The Margaret, the ship of Captain Davis, and another belonging to

Weymouth remained at anchor before the town, to take in our wine and

provisions. This ship of Weymouth came to us only the day before, having

taken a rich prize said to be worth sixteen thousand pounds, and brought

us news that the West India fleet had not yet gone past, but was shortly

expected. We put to sea in the Victory, and on Saturday the 4th October,

we took a French ship of St Maloes, a city belonging to the league,

laden with fish from Newfoundland, which had been forced to cut away her

mast in a tempest, and was now bound to Gracioso for repairs. Taking out

her principal people, we put some of our own mariners and soldiers on

board, and sent her off for England. At night on the following Sunday,

having received all the supplies promised us at Gracioso, we parted from

the islanders in a friendly manner, and saluted them with our ordnance.

The three next days we plyed to and fro among these western islands,

having very rough weather. On Thursday night, being driven to within

three or four leagues of Tercera, we saw fifteen sail of the West India

fleet going into the haven of Angra in that island; but, though we lay

as close to windward as possible during the four following days, we were

unable to get near them. At this time we lost sight of our French prize,

which was not able to lay so close to the wind as our ships, and heard

no more of her till our return to England, where she arrived safe.

Getting at length on the fifth day near the mouth of Angra harbour, we

inclined to have run among the West India fleet, on purpose to have cut

out some of them if possible; but this enterprize was deemed too

hazardous, considering the strength of the place, as the ships were

hauled close to the town on our approach, under protection of the castle

of Brazil on one side, having 25 pieces of ordnance, and a fort on the

other side with 13 or 14 large brass cannon. Besides which, on nearing

the land, the wind proved too scanty for the attempt.

On Thursday the 14th October, we sent our boat into the road of Angra to

take the soundings, and to endeavour to find some proper place for us to

anchor, beyond the shot of the castle and within shot of some of the

ships, that we might either force them to come out to us or sink them

where they lay. Our boat found a fit place for us, but the wind would

not suffer us to get to it; and besides, if we had anchored there, it

was more likely that they would have run their ships on shore, to save

their lives and liberties and some of their goods, than have resigned

all to us by coming out. We therefore discharged a few guns at them, but

our shot fell far short; upon which we departed, as it was not likely

they would come out while we watched before the mouth of the harbour, or

remained within sight. We accordingly put to sea, where we cruized for

five days, sending a pinnace to watch them close in shore but out of

sight, to bring us word when they set sail. After some time the pinnace

brought us notice that all the ships had taken down their sails and

struck their top-masts, so that we concluded they would remain till sure

of our departure. Wherefore, having heard there were some Scots ships at

St Michael, we sailed thither on the 20th October, and found there one

Scots _roader_, and two or three more at Villa-franca, the next road, a

league or two east from St Michaels. From these we received five or six

butts of wine and some fresh water, but by no means sufficient to serve

our wants. The 21st October, we sent our long-boat on shore to procure

fresh water at a brook a short way west from Villa-franca; but the

inhabitants came down with about 150 armed men, having two ensigns

displayed, and our boat was forced to return without water, having spent

all its powder in vain, and being unable to prevail against such great

odds.

Learning that the island of St Mary was a place of no great strength, we

made sail for that place, intending to take in water there, and to go

thence to the coast of Spain. On the Friday following, my lord sent

captain Lister and captain Amias Preston, afterwards Sir Amias, with our

long-boat and pinnace, with between 60 and 70 arquebusiers, carrying a

friendly letter to the islanders, desiring leave to procure water, in

exchange for which he engaged to do them no harm. Captain Preston had

come on board the Victory not long before from his own ship, which lost

company with us in the night, so that he was under the necessity of

remaining with us. We departed from the Victory in our boats about nine

in the morning, rowing for the land, and by three in the afternoon had

got within a league or two of the shore, being then four or five leagues

from the Victory, and our men sore spent with hard rowing. At this time

we perceived, to our great joy, two ships at anchor close under the

town; upon which we shifted six or seven of our men into the boat

belonging to captain Davis, being too much crowded, and retaining about

20 arquebusiers in the pinnace, we made towards these two ships with all

possible haste.

