this there are many fair houses for the pilgrims to

dwell in, and many goodly houses in which the talapoins preach, which

are all full of idols or images, both male and female, all gilded with

gold. This, in my opinion, is the fairest place in the world. It stands

very high, having four roads leading to it, all planted on each side

with fruit-trees, so that the people walk in the shade in all these

avenues, which are each above two miles long. When the grand festival

of this varella approaches, one can hardly pass any way, on account of

the great throngs of people, both by land and water, as they flock from

all parts of the kingdom of Pegu to be present at the festival.

[Footnote 425: Surely the bamboo, not the sugar cane. It may be noticed,

that almost the whole of this account of Pegu seems to have been

borrowed from the relation of Cesar Frederick.--E.]

In Pegu, there are many priests or talapoins, as they are called, who

preach against all abuses, and many people resort to hear them. When

they enter into the _kiack_, that is to say the holy place or temple,

there is a great jar of water at the door, having a cock or ladle, and

there they wash their feet. They then walk in, and lift their hands to

their heads, first to the preacher, and then to the sun, after which

they sit down. The talapoins are strangely apparelled, having a brown

_cambaline_ or thin cloth next their body, above which is another of

yellow many times doubled or folded over their shoulders, and these two

are girded round them by a broad girdle. They have a skin of leather

hung by a string round their necks, on which they sit, bare headed and

bare footed, as they wear no shoes. Their right arms are all bare, and

they carry a large _sombrero_ or umbrella over their heads, which

protects them from the sun in summer, and from the rain in winter.

Before taking their orders, the talapoins go to school till, twenty

years old or more, and then go before a head talapoin appointed for the

purpose, called a _rowli_, who is the most learned of the order, who

examines them many times, whether they will leave their friends,

foregoing the company of women, and assume the habit of a talapoin. If

any one be content, he is made to ride through the streets on a horse,

very richly apparelled, accompanied by many drums and trumpets, to shew

that he is about to quit the riches and vanity of the world. A few days

afterwards, he is again carried through the streets, on a thing like a

horse litter, called _serion_, mounted on the shoulders of ten or twelve

men, and dressed in the habit of a talapoin, preceded by drums and

instruments of music, and accompanied by many talapoins and all his

friends. He is thus carried to his house without side of the town, and

is there left.

Every individual talapoin has his own house, which is very small, set

upon six or eight posts, and to which they have to go up by a ladder of

twelve or fourteen staves. Their houses are mostly by the road sides,

and among the trees in the woods. They go about, having a great pot of

wood or fine earthen ware covered, and hung by a broad belt from their

shoulder, with which they beg their victuals, being rice, fish, and

herbs. They never ask any thing, but come to the doors, when the people

presently give them, some one thing and some another, all of which they

put into their pot, saying they must feed on their alms and be

contented. Their festivals are regulated by the moon, their chiefest

being at the new moon, when the people send rice and other things to the

_kiack_ or church which they frequent, where all the talapoins belonging

to it meet and eat the victuals that are sent. When the talapoins

preach, many of their hearers carry gifts to them in the pulpit, while

preaching, a person sitting beside the preacher to receive these gifts,

which are divided between them. So far as I could see, they have no

other ceremonials or religious service, except preaching.

From Pegu I went to _Jamahey_, in the country of the _Langeiannes_, whom

we call _Jangomes_, which is twenty-five days journey north from

Pegu[426], in which journey I passed through many fertile and pleasant

countries, the whole being low land, with many fine rivers; but the

houses are mean and bad, being built of canes and covered with straw.

This country has great numbers of wild elephants and buffaloes.

_Jamahey_ is a large handsome town, well peopled, and the houses are

well built of stone, with broad streets. The men are strong and well

made, having a cloth about their middles, bareheaded and with bare feet,

as in all these countries they wear no shoes. The women are much fairer

than those of Pegu. In all these countries they have no wheat, living

entirely on rice, which they make into cakes. To Jamahey there come many

merchants out of China, bringing great store of musk, gold, silver, and

many Chinese manufactures. They have here such great abundance of

provisions, that they do not take the trouble to milk the buffaloes as

they do in other places. Here there is great abundance of copper and

benzoin.

[Footnote 426: The names here used are so corrupted as to be utterly

unintelligible. Twenty-five days journey north from the city of Pegu, or

perhaps 500 miles, would lead the author into the northern provinces of

the Birman empire, of which the geography is very little known, perhaps

into Assan: Yet the _Langeiannes_ may possibly refer to _Lang-shang_ in

Laos, nearly west from Pegu. _Jamahey_ may be _Shamai_, in the north of

Laos; near the N.W. frontier of China.--E.]

In these countries, when people are sick, they make a vow to offer meat

to the devil in case of recovery; and when they recover, they make a

banquet, with many pipes and drums and other musical instruments,

dancing all night, and their friends bring gifts of coco-nuts, figs,

arecas, and other fruits, and with much dancing and rejoicing they

offer these to the devil, giving him to eat, and then drive him out.

While dancing and playing, they often cry and hallow aloud, to drive the

devil away. While sick, a talapoin or two sit every night by the sick

person, continually singing, to please the devil, that he may not hurt

them. When any one dies, he is carried on a great frame of wood like a

tower, having a covering or canopy made of canes all gilded, which is

carried by fourteen or sixteen men, preceded by drums, pipes, and other

instruments, and being taken to a place out of the town, the body is

there burned. On this occasion, the body is accompanied by all the male

friends, relations, and neighbours of the deceased; and they give the

talapoins or priests many mats and much cloth. They then return to the

house, where they feast for two days. After this, the widow, with all

her neighbours wives, and female friends, goes to the place where her

husband was burnt, where they sit a certain time lamenting, and then

gather up all the pieces of bones which have not been burnt to ashes,

which they bury; they then return home, and thus make an end of

mourning. On these occasions, the male and female relations shave their

heads, which is only done for the death of a friend, as they greatly

esteem their hair.

_Caplan_, the place where the rubies, sapphires and spinels are found,

is six days journey from Ava in the kingdom of Pegu. There are here many

great hills out of which they are dug, but no person is allowed to go to

the pits, except those employed in digging. In Pegu, and in all the

countries of Ava, Langeiannes, Siam, and of the Birmans, the men wear

little round balls in their privities, some having two and some three,

being put in below the skin, which is cut for that purpose, one on one

side and another on the other, which they do when 25 or 30 years of age.