While proceeding towards them, we saw several boats passing between the

_roaders_[366] and the shore, and many men in their shirts swimming and

wading on shore, who, as we afterwards learnt, were endeavouring to get

the ships fast aground; and the inhabitants were at the same time busied

in preparing to defend the ships and themselves against us. On coming

near them, captain Lister commanded the trumpets to be sounded, but

prohibited any firing till farther orders; yet some of the people,

either not hearing, or disregardful of these orders, began firing as

soon as the trumpets sounded, though with small injury to the islanders,

who mostly lay under the cover of trenches or other means of defence.

Captain Lister then urged on the rowers, who began to shrink at the shot

from the enemy which flew thick about their ears, and was himself the

first to board one of the ships which lay farther from shore than the

other, while we speedily followed, still plying the enemy with our shot,

and having cut her cables and hawsers, we towed her out to sea. In the

mean time, captain Davis came up in his boat, and boarded the other

ship, both having been abandoned by their crews; but, as she was quite

fast aground, he was under the necessity of quitting her, exposed to

shot and stones even from the shore. At this time, the towns-people made

an attempt to capture captain Davis and his boats crew, which were but

few in number; but they joined us, and we jointly towed off our prize,

which was a ship from Brazil laden with sugar. In this exploit we had

two men slain and sixteen wounded, while it is probable that the enemy

suffered small loss, as they were mostly sheltered behind stone walls,

many of which were built above one another on the end of the hill on

which the town stands, between two vallies. On the top of the hill they

had some large cannon, from which they fired leaden bullets, one only

of which went through the side of our prize, but did no other injury.

[Footnote 366: This uncommon word seems merely to signify, ships lying

at anchor in an open road.--E.]

Next day we made another attempt to get fresh water at this island, but

as we were ignorant of the landing-place, where we found many

inconveniences and disadvantages, we were unable to effect our purpose.

Wherefore we departed on the night of the 25th October for the island of

St George, in quest of fresh water, and got there on the 27th. Observing

a stream of water running down into the sea, the pinnace, and long-boat

were sent under captains Preston and Manson, by whom a letter was sent

by my lord to the islanders, desiring leave to take water quietly, and

no farther injury should be done them. On getting to the shore, our men

found some of the poor islanders hid among the rocks, being afraid of

us. On the 29th, our boats returned with fresh water, bringing only six

tons to the Victory, alleging they could get no more; thinking, as was

afterwards supposed, as he had only 12 tons of water and wine, that my

lord would now return direct for England, as many of our men greatly

desired. My lord, was very unwilling to do this, and meant next day to

have taken in more water, but from the roughness of the sea, and the

wind freshening, and owing to the unwillingness of the people, no more

water was procured: yet my lord would not return with so much provision

unspent, especially as the expedition had not hitherto produced such

fruits as might reasonably satisfy himself and others. Wherefore, with

consent of the whole ships companies, it was agreed to go for England by

way of the coast of Spain, to endeavour to make more captures, the whole

people being reduced to half allowance of water, except such as were

sick or wounded, who were to have whole allowance. On Saturday, the 31st

October, as the Margaret was very leaky, she was sent off direct for

England in charge of the Brazil ship, and in them our sick and wounded

men were sent home; but captain Monson was taken out of the _Megge_ into

the Victory[367].

[Footnote 367: In the commencement of this voyage, the Meg and Margaret

are named as distinct ships, one of which is said to have been sent home

soon after, as unfit for sea. In this passage the Margaret and Megge are

evidently different names for the same ship.--E.]

We now shaped our course for the coast of Spain, having the wind fair

and large, which had seldom been the case hitherto. On the 4th November

we saw a sail right before us, to which we gave chase, and coming up

with her about 3 P.M. we took possession of her, being a ship of about

110 tons burden, from _Pernambucke_ or Fernambucco, in Brazil, bound

for Portugal, having on board 410 chests of sugar, and 50 quintals of

Brazil wood, each quintal being 100 pounds weight. We took her in lat.