These were devised that they might not abuse the male sex, to which

shocking vice they were formerly much addicted. It was also ordained,

that the women should not have more than three cubits of cloth in their

under garments, which likewise are open before, and so tight, that when

they walk they shew the leg bare above the knee.

The _bramas_, or birmans of the kings country, for the king is a birman,

have their legs or bellies, or some other part of their body according

to their fancy made black by pricking the skin, and rubbing in _anile_

or indigo, or some other black powder, which continues ever after; and

this is considered as a great honour, none being allowed to do this but

the birmans who are of kin to the king. Those people wear no beards, but

pull out the hair from their faces with small pincers made for the

purpose. Some leave 16 or 20 hairs growing together, some on one part of

the face and some on another, and pull out all the rest; every man

carrying his pincers with him, and pulling out the hairs as fast as they

appear. If they see a man with a beard they wonder at him. Both men and

women have their teeth black; for they say a dog has white teeth, and

therefore they have theirs black. When the Peguers have a law-suit that

is difficult to determine, they place two long canes upright in the

water where it is very deep, and both parties go into the water beside

the poles, having men present to judge them; they both dive, and he who

remains longest under water gains his suit.

The 10th of January, I went from Pegu to Malacca, passing many of the

sea-ports of Pegu, as Martaban, the island of _Tavi_ whence all India is

supplied with tin, Tanaserim, the island of Junkselon, and many others.

I came on the 8th of February to Malacca, where the Portuguese have a

castle near the sea. The country without the town belongs to the Malays,

who are a proud kind of people, going naked with a cloth about their

waists, and a small roll of cloth round their heads. To this place come

many ships from China, the Moluccas, Banda, Timor, and many other

islands of the Javas, bringing great store of spices, drugs, diamonds,

and other precious stones. The voyages to many of these islands belong

to the captain of Malacca, so that no one can go there without his

licence, by which he draws large sums of money every year. The

Portuguese at Malacca are often at war with the king of Acheen in the

island of Sumatra; from whence comes great store of pepper and other

spices yearly to Pegu, Mecca, and other places.

When the Portuguese go from Macao in China to Japan, they carry much

white silk, gold, musk, and porcelain, and bring from thence nothing but

silver. A great carak goes on this voyage every year, and brings from

thence about 600,000 crusadoes: and all this silver of Japan, and

200,000 more which they bring yearly from India, they employ to great

advantage in China, whence they bring gold, musk, silk, copper,

porcelains, and many very costly articles richly gilded. When the

Portuguese go to Canton in China to trade, they are only permitted to

remain there a certain number of days. When they enter the gates of the

city, they have to set down their names in a book, and when they go out

at night must put out their names, as they are not allowed to remain in

the town all night, but must sleep in their boats. When their time of

stay is expired, if any one remain, he is liable to be imprisoned and

very ill used, as the Chinese are very suspicious and do not trust

strangers; and it is even thought that the king of China does not know

of any strangers being admitted into his dominions. It is likewise

credibly reported, that the people of China see their king very seldom,

or not at all, and may not even look up to the place where he sits. When

he goes abroad, he is carried in a great chair or _serion_, splendidly

gilded, on which is made a small house with a lattice to look through,

so that he cannot be seen but may see about him. While he is passing,

all the people kneel with their faces to the ground, holding their hands

over their heads, and must not look up till he is past.

In China, when in mourning, the people wear white thread shoes and straw

hats. A man mourns two years for his wife, the wife three years for her

husband, the son a year for his father, and two years for his mother.

During the whole time of mourning the dead body is kept in the house,

the bowels being taken out, filled with _chaunam_ or lime, and put into

a coffin. When the time expires, it is carried out with much playing and

piping, and burned. After this they pull off their mourning weeds, and

may marry again when they please. All the people of China, Japan, and

Cochin-china, write downwards, from the top of the page to the bottom

using a fine pencil made of dogs or cats hair.

_Laban_ is an island among the Javas, whence come the diamonds of _the

new water_. They are there found in the rivers, as the king will not

allow them to be dug for in the rock. _Jamba_ is another island among

the Javas, from whence also diamonds are brought. In this island the

king has a mass of earth growing in the middle of the river, which is

gold; and when he is in want of gold, they cut part of this earth and

melt it, whereof cometh gold. This mass of earth is only to be seen once

a year, in the month of April, when the water is low. _Bima_ is another

island among the Javas, where the women labour as our men do in England,

and the men keep the house or go where they will[427].

[Footnote 427: All the names of these islands among the Javas, or isles

of Sunda are unintelligibly corrupt.--E.]

The 28th of March 1588, I returned from Malacca to Martaban, and thence

to Pegu, where I remained the second time till the 17th of September,

and then went to Cosmin where I took shipping; and escaping many dangers

from contrary winds, it pleased God that we arrived in Bengal in

November. I had to remain there, for want of a passage, till the 3d

February 1589, when I embarked for Cochin. In this voyage we suffered

great hardships for want of water; for the weather was very hot, and we

were many on board, merchants and passengers, and we had many calms. It

pleased God that we arrived in Ceylon on the 6th of March, where we

staid five days, to furnish ourselves with water and necessary

provisions.

Ceylon is a beautiful and fertile island, yet by reason of continual

wars with the king, every thing is very dear, as he will not suffer any

thing to be brought to the castle belonging to the Portuguese, so that

they are often in great want of victuals, and they are forced to bring

their provisions every year from Bengal. The king is called rajah and is

very powerful, for he comes sometimes against Columbo, where the

Portuguese have their fort, with 100,000 men and many elephants. But

they are all naked people, though many of them are excellent marksmen

with their muskets. When the king talks with any man, he stands on one

leg, setting the other foot on his knee, with his sword in his hand; as,

according to their customs the king never sits. He is dressed in a fine

painted cotton cloth wrapped about his middle; his hair long and bound

about his head with a small fine cloth, and all the rest of his body

naked. His guard is a thousand men, which stand round about him. They

are all Chingalese, who are said to be the best kind of the Malabars.

They have very large ears, as the larger they are the more honourable

they are esteemed, some being a span long. They burn the wood of the

cinnamon tree, which gives a pleasant scent. In this island there is

great store of rubies, sapphires, and spinels of the best kind, but the

king will not allow the inhabitants to dig for them, lest they should

tempt his enemies to make war upon him and deprive him of his dominions.

There are no horses in this country, but many elephants, which are not

so large as those of Pegu, which are of prodigious size; yet it is said

all other elephants are afraid of those of Ceylon, and refuse to fight

them, though small. The women of this island wear a cloth round their

middles, reaching only to the knees, all the rest of their bodies being

bare. Both men and women are black and very little. Their houses are

small, being constructed of the branches of the palmer or coco tree, and

covered with the leaves of the same tree.

The 11th of March we departed from Ceylon and doubled Cape Comorin. Not

far from thence, between Ceylon and the main-land of India at

Negapatnam, they fish for pearls every year, whence all India, Cambaya,

and Bengal are supplied. But these pearls are _not so orient_ [are not

so round or of so fine a water] as those of Bahrain in the gulph of

Persia. From Cape Comorin we went to Coulan, a fort of the Portuguese,

whence comes great store of pepper for Portugal, as frequently one of

the caraks is laden here. We arrived at Cochin on the 22d of March,

where we found the weather very warm, and a great scarcity of

provisions, as neither corn nor rice grows here, having mostly to be

supplied from Bengal. They have here very bad water, as the river is far

off; and by this bad water many of the people are like lepers, and many

have their legs swollen as big as a mans waist, so that they can hardly

walk. The people here are Malabars, of the race of the Nairs of Calicut,

who differ much from the other Malabars. These have their heads very

full of hair, bound up with a string, above which is a great bush of

hair. The men are tall and strong, and excellent archers, using a long

bow and long arrows, which are their best weapons; yet they have some

fire-arms among them, which they handle very badly.

In this country pepper grows, being trained up a tree or pole. It is

like our ivy berry, but something longer, like an ear of wheat. At first

the bunches are green, but as they become ripe they are cut off and

dried. The leaf is much smaller and thinner than that of ivy. The houses

of the inhabitants are very small, and are covered with the leaves of

the coco-tree. The men are of moderate stature, but the women very

little; all black, with a cloth about their middles, hanging down to

their hams, all the rest of their bodies being naked. They have horribly

great ears, with many rings set with pearls and other stones. All the

pepper sold in Calicut, and the coarse cinnamon [cassia] grow in this

country. The best cinnamon comes from Ceylon, and is peeled from fine

young trees. They have here many palmers, or coco-nut trees, which is

their chief food, as it yields both meat and drink, together with many

other useful things, as I said formerly.

The nairs belonging to the Samorin or king of Calicut, which are

Malabars, are always at war with the Portuguese, though their sovereign

be at peace with them; but his people go to sea to rob and plunder.

Their chief captain is called _Cogi Alli_, who hath three castles under

his authority. When the Portuguese complain to the Samorin, he pretends

that he does not send them out, but he certainly consents to their

going. They range all along the coast from Ceylon to Goa, and go in

parties of four or five paraos or boats together, in each of which are

fifty or sixty men, who immediately board every vessel they come up

with, doing much harm on that coast, and every year take many foists and

barks belonging to the Portuguese. Besides the nairs, many of the people

in these paraos are Moors. The dominions of the Samorin begin twelve

leagues from Cochin and reach to near Goa.

I remained in Cochin eight months, till the 2d of November, not being

able to procure a passage in all that time; whereas if I had arrived two

days sooner I should have got a passage immediately. From Cochin I went

to Goa, which is an hundred leagues; and after remaining three days I

went to Chaul, sixty leagues from Goa. I remained twenty-three days at

Chaul, making all necessary preparations for the prosecution of my

voyage. I then sailed for Ormus, four hundred leagues from Goa, where I

had to wait fifty days for a passage to Basora.

From Basora I went up the Euphrates and Tigris to Babylon or Bagdat,

being drawn up most of the way by the strength of men, hauling by a long

rope. From Bagdat I went by land to Mosul, which stands near the scite

of the ancient Nineveh, which is all ruinated and destroyed. From Mosul

I travelled to Merdin in Armenia, where a people called _Cordies_ or

Curds now dwell. I went thence to Orfa, a fair town having a fair

fountain full of fish, where the Mahometans hold many opinions, and

practice many ceremonies in reference to Abraham, who they allege once

dwelt there. From thence I went to Bir, where I crossed the Euphrates,

and continued my journey to Aleppo; whence, after staying some months

for a caravan, I went to Tripolis in Syria. Finding an English ship

there, I had a prosperous voyage to London, where by the blessing of God

I arrived safe on the 29th of April 1591, having been eight years absent

from my native country.

* * * * *

Before ending this my book, I have thought right to declare some things

which are produced in India and the countries farther east[428].

[Footnote 428: This account of the commodities of India so very much

resembles that already given in the perigrinations of Cesar Frederick,

Vol. VII. p. 204, as to seem in a great measure borrowed from it, though

with some variations.--E.]

Pepper grows in many parts of India, especially about Cochin; much of it

growing wild in the fields among the bushes without cultivation, and is

gathered when ripe. When first gathered it is green, but becomes black

by drying in the sun. Ginger is found in many parts of India, growing

like our garlic, the root being the ginger. Cloves come from the Molucca

islands, the tree resembling our bay. Nutmegs and mace grow together on

the same tree, and come from the island of Banda, the tree being like

our walnut-tree, but smaller. White sandal wood comes from the island of

Timor. It is very sweet scented, and is in great request among the

natives of India, who grind it up with a little water, and then anoint

their bodies with it, as a grateful perfume. Camphor is esteemed very

precious among the Indians, and is sold dearer than gold, so that I

think none of it comes to Christendom. That which is compounded comes

from China: But the best, which grows in canes, comes from the great

island of Borneo.

Lignuo aloes are from Cochin China. Benjamin, or Benzoin, comes from

Siam and Jangomes[429]. Long pepper grows in Bengal, Pegu, and the

Javas. Musk comes from Tartary[430], Amber[431] is supposed by most to

come out of the sea, as it is all found on the shore.