29° N. about 200 leagues west from Lisbon. Captain Preston was sent on

board the prize, who brought her principal people into the Victory,

certain of our seamen and soldiers being appointed to take charge of

her. The Portuguese reported, that they had seen another ship that day

before them about noon; wherefore, when all things were properly

disposed respecting our prize, we left her under the charge of captain

Davis, with whom likewise we left our long-boat, taking his smaller boat

with us, and made all sail due east after this other ship, leaving

orders for captain Davis and the prize to follow us due east, and if he

had not sight of us next morning, to bear away direct for England. Next

morning we could not see the vessel of which we were in chase, neither

was the prize or the ship of captain Davis to be seen.

On the 6th November, being then in lat. 38° 30' N. and about 60 leagues

west from Lisbon, captain Preston descried a sail early in the morning

two or three leagues a-head of us, which we came up with about 8 or 9

o'clock A.M. She was lastly from St Michaels, but originally from Brazil

laden with sugar. While employed shifting the prisoners into the

Victory, one of our men in the main-top espied another sail some three

or four leagues a-head, on which we immediately sent back our boat with

men to take charge of the prize, and made all sail in chase, so that we

overtook the other ship about 2 P.M. She made some preparation to resist

us, hanging many hides all round her sides, so that musquetry could not

have injured her; but by the time we had fired two cannon shot at her,

she lowered her sails and surrendered. She was of between 300 and 400

tons, bound from Mexico and St John de Lowe, (San Juan de Ulloa) her

cargo consisting of 700 dry hides; worth 10s. apiece, six chests of

cochineal, every chest holding 100 pounds weight, and every pound worth

L. 1, 6s. 8d., besides which she had several chests of sugar, some

packages of China ware, with some wrought plate and silver in coin. The

captain was an Italian, a grave, wise, and civil person, who had to the

value of 25,000 ducats adventure in this ship. He and some of the

principal Spanish prisoners were taken on board the Victory; and captain

Lister was sent into the prize, with some 20 of our best mariners,

soldiers, and sailors. In the meantime our other prize came up with us,

and having now our hands full, we joyfully shaped our course for

England, as we had so many Portuguese, Spanish, and French prisoners,

that we could not well have manned any more prizes with safety to

ourselves. Wherefore, about 6 P.M. when our other prize came up, we made

sail for England. But as our two prizes were unable to keep up with us

without sparing them many of our own sails, our ship rolled and wallowed

so that it was both exceedingly troublesome, and put our main-mast in

great danger of being carried away. Having accordingly acquainted them

with these circumstances, and taken back our sails, we directed them to

keep their course following us, so as to make for Portsmouth.

We took this last prize in lat. 39° N. about 46 leagues west from the

Rock of Lisbon. She was one of the 16 ships we saw going into the

harbour of Angra in the island of Tercera on the 8th October. Some of

the prisoners taken from this ship told us, that while we were plying

off and on before that harbour in waiting for their coming out, three of

the largest of these ships were unloaded of all their treasure and

merchandize, by order of the governor of Tercera, and were each manned

with 300 soldiers, on purpose to have come out and boarded the Victory;

but by the time these preparations were made, the Victory was gone out

of sight.

We now went merrily before the wind with all the sails we could carry,

insomuch that between the noons of Friday and Saturday, or in 24 hours,

we sailed near 47 leagues, or 141 English miles, although our ship was

very foul, and much grown with sea grass, owing to our having been long

at sea. This quick sailing made some of our company expect to be present

at the tilting on the queens birth-day at Whitehall, while others were

flattering themselves with keeping a jolly Christmas in England from

their shares in the prizes. But it was our lot to keep a cold Christmas

with the Bishop and his Clerks, rocks to the westwards of Scilly; for

soon after the wind came about to the east, the very worst wind for us

which could blow from the heavens, so that we could not fetch any part

of England. Upon this our allowance of drink, before sufficiently

scanty, was now still farther curtailed, owing to the scarcity in our

ship, each man being confined to half a pint of cold water at a meal,

and that not sweet. Yet this was an ample allowance in comparison, as

our half pint was soon reduced to a quarter, and even at this reduced

rate our store was rapidly disappearing, insomuch that it was deemed

necessary for our preservation to put into some port in Ireland to

procure water. We accordingly endeavoured to do this, being obliged,

when near that coast, to lie to all night, waiting for day light; but

when it appeared we had drifted so far to leeward in the night that we

could fetch no part of Ireland, we were therefore constrained to return

again, with heavy hearts, and to wait in anxious expectation till it

should please God to send us a fair wind either for England or Ireland.

In the mean time we were allowed for each man two or three spoonfuls of

vinegar at each meal, having now no other drink, except that for two or

three meals we had about as much wine, which was wrung out of the

remaining lees. Under this hard fare we continued near a fortnight,

being only able to eat a very little in all that time, by reason of our

great want of drink. Saving that now and then we enjoyed as it were a

feast, when rain or hail chanced to fall, on which occasions we gathered

up the hail-stones with the most anxious care, devouring them more

eagerly than if they had been the finest comfits. The rain-drops also

were caught and saved with the utmost careful attention; for which

purpose some hung up sheets tied by the four corners, having a weight in

the middle, to make the rain run down there as in a funnel into some

vessel placed underneath. Those who had no sheets hung up napkins or

other clouts, which when thoroughly wet they wrung or sucked to get the

water they had imbibed. Even the water which fell on the deck under

foot, and washed away the filth and soil of the ship, though as dirty as

the kennel is in towns during rain, was carefully watched and collected

at every scupper-hole, nay, often with strife and contention, and caught

in dishes, pots, cans, and jars, of which some drank hearty draughts,

mud and all, without waiting for its settlement or cleansing. Others

cleaned it by filtrating, but it went through so slowly that they could

ill endure to wait so long, and were loath to lose so much precious

liquid. Some licked the water like dogs with their tongues from the

decks, sides, rails, and masts of the ship. Others, that were more

ingenious, fastened girdles or ropes about the masts, daubing tallow

between these and the mast, that the rain might not run down between;

and making one part of these girdles lower than the rest, fixed spouts

of leather at these lower parts, that the rain running down the masts

might meet and be received at these spouts. He who was fortunate enough

to procure a can of water by these means, was sued to, and envied as a

rich man.

_Quem pulchrum digito monstrari, et dicere hic est_.

Some of the poor Spaniards who were prisoners, though having the same

allowance with our own men, often begged us for the love of God to give

them as much water as they could hold in the hollow of their hands: And,

notwithstanding our own great extremity, they were given it, to teach

them some humanity, instead of their accustomed barbarity both to us and

other nations. Some put leaden bullets into their months, to slack their

thirst by chewing them. In every corner of the ship, the miserable cries

of the sick and wounded were sounding lamentably in our ears, pitifully

crying out and lamenting for want of drink, being ready to die, yea many

dying for lack thereof. Insomuch, that by this great extremity we lost

many more men than in all the voyage before; as before this, we were so

well and amply provided for, that we lived as well and were as healthy

as if we had been in England, very few dying among us; whereas now, some

of our men were thrown overboard every day.

The 2d of December 1589 was with us a day of festival, as it then rained

heartily, and we saved some considerable store of water, though we were

well wet for it, and that at midnight, and had our skins filled with it

besides. This went down merrily, although it was bitter and dirty, with

washing the ship, but we sweetened it with sugar, and were happy to have

our fill. Besides our other extremities, we were so tossed and turmoiled

with stormy and tempestuous weather, that every man had to hold fast his

can or dish, and to fasten himself by the ropes, rails, or sides of the

ship, to prevent falling on the deck. Our main-sail was torn from the

yard, and blown away into the sea; and our other sails so rent and torn

that hardly any of them remained serviceable. The raging waves and

foaming surges of the sea came rolling upon us in successive mountains,

breaking through the waste of the ship like a mighty river; although in

fine weather our deck was near twenty feet above water. So that we were

ready to cry out, with the royal prophet, Psalm 107, verses 26 and 27.