[Footnote 429: In Cesar Fredericks peregrinations, Benzoin is said to

come from Siam and _Assi_, or Assam, which confirms the conjecture

already made, of Langeiannes and the Jangomes referring to Assam.--E.]

[Footnote 430: Fitch here repeats the ridiculous, story respecting the

fabrication of musk, already given by Cesar Frederick.--E.]

[Footnote 431: Certainly Ambergris, the origin of which from the

Spermaceti whale has been formerly noticed in this work.--E.]

Rubies, sapphires and spinels are found in Pegu. Diamonds are found in

several places, as in Bisnagur, Agra, Delhi, and the Javan islands. The

best pearls come from the isle of Bahrein in the gulf of Persia; and an

inferior sort from the fisheries near Ceylon, and from Ainan, a large

island off the southern coast of China. Spodium and many other drugs

come from Cambaia or Gujrat, commonly called Guzerat.

SECTION III.

_Supplement to the Journey of Fitch_[432].

INTRODUCTION.

In Hakluyt's collection, p. 235--376, are given letters from queen

Elizabeth to Akbar Shah, Mogul emperor of Hindostan, called there

Zelabdim Echebar, king of Cambaia, and to the king or emperor of China,

dated 1583. These are merely complimentary, and for the purpose of

recommending John Newbery and his company to the protection and favour

of these eastern sovereigns, in case of visiting their dominions; and

need not therefore be inserted in this place. The following articles

however, are of a different description, consisting of several letters

from John Newbery and Ralph Fitch to different friends in England; and

of an extract from the work of John Huighen Van Linschoten, who was in

Goa in December 1583, upon their arrival at that emporium of the

Portuguese trade in India, affording a full confirmation of the

authenticity of the expedition thus far.--E.

[Footnote 432: Hakluyt, II. 375--381. and 399--402.]

No. 1.--_Letter from Mr John Newbery to Mr Richard Hakluyt of Oxford,

author of the Voyages, &c._

Right well beloved, and my assured good friend, I heartily commend me

unto you, hoping that you are in good health, &c. After we set sail from

Gravesend on the 13th of February, we remained on our coast till the

11th of March, when we sailed from Falmouth, and never anchored till our

arrival in the road of Tripoli in Syria, on the 30th of April. After

staying fourteen days there, we came to this place, Aleppo, on the 20th

of this present month of May, where we have now been eight days, and in

five or six days, with Gods help, we go from hence towards the Indies.

Since my arrival at Tripoli, I have made diligent inquiry, both there

and here, for the book of Cosmography of Abulfeda Ismael, but cannot

hear of it. Some say that it may possibly be had in Persia; but I shall

not fail to make inquiry for it both in Babylon and Balsara, [Bagdat and

Basora] and if I can find it in either of these places, shall send it

you from thence. The letter which you gave me to copy out, which came

from Mr Thomas Stevens in Goa, as also the note you gave me of Francis

Fernandez the Portuguese, I brought away with me inadvertantly among

other writings; both of which I now return you inclosed.

Great preparations are making here for the wars in Persia; and already

is gone from hence the pacha of a town called _Rahemet_, and shortly

after the pachas of Tripoli and Damascus are to follow; but they have

not in all above 6000 men. They go to a town called _Asmerome_,

[Erzerum] three days journey from Trebesond, where they are to meet with

sundry captains and soldiers from Constantinople and other places, to go

altogether into Persia. This year many men go for these wars, as has

been the case every year since they began, now about eight years, but

very few return again; although they have had the advantage over the

Persians, and have won several castles and strong holds in that country.

Make my hearty commendations to Mr Peter Guillame, Mr Philip Jones, Mr

Walter Warner, and all the rest of our friends. Mr Fitch sends his

hearty commendations; and so I commit you to the tuition of Almighty

God, whom I pray to bless and keep you, and send us a joyful meeting.

From Aleppo, the 28th of May 1583.

Your loving friend to command in all that I may, JOHN NEWBERY.

No. 2.--_Letter from Mr John Newbery to Mr Leonard Poore of London_.

My last was sent you on the 25th of February last from Deal out of the

Downs, after which, in consequence, of contrary winds, we remained on

the coast of England till the 11th March, when we sailed from Falmouth.

The 13th the wind came contrary with a great storm, by which some of our

goods were wet; but, God be thanked, no great hurt was done. After this,

we sailed with a fair wind within the Straits, continuing our voyage and

anchoring no where till the 30th of April, when we arrived in the road

of Tripoli in Syria, which was a good passage, God make us thankful for

it. We left Tripoli on the 14th of this month of May, and arrived here

at Aleppo on the 20th; and with Gods help we begin our voyage to-morrow

for Bagdat and Basora, and so to India.

Our friend Mr Barret, commendeth him to you, and sent you a _ball_

[bale?] of nutmegs in the Emanuel, for the small trifles you sent him,

which I hope you have long since received. He has also by his letter

informed you how he sold these things, whereof I say nothing, neither

having seen the account nor demanded it; for, ever since our coming

hither, he has been constantly occupied about the dispatch of the ship

and about our voyage, and I likewise in purchasing things here to carry

to Basora and India. We have bought coral to the value of 1200 ducats,

amber for 400, and some soap and broken glass and other small matters,

which I hope will serve well for the places we are going to. All the

rest of the account of the bark Reinolds was sent home in the Emanuel,

which amounted to 3600 ducats, being L.200 more than they were rated; as

Mr Staper rated them at L.1100, and it is L.1300; so that our part is

L.200, besides such profit as it shall please God to send thereof;

wherefore you would do well to speak to Mr Staper for the account.

If you could resolve to travel for three or four years, I would advise

you to come here, or to go to Cairo, if any go there. For we doubt not,

if you were to remain here three or four months, you would like the

place so well, that I think you would not desire to return in less than

three or four years; as, were it my chance to remain in any place out of

England, I would choose this before all other that I know. My reason is,

that the place is healthful and pleasant, and the profits good; and

doubtless the profits will be better hereafter, things being carried on

in an orderly manner. In every ship, the fourth part of her cargo should

come in money, which would help to put off the rest of our commodities

at a good price. It were also proper that two good ships should come

together, for mutual assistance, in which case the danger of the voyage

would be as little as from London to Antwerp.