"They mount up to heaven, and go down again to the depths: Their soul is

melted because of trouble. They reel to and fro, and stagger like a

drunken man, and are at their wits end." In this extremity of foul

weather, the ship was so tossed and shaken, that, by its creaking noise,

and the leaking which was now more than ordinary, we were in great fear

that it would have shaken asunder, and had just cause to pray, a little

otherwise than the poet, though marring the verse, yet mending the

meaning:

Deus maris et caeli, quid enim nisi vota supersunt;

Solvere quassatae parcito membra ratis.

Yet it pleased God of his infinite goodness to deliver us out of this

danger. We made a new main-sail, which we fastened to the yard, and

repaired our other damages as well as we could. This was hardly done

when we were reduced to as great extremity as before, so that we had

almost lost our new main-sail, had not William Antony, the master of our

ship, when no one else would venture for fear of being washed overboard,

by crawling along the main-yard, then lowered close down upon the rails,

and with great danger of drowning, gathered it up out of the sea and

fastened it to the yard; being in the mean time often ducked overhead

and ears in the sea. So terrible were these storms, that some of our

company, who had used the sea for twenty years, had never seen the like,

and vowed, if ever they got safe to land, that they would never go to

sea again.

At night on the last day of November, we met with an English ship, and

because it was too late that night, it was agreed that they were to give

us two or three tons of wine next morning, being, as they said, all the

provision of drink they had, save only a butt or two which they must

reserve for their own use: But, after all, we heard no more of them till

they were set on ground on the coast of Ireland, where it appeared they

might have spared us much more than they pretended, as they could very

well have relieved our necessities, and had sufficient for themselves

remaining to bring them to England. The first of December we spoke with

another English ship, and had some beer out of her for our urgent

necessities, but not sufficient to carry us to England, wherefore we

were constrained to put into Ireland, the wind so serving. Next day we

came to an anchor under the land, not far from the S. Kelmes, under the

land and wind, where we were somewhat more quiet. But as that was not a

safe place to ride in, we endeavoured next morning to weigh our anchor,

when having some of our men hurt at the capstan, we were forced to leave

it behind, holding on our course for Ventrie Haven, [Bantry Bay?] where

we safely arrived the same day, and found that place a safe and

convenient harbour for us, so that we had just cause to sing with the

Psalmist, _They that go down to the sea in ships_, &c.

As soon as we had anchored, my lord went forthwith on shore, and

presently after brought off fresh provisions and water; such as sheep,

pigs, fowls, &c. to refresh his ships company, though he had lately been

very weak himself, and had suffered the same extremity with the rest:

For, in the time of our former want, having only a little water

remaining by him in a pot, it was broken in the night and all the water

lost. The sick and wounded were soon afterwards landed and carried to

the principal town, called _Dingenacush_[368], about three miles distant

from the haven, and at which place our surgeons attended them daily.

Here we well refreshed ourselves, while the Irish harp sounded sweetly

in our ears, and here we, who in our former extremity were in a manner

half dead, had our lives as it were restored.

[Footnote 368: Called otherwise Dingle Icouch by the editor of Astleys

collection.--E.]

This Dingenacush is the chief town in all that part of Ireland,

consisting but of one street, whence some smaller ones proceed on either

side. It had gates, as it seemed, in former times at either end, to shut

and open as a town of war, and a castle also. The houses are very

strongly built, having thick stone walls and narrow windows, being used,

as they told us, as so many castles in time of troubles, among the wild

Irish or otherwise. The castle and all the houses in the town, except

four, were taken and destroyed by the Earl of Desmond; these four being

held out against him and all his power, so that he could not win them.

There still remains a thick stone wall, across the middle of the street,

which was part of their fortification. Some of the older inhabitants

informed us, that they were driven to great extremities during their

defence, like the Jews of old when besieged by the Roman emperor Titus,

insomuch that they were constrained by hunger to feed on the carcasses

of the dead. Though somewhat repaired, it still remains only the ruins

of their former town. Except in the houses of the better sort, they have

no chimnies, so that we were very much incommoded by the smoke during

our stay at that place. Their fuel is turf, which they have very good,

together with whins or furze. As there grows little wood hereabout,

building is very expensive; as also they are in want of lime, which they

have to bring from a far distance. But they have abundance of stone, the

whole country appearing entirely composed of rocks and stones, so that

they commonly make their hedges of stone, by which each mans ground is

parted from his neighbour. Yet their country is very fruitful, and

abounds in grass and grain, as appears by the abundance of cattle and

sheep; insomuch that we had very good sheep, though smaller than those

of England, for two shillings, or five groats a-piece, and good pigs and

hens for threepence each.

The greatest want is of industrious and husbandly inhabitants, to till

and improve the ground; for the common sort, if they can only provide

sufficient to serve them from hand to mouth, take no farther care. Good

land was to be had here for fourpence an acre of yearly rent. They had

very small store of money among them, for which reason, perhaps, they

doubled and trebled the prices of every thing we bought, in proportion

to what they had been before our arrival. They have mines of alum, tin,

brass, and iron; and we saw certain natural stones, as clear as crystal,

and naturally squared like diamonds. That part of the country is full of

great mountains and hills, whence run many pleasant streams of fine

water. The native hardiness of the Irish nation may be conceived from

this, that their young children, even in the midst of winter, run about

the streets with bare legs and feet, and often having no other apparel

than a scanty mantle to cover their nakedness. The chief officer of

their town is called the sovereign, who hath the same office and

authority among them with our mayors in England, having his Serjeants to

attend upon him, and a mace carried before mm as they have. We were

first entertained at the sovereigns house, which was one of the four

that withstood the Earl of Desmond in his rebellion.

They have the same form of common prayer, word for word, that we have,

only that it is in Latin. On Sunday, the sovereign goeth to church

having his Serjeant before him, and accompanied by the sheriff and

others of the town. They there kneel down, every one making his prayers

privately by himself. They then rise up and go out of the church again

to drink. After this, they return again to church, and the minister

makes prayers. Their manner of baptising differs somewhat from ours,

part of the service belonging to it being in Latin and part in Irish.

The minister takes the child on his hands, dipping it first backwards

and then forwards, over head and ears into the cold water even in the

midst of winter. By this the natural hardiness of the people may appear,

as before specified. They had neither bell, drums, nor trumpet, to call

the parishioners together, but wait for the coming of the sovereign,

when those that have devotion follow him. Their bread is all baked in

cakes, and the bakers bake for all the town, receiving a tenth part for

their trouble. We had of them some ten or eleven tons of beer for the

Victory; but it acted as a severe purge upon all who drank it, so that

we chose rather to drink water.

Having provided ourselves with fresh water, we set sail from thence on

the 20th December, accompanied by Sir Edward Dennie and his lady, with

two young sons. In the morning of that day, my lord went on shore to

hasten the dispatch of some fresh water for the Victory, and brought us

news that sixty Spanish prizes were taken and brought to England. For

two or three days after we sailed, we had a fair wind; but it afterwards

scanted, so that we were fain to keep a cold Christmas with the bishop

and his clerks, as I said before. After this, meeting with an English

ship, we received the joyful news that ninety-one Spanish prizes were

come to England; and along with that, the sorrowful intelligence that

our last and best prize was cast away on the coast of Cornwal, at a

place the Cornish men call _Als-efferne_, that is Hell-cliff, where

Captain Lister and all the people were drowned, except five or six, half

English and half Spaniards, who saved their lives by swimming. Yet much

of the goods were saved and preserved for us, by Sir Francis Godolphin

and other worshipful gentlemen of the country. My lord was very sorry

for the death of Captain Lister, saying that he would willingly have

lost all the fruits of the voyage to have saved his life.