Mr Giles Porter and Mr Edmund Porter went from Tripoli in a small bark

to Jaffa, the same day that we came from thence, which was the 14th of

this month of May, so that I have no doubt they are long since in

Jerusalem. God send them and us a safe return. At this instant, I have

received the account from Mr Barret, and the rest of the rings, with 22

ducats and 2 medins in ready money; so there remaineth nothing in his

hands but a few books, and I left certain small trifles with Thomas

Bostocke, which I pray you to demand. From Aleppo, the 29th May 1583.

No. 3.--_Letter from Mr John Newbery to the same_.

My last was of the 29th May from Aleppo, sent by George Gill, purser of

the Tiger. We left that place on the 31st, and came to Feluchia, which

is one days journey from Babylon [Bagdat,] on the 19th of June. Yet some

of our company came not hither till the 30th of June, for want of camels

to carry our goods; for by reason of the great heats at this time of the

year, camels are very hard to be got. Since our coming here we have

found very scanty sales, but are told our commodities will sell well in

winter, which I pray God may be the case. I think cloth, kersies, and

tin have never been here so low as now. Yet, if I had here as much ready

money as our goods are worth, I would not doubt to make a very good

profit of the voyage here and at Basora, and as it is, with Gods help,

there will be reasonable profit made of the adventure. But, with half

money and half commodities, the best sort of spices and other

merchandise from India, may be bought at reasonable rates, while without

money there is very little to be done here at this time to purpose. Two

days hence, God willing, I purpose going from hence to Basora, and from

thence I must necessarily go to Ormus, for want of a man who speaks the

Indian tongue. While at Aleppo, I hired two Nazarenes, one of whom has

been twice in India, and speaks the language well; but he is a very lewd

fellow, wherefore I will not take him with me.

The following are the prices of wares, as they are worth here at

present: Cloves and mace the _bateman_, 5 ducats; cinnamon, 6 ducats,

and very little to be had; ginger, 40 medins; pepper, 75 medins;

turbetta[433], 50 medins; neel [or indigo,] the _churle_ 70 ducats: the

churle is 27-1/2 rotils of Aleppo; silk, much better than that which

comes from Persia, 11-1/2 ducats the bateman, each bateman being 7

pounds 5 ounces English. From Bagdat this 20th July 1583.

[Footnote 433: Most likely turmeric, anciently called turbith vegetable,

in contradistinction to turbith mineral, so named from its yellow colour

resembling turbith or turmeric.--E.]

No. 4.--_Letter from, John Newbery to Messrs John Eldred and William

Scales at Basora_.

Time will not permit to give you an account of my voyage after my

departure from you. But on the 4th day of this present September, we

arrived here at Ormus; and the 10th day I and the rest were committed to

prison. The middle of next month, or thereabout, the captain proposes

sending us all in his ship to Goa. The cause for which we have been

imprisoned is said to be, because we brought letters from Don Antonio:

But the truth is, Michael Stropene is the only cause, through letters

written to him by his brother from Aleppo. God knows how we may be dealt

with at Goa; and therefore, if you our masters can procure that the king

of Spain may send his letters for our release, you would do us great

good, for they cannot with any justice put us to death, though it may be

that they will cut our throats, or keep us long in prison. Gods will be

done.

All the commodities I brought to this place had been well sold, if this

trouble had not come upon us. You shall do well to send a messenger in

all speed by land from Basora to Aleppo, to give notice of this

mischance, even though it may cost 30 or 40 crowns, that we may be the

sooner released, and I shall thereby be the better able to recover again

what is now like to be lost. From prison in Ormus, this 21st September

1583.

No. 5.--_Letter Mr J. Newbery to Messrs Eldred and Scales_.

The bark of the Jews is arrived here two days ago, by which I am sure

you wrote; but your letters are not likely to come to my hands. The

bringer of this hath shewed me very great courtesy, for which I pray

you to shew him what favour you can. About the middle of next month, I

think we shall depart from hence: God be our guide. I think Andrew will

go by land to Aleppo; and I pray you to further him what you may: But,

if he should not go, then I pray you to dispatch a messenger in all

speed. I can say no more, but beg you to do for me what I should do for

you in the like case. From prison in Ormus, the 24th September 1583.

No. 6.--_Letter from Mr Newbery to Mr Leonard Poore_.

My last from Ormus certified you what had happened to me there, with the

rest of my company; as in four days after our arrival we were all

committed to prison, except one Italian, who came with me from Aleppo,

whom the captain never examined, except asking what countryman he was;

but I believe Michael Stropene, who accused us, had informed the captain

of him. The first day of our arrival at Ormus, this Stropene accused us

of being spies for Don Antonio, besides diverse other lies; yet if we

had been of any other country than England, we might freely have traded

with them. Although we be Englishmen, I know no reason why we may not as

well trade from place to place as the natives of other countries; for

all nations may and do come freely to Ormus, as Frenchmen, Flemings,

Germans, Hungarians, Italians, Greeks, Armenians, Nazarenes, Turks,

Moors, Jews, and Gentiles, Persians, and Muscovites. In short, there is

no nation they seek to trouble, but only ours; wherefore it were

contrary to all justice and reason that they should suffer all nations

to trade with them, and forbid us. Now indeed I have as great liberty as

those of any other nation, except it be to leave the country, which as

yet I desire not. But hereafter, and I think ere long, if I shall be

desirous to go from hence, that they will not refuse me licence. Before

we were suffered to come out of prison, I was forced to put in sureties

for 2000 pardaos, not to depart from hence without licence of the

viceroy; and except this, we have now as much liberty as any one, for I

have got back our goods, and have taken a house in the chiefest street

called the _Rue drette_, where we sell our goods.

There were two causes which moved the captain of Ormus to imprison us,

and afterwards to send us to Goa. The first was because Michael Stropene

had most falsely accused us of many matters. The other was, because when

Mr Drake was at the Molucca islands, he caused two pieces of cannon to

be fired at a Portuguese galeon belonging to the king, at least so they

allege. But of these things I did not know when at Ormus. In the same

ship which brought us to Goa, came the chief justice of Ormus, called

the veedor general of that place, who had been there three years, so

that his time was expired. This veedor is a great friend to the captain

of Ormus, and sent for me into his chamber, one day after coming here to

Goa, and began to demand many things at me, to which I made answers.