The 29th December we met another ship, from which we learned that Sir

Martin Frobisher and Captain Reymond had taken the admiral and

vice-admiral of the fleet we had seen going into the haven of Tercera;

but that the admiral had sunk, in consequence of much leaking, near the

Eddystone, a rock over against Plymouth sound, all the people however

being saved. We were likewise informed by this ship, that Captain

Preston had captured a ship laden with silver. My lord took his passage

in this last ship to land at Falmouth, while we held on our course for

Plymouth.

Towards night we came near the Ram-head, the next cape westwards from

Plymouth sound, but we feared to double it in the night, by reason of

the scantness of the wind: so we stood out to seawards for half the

night, and towards morning had the wind more large. But we made too

little to spare thereof; partly for which reasons and partly mistaking

the land, we fell so much to leeward that we could not double the cape.

For this reason we turned back again and got into Falmouth haven, where

we grounded in 17 feet water; but as it was low ebb, the sea ready again

to flow, and the ground soft, we received no harm. Here we gladly set

our feet again on the long desired English ground, and refreshed

ourselves by keeping part of Christmas on our native soil.

SECTION VIII.

_Valiant Sea Fight, by Ten Merchant Ships of London against Twelve

Spanish Gallies in the Straits of Gibraltar, on the 24th April_

1590[369].

In 1590, sundry ships belonging to the merchants of London, some

freighted for Venice, some for Constantinople, and some to divers other

parts, met on their homeward course within the Straits of Gibraltar,

having escaped all danger hitherto. The first of these was the Salomon,

belonging to Mr Alexander Barnam of London, and Messrs Bond and Tweed of

Harwich, which had sailed on the first of February last. The second was

the Margaret and John, belonging to Mr Wats of London. The third was the

Minion; the fourth the Ascension; the fifth the Centurion, belonging to

Mr Cordal; the sixth the Violet; the seventh the Samuel; the eighth the

Crescent; the ninth the Elizabeth; the tenth the Richard belonging to Mr

Duffield. All these ships, being of notable and approved service, and

coming near the mouth of the Straits hard by the coast of Barbary, they

descried twelve tall gallies bravely furnished, and strongly provided

with men and ammunition of war, ready to intercept and seize them.

Being perceived by our captains and masters, we made speedy preparation

for our defence, waiting the whole night for the approach of the enemy.

[Footnote 369: Hakluyt, II. 660.]

Next morning early, being Tuesday in Easter week, the 24th of April

1590, we had service according to our usual custom, praying to Almighty

God to save us from the hands of the tyrannous Spaniards, whom we justly

imagined and had always found to be our most mortal enemies on the sea.

Having finished our prayers, and set ourselves in readiness, we

perceived them coming towards us, and knew them indeed to be the Spanish

gallies, commanded by Andrea Doria, viceroy for the king of Spain in the

Straits of Gibraltar, and a notable enemy to all Englishmen. When they

came near us, they _waved us amain_ for the king of Spain, and in return

we waved them amain for the Queen of England[370]; at which time it

pleased the Almighty so to encourage our hearts, that the nearer they

came we the less feared their great strength and huge number of men;

they having to the amount of two or three hundred in each galley. It was

concluded among us, that our four largest and tallest ships should be

placed in the rear, the weaker and smaller ships going foremost; and so

it was performed, every one of us being ready to take part in such

successes as it should please God to send.

[Footnote 370: This waving amain seems to have been some salutation of

defiance, then usual at sea.--E.]

The gallies came upon us very fiercely at the first encounter, yet God

so strengthened us that, even if they had been ten times more, we had

not feared them at all. The Salomon, being a hot ship with sundry cast

pieces in her, gave the first shot in so effectual a manner on their

headmost galley, that it shared away so many of the men that sat on one

side of her, and pierced her through and through, insomuch that she was

ready to sink: Yet they assaulted us the more fiercely. Then the rest of

our ships, especially the four chiefest, the Salomon, Margaret and John,

Minion, and the Ascension, gave a hot charge upon them, and they on us,

commencing a hot and fierce battle with great valour on both sides,

which continued for the space of six hours. About the commencement of

this fight, our fleet was joined by two Flemish vessels. Seeing the

great force of the gallies, one of these presently struck his sails and

yielded to the enemy; whereas, had they exerted themselves on our side

and in their own defence, they needed not to have been taken in this

cowardly manner. The other was ready also to have yielded immediately,

and began to lower his sails: But the trumpeter of that ship drew his

faulcion, and stepping up to the pilot at the helm, vowed that he would

put him instantly to death, if he did not join and take part with the

English fleet: This he did, for fear of death, and by that means they

were defended from the tyranny which they had otherwise assuredly found

among the Spaniards.