Among other things, he said that Mr Drake had been sent out of England

with many ships, and had gone to Molucca where he loaded cloves, and

finding a Portuguese galeon there belonging to the king, had shot two

pieces of his great ordnance against her. Perceiving this grieved them

much, I asked if they meant to be revenged on me for what had been done

by Mr Drake: To which he answered no; though his meaning was yes.

He said moreover, that the captain of Ormus had sent me to Goa, that the

viceroy might learn the news from me respecting Don Antonio, and whether

he were in England or not; and that it might possibly be all for the

best my being sent hither; which I trust in God may so fall out, though

contrary to his expectation and intention: For, if it had not pleased

God to influence the minds of the archbishop, and two padres or Jesuits

of the college of St Paul, to stand our friends, we might have rotted in

prison. The archbishop is a very good man, who has two young men in his

service, one called Bernard Borgers born in Hamburgh, and the other

named John Linscot[434], a native of Enkhuysen, who did us especial

service; for by them the archbishop was often reminded of our case. The

two good fathers who laboured so much for us were padre Mark, a native

of Bruges in Flanders, and padre Thomas Stevens[435], born in Wiltshire

in England. I chanced likewise to fall in with here a young man, Francis

de Rea, who was born in Antwerp, but was mostly brought up in London,

with whom I became acquainted in Aleppo, who also has done me much

service.

[Footnote 434: John Huighen van Linschoten, the author of the book

respecting the East Indies, formerly quoted, and from which a second

quotation will be given in this supplement.--E.]

[Footnote 435: This is he whose letter to his father from Goa has been

already inserted, and who was sometime of New College in

Oxford.--Hakluyt.]

We remained many days in prison at Ormus, and were a long while at sea

coming hither. Immediately on our arrival at this place we were sent to

prison, whence next day we were brought before the chief justice or

veedor, to be examined, after which we were remanded to prison. When we

had been thirteen days in prison, James Storie, the painter who

accompanied us, went into the monastery of St Paul, where he remains,

being made one of the company, which life he seems to like[436]. Upon St

Thomas day, 12th December, 22 days after our arrival here, I was

liberated from prison, and the next day Ralph Fitch and William

Bets[437] came out.

[Footnote 436: It will appear afterwards that he did not continue.--E.]

[Footnote 437: In the narrative of Fitch no such name occurs, but

William Leedes jeweller, is named as one of the party. Perhaps he ought

to have been named by Fitch, William Bets of Leeds.--E.]

If these troubles had not occurred, I think I was in a fair way of

making as good a voyage as was ever made with such a sum of money. Many

of our things I sold very well, both here and at Ormus while in prison,

although the captain of Ormus wished me to have sold all I had before I

embarked; so, by his permission, I went sundry times from the castle in

the mornings, accompanied by officers, and sold things, and returned

again at night to prison. They wrote down every thing that I sold; and

at my embarking, the captain directed me to deliver all my money and

goods into the hands of the _scrivano_ or purser of the ship, which I

did, and the scrivano left an acknowledgement with the captain, that

myself with the money and goods should be delivered up to the veedor

general in India. But on our arrival here, the veedor would not meddle

with either money or goods, seeing that no crime was substantiated

against us: Wherefore the goods remained in the ship nine or ten days

after our arrival; and then, as the ship was to sail from thence, the

scrivano sent the goods on shore, where they remained a day and a night

without any one to receive them. In the end, they permitted the bearer

of this letter to receive them, who put them into a house which he hired

for me, in which they remained four or five days. When afterwards they

ought to have delivered the money, it was ordered by the _veedor_, that

both the money and goods should be given into the custody of the

_positor_, where they remained for fourteen days after I was liberated

from prison.

When in Aleppo, I bought a fountain of silver gilt, six knives, six

spoons, and one fork, all trimmed with coral, for 25 chekins, which the

captain of Ormus took to himself and only paid 20 pardaos, or 100

larines, though they were worth there or here at Goa 100 chekins. Also

he had five emeralds set in gold, worth five or six hundred crowns, for

which he only paid 100 pardaos. He likewise took 19-1/2 pikes of cloth,

which cost 20 shillings the pike at London, and was worth 9 or 10 crowns

the pike at Ormus, for which he only paid 12 larines. He also had two

pieces of green kersie, worth 24 pardaos each; besides divers other more

trifling articles which he and the officers took at similar inferior

prices, and some for nothing at all. But the real cause of all was

Michal Stropene, who came to Ormus without a penny, and is now worth

thirty or forty thousand crowns, and is grieved that any stranger should

trade there but himself. But that shall not avail him; for I trust yet

to go both hither and thither, and to buy and sell as freely as he or

any other.

There is a great deal of good to be done here in divers of our

commodities; and likewise there is much profit to be made with the

commodities of this country, when carried to Aleppo. It were long for me

to write, and tedious for you to read, all the incidents which have

occurred to me since we parted; but the bearer is able to inform you of

every thing that has befallen me since my arrival in Ormus. It is my

intention to remain here in Goa; wherefore, if you write me, you may

send your letters to some friend in Lisbon, to be forwarded from thence

by the India ships. Let your direction, therefore be in Portuguese or

Spanish, by which they will the more readily reach me.--From Goa, this

20th of January 1584.

No, 7.--_Letter from Mr Ralph Fitch to Mr Leonard Poore_.

Loving friend, &c. Since my departure from Aleppo, I have not written

you, because at Bagdat I was ill of flux, and continued in all the way

thence to Basora, which was twelve days journey down the Tigris, when we

had extremely hot weather, bad fare, and worse lodging, all of which

increased my disease; besides which our boat was pestered with people.

During eight entire days I hardly eat any thing, so that if we had been

two days longer on the water, I verily believe I had died. But, thanks

be to God, I presently mended after coming to Basora. We remained there

fourteen days, when we embarked for Ormus, where we arrived on the 5th

of September, and were put in prison on the 9th of the same month, where

we continued till the 11th of October, and were then shipt for this city

of Goa, in the ship belonging to the captain of Ormus, with 114

horses[438], and about 200 men. Passing by Diu and Chaul, at which place

we landed on the 20th November, we arrived at Goa on the 29th of that

month, where, for our better entertainment, we were committed to a fair

strong prison, in which we continued till the 22d of December. It

pleased God, that there were two padres there who befriended us, the one

an Englishman named Thomas Stevens, the other a Fleming named Marco,

both Jesuits of the college of St Paul. These good men sued for us to

the viceroy and other officers, and stood us in such good stead as our

lives and goods were worth: But for them, even if we had escaped with

our lives, we must have suffered a long imprisonment.

[Footnote 438: In the narrative of Fitch, called 124, which might easily

be mistaken either way in transcription.--E.]

When we had been fourteen days in prison, they offered us leave to go at

large in the town, if we would give sureties, for 2000 ducats, not to

depart the country without the licence of the viceroy. Being unable to

procure any such, the before mentioned friendly fathers of St Paul

procured sureties for us. The Italians are much offended and displeased

at our enlargement, and many wonder at our delivery. James Storie the

painter has gone into the cloister of St Paul, as one of their order,

and seems to like the situation. While we were in prison, both at Ormus

and here, a great deal of our goods were pilfered and lost, and we have

been at great charges in gifts and otherwise, so that much of our

property is consumed. Of what remains, much will sell very well, and for

some we will get next to nothing. The viceroy is gone to Chaul and Diu

as it is said to win a castle of the Moors, and it is thought he will

return about Easter; when I trust in God we shall procure our liberty,

and have our sureties discharged. It will then, I think, be our best way

for one or both of us to return, as our troubles have been very great,

and because so much of our goods have been spoiled and lost: But if it

should please God that I come to England, I will certainly return here

again. It is a charming country, and extremely fruitful, having summer

almost the whole year, but the most delightful season is about

Christmas. The days and nights are of equal length throughout the whole

year, or with very little difference; and the country produces a most

wonderful abundance of fruit. After all our troubles we are fat and in

good health, for victuals are plentiful and cheap. I omit to inform you

of many strange things till we meet, as it would be too long to write of

them. And thus I commit you to God, &c. From Goa in the East Indies,

25th January 1584.

No. 8.--_The Report of John Huighen van Linschoten, concerning the

imprisonment of Newbery and Fitch; which happened while he was at Goa_.

In the month of December 1583, four Englishmen arrived at Ormus, who

came by way of Aleppo in Syria, having sailed from England by the

Mediterranean to Tripoli, a town and haven in Syria, where all ships

discharge their wares and merchandise for Aleppo, to which they are

carried by land, which is a journey of nine days. In Aleppo there reside

many merchants and factors of all nations, as Italians, French, English,

Armenians, Turks, and Moors, every one following his own religion, and

paying tribute to the grand Turk. It. is a place of great trade, whence

twice every year there go two _cafilas_ or caravans, containing great

companies of people and camels, which travel to India, Persia, Arabia,

and all the adjoining countries, dealing in all kinds of merchandise

both to and from these countries, as I have already declared in another

part of this book.

Three of these Englishmen were sent by the company of English who reside

in Aleppo, to see if they might keep any factors at Ormus, and so

traffic in that place, as the Italians do, that is the Venetians, who

have their factors in Ormus, Goa, and Malacca, and trade there, both for

pearls and precious stones, and for other wares and spices of these

countries, which are carried thence over-land to Venice. One of these

Englishmen, Mr John Newbery, had been once before in the said town of

Ormus, and had there taken good information of the trade; and on his

advice the others were then come hither along with him, bringing great

store of merchandise; such as cloths, saffron, all kinds of drinking

glasses and haberdashery wares, as looking-glasses, knives, and such

like stuff; and to conclude, they brought with them every kind of small

wares that can be thought of.

Although these wares amounted to great sums of money, they were yet only

as a shadow or colour, to give no occasion of mistrust or suspicion, as

their principal intention was to purchase great quantities of precious

stones, as diamonds, pearls, rubies, &c. to which end they brought with

them a great sum of money in silver and gold, and that very secretly,

that they might not be robbed of it, or run into danger on its

account[439]. On their arrival at Ormus, they hired a shop and began to

sell their wares; which being noticed by the Italians, whose factors

reside there as I said before, and fearing if these Englishmen got good

vent for their commodities, that they would become residents and so

daily increase, which would be no small loss and hindrance to them, they

presently set about to invent subtle devices to hinder them. To which

end, they went immediately to the captain of Ormus, who was then Don

Gonzalo de Menezes[440], saying that these Englishmen were heretics come

to spy the country, and that they ought to be examined and punished as

enemies, for a warning to others. Being friendly to these Englishmen, as

one of them had been there before and had given him presents, the

captain could not be prevailed upon to injure them, but shipped them

with all their wares for Goa, sending them to the viceroy, that he might

examine and deal with them as he thought good.

[Footnote 439: This seems a mere adoption of the rumours of the

Italians; as Newbery distinctly complains of the want of cash, by which

he might have made very profitable purchases in Aleppo, Bagdat, and

Basora.--E.]

[Footnote 440: The captain of the castle of Ormus is named Don Mathias

de Albuquerque by Fitch.--E.]

Upon their arrival at Goa, they were cast into prison, and were in the

first place examined whether or not they were good Christians. As they

could only speak very bad Portuguese, while two of them spoke good

Dutch, having resided several years in the low countries, a Dutch Jesuit

who was born at Bruges in Flanders, and had resided thirty years in

India, was sent to them, to undermine and examine them; in which they

behaved so well, that they were holden and esteemed for good and

Catholic Christians; yet were they still suspected, as being strangers

and Englishmen. The Jesuits told them that they would be sent prisoners

into Portugal, and advised them to leave off their trade in merchandise,

and to become Jesuits; promising in return to defend them from all their

troubles. The cause of thus earnestly persuading them was this: The

Dutch Jesuit had been secretly informed that they had great sums of

money, and sought to get that for the order; as the first vow and

promise made on becoming a Jesuit is, to procure and advance the welfare

of the order by every possible means. Although the Englishmen refused

this, saying that they were quite unfit for such matters, yet one of

them, a painter, who came with the other three to see the country and

seek his fortune, and was not sent by the English merchants, partly

through fear, and partly from want of means to relieve himself from

prison, promised to become a Jesuit. And although the fathers knew that

he was not one of those who had the treasure, yet, because he was a

painter, of whom there are few in India, and that they had great need of

one to paint their church, which would cost them great charges to bring

from Portugal, they were very glad of him, and hoped in time to get all

the rest, with all their money, into their fellowship.

To conclude, they made this painter a Jesuit, and he continued some time

in their college, where they gave him plenty of work to perform, and

entertained him with all the favour and friendship they could devise,

all to win the rest to become their prey. But the other three remained

in prison in great fear, because they did not understand any who came to

them, neither did any one understand what they said. They were at last

informed of certain Dutchmen who dwelt with the archbishop, and were

advised to send for them, at which they greatly rejoiced, and sent for

me and another Dutchman, desiring us to come and speak with them, which

we presently did. With tears in their eyes, they complained to us of

their hard usage, explaining to us distinctly, as is said before, the

true cause of their coming to Ormus, and praying us for God's sake to

help them to their liberty upon sureties, declaring themselves ready to

endure whatever could be justly ordained for them, if they were found to

be otherwise than they represented, or different from other travelling

merchants who sought to profit by their wares.

Promising to do our best for them, we at length prevailed on the

archbishop to deliver a petition for them to the viceroy, and persuaded

him to set them at liberty and restore their goods, on condition of

giving security to the amount of 2000 pardaos, not to depart the country

without licence. Thereupon they presently found a citizen who became

their surety in 2000 pardaos, to whom they paid in hand 1300, as they

said they had no more money; wherefore he gave them credit for the rest,

seeing that they had great store of merchandise, through which he might

at any time be satisfied, if needful. By these means they were delivered

out of prison, on which they hired a house, and began to open shop; so

that they sold many of their goods, and were presently well known among

the merchants, as they always respected gentlemen, especially such as

bought their wares, shewing them much honour and courtesy, by which they

won much credit, and were beloved of all men, so that all favoured them,

and were ready to shew them favour. To us they shewed great friendship,

and for our sakes the archbishop favoured them much, and gave them good

countenance, which they well knew how to increase by offering him many

presents, although he would not receive them, as he never accepted gift

or present from any person. They behaved themselves in all things so

discreetly, that no one carried an evil eye or evil thought towards

them. This did not please the Jesuits, as it hindered what they still

wished and hoped for; so that they still ceased not to intimidate them

by means of the Dutch Jesuit, intimating that they would be sent

prisoners to Portugal, and counselling them to become Jesuits in the

cloister of St Paul, when they would be securely defended from all

troubles. The Dutchman pretended to give them this advice as a friend,

and one who knew certainly that it was so determined in the viceroy's

council, and that he only waited till the ship sailed for Portugal;

using this and other devices to put them in fear, and so to effect their

purpose.

The Englishmen durst not say any thing to the contrary, but answered

that they would remain as they were yet a little while and consider

their proposal, thus putting the Jesuits in hopes of their compliance.

The principal of these Englishmen, John Newbery, often complained to me,

saying that he knew not what to think or say of these things, or how

they might get rid of these troubles. In the end, they determined with

themselves to depart from Goa; and secretly, by means of other friends,

they employed their money in the purchase of precious stones, which they

were the better able to effect as one of them was a jeweller, who came

with them for that purpose. Having concluded on this step, they durst

not make it known to any one, not even to us, although they used to

consult us on all occasions and tell us every thing they knew.

On one of the Whitson holidays, they went out to recreate themselves

about three miles from Goa, in the mouth of the river, in a country

called _Bardez_[441], taking with them a supply of victuals and drink.

That they might not be suspected, they left their house and shop, with

same of their wares unsold, in the charge of a Dutch boy whom we had

procured for them, and who remained in their house, quite ignorant of

their intentions. When in Bardez, they procured a _patamer_, one of the

Indian post-boys or messengers who carry letters from place to place,

whom they hired as a guide. Between Bardez and the main-land there is

only a small river, in a manner half dry, which they passed over on

foot, and so travelled away by land, and were never heard of again; but

it is thought they arrived in Aleppo, though no one knows: with

certainty. Their great dependence is upon John Newbery, who can speak

the Arabian language, which is used in all these countries, or at least

understood, being as commonly known in all the east as French is with

us.

[Footnote 441: Bardes is an island a short way north from the island of

Goa, and only divided from the main-land by a small river or creek.--E.]

On the news of their departure being brought to Goa, there was a great

stir and murmuring among the people, as all much wondered. Many were of

opinion that we had counselled them to withdraw, and presently their

surety seized on the remaining goods, which might amount to the value of

200 pardaos; and with that and the money he had received of the

Englishmen, he went to the viceroy, and delivered it to him, the viceroy

forgiving him the rest. This flight of the Englishmen grieved the

Jesuits worst, as they had lost so rich a prey, which they made

themselves secure of. The Dutch Jesuit came to ask us if we knew of

their intentions, saying, if he had suspected as much he would have

dealt differently by them, for he had once in his hands a bag of theirs,

in which were 40,000 _veneseanders_, [442], each worth two pardaos, at

the time when they were in prison. But as they had always given him to

believe he might accomplish his desire of getting them to profess in the

Jesuit college, he had given them their money again, which otherwise

they would not have come by so easily, or peradventure never. This he

said openly, and in the end he called them heretics, spies, and a

thousand other opprobrious names.

[Footnote 442: This word _veneseander_, or venetiander, probably means,

a Venetian chekin.--E.]

When the English painter, who had become a Jesuit, heard that his

countrymen were gone, and found that the Jesuits did not use him with so

great favour as at first, he repented himself; and not having made any

solemn vow, and being counselled to leave their house, he told them that

he made no doubt of gaining a living in the city, and that they had no

right to keep him against his inclination, and as they could not accuse

him of any crime, he was determined not to remain with them. They used

all the means they could devise to keep him in the college, but he would

not stay, and, hiring a house in the city, he opened shop as a painter,

where he got plenty of employment, and in the end married the daughter

of a mestee, so that he laid his account to remain there as long as he

lived. By this Englishman I was instructed in all the ways, trades, and

voyages of the country between Aleppo, and Ormus, and of all the rules

and customs observed in the overland passage, as also of all the towns

and places on the route. Since the departure of these Englishmen from

Goa, there have never arrived any strangers, either English or others,

by land, except Italians, who are constantly engaged in the overland

trade, going and coming continually.

END OF VOLUME SEVENTH.