When we had continued the fight somewhat more than six hours, God gave

us the upper hand, so that we escaped the hands of so many enemies, who

were constrained to flee into harbour to shelter themselves from us.

This was the manifest work of God, who defended us in such sort from all

danger, that not one man of us was slain in all this long and fierce

assault, sustaining no other damage or hurt than this, that the shrouds

and back-stays of the Salomon, which gave the first and last shot, and

sore galled the enemy during the whole battle, were clean shot away.

When the battle ceased, we were constrained for lack of wind to stay and

waft up and down, and then went back again to _Tition_ [Tetuan] in

Barbary, six leagues from Gibraltar, where we found the people

wondrously favourable to us; who, being but Moors and heathen people,

shewed us where to find fresh water and all other necessaries. In short,

we had there as good entertainment as if we had been in any place in

England. The governor favoured us greatly, to whom we in return

presented such gifts and commodities as we had, which he accepted of

very graciously: And here we staid four days.

After the cessation of the battle, which was on Easter Tuesday, we

remained for want of wind before Gibraltar till the next morning, being

all that time becalmed, and therefore expected every hour that they

would have sent out a fresh force against us: But they were in no

condition to do so, all their gallies being so sore battered that they

durst not come out of harbour, though greatly urged thereunto by the

governor of that town; but they had already met with so stout

resistance, that they could not be prevailed on to renew the fight.

While we were at Tetuan, we received a report of the hurt we had done

the gallies; as we could not well discern any thing during the fight,

on account of the great smoke. We there heard that we had almost spoiled

those twelve gallies, which we had shot clean through, so that two of

them were on the point of sinking; and we had slain so many of their

men, that they were not able to fit out their gallies any more all that

year. After going to Tetuan, we attempted three several times to pass

the straits, but could not: Yet, with the blessing of God, we came

safely through on the fourth attempt; and so continued on our voyage

with a pleasant breeze all the way to the coast of England, where we

arrived on the beginning of July 1590.

SECTION IX.

_A valiant sea fight in the Straits of Gibraltar, in April_ 1591, _by

the Centurion of London, against five Spanish gallies_.

In the month of November 1590, sundry ships belonging to different

merchants of London sailed with merchandise for various ports within the

Straits of Gibraltar; all of which, having fair wind and weather,

arrived safe at their destined ports. Among these was the Centurion of

London, a very tall ship of large burden, yet but weakly manned, as

appears by the following narrative.

The Centurion arrived safe at Marseilles, on her outward bound voyage,

where, after delivering her goods, she remained better than five weeks,

taking in lading, and then intended to return to England. When she was

ready to come away from Marseilles, there were sundry other ships of

smaller burden at that place, the masters of which intreated Robert

Bradshaw of Limehouse, the master of the Centurion, to stay a day or two

for them till they could get in readiness to depart, saying that it were

far better for them all to go in company for mutual support and defence,

than singly to run the hazard of falling into the hands of the Spanish

gallies in the Straits. On which reasonable persuasion, although the

Centurion was of such sufficiency as might have been reasonably hazarded

alone, yet she staid for the smaller ships, and set out along with them

from Marseilles, all engaging mutually to stand by each other, if they

chanced to fall in with any of the Spanish gallies.

Thus sailing altogether along the coast of Spain, they were suddenly

becalmed upon Easter-day in the Straits of Gibraltar, where they

immediately saw several gallies making towards them in a very gallant

and courageous manner. The chief leaders and soldiers in these gallies,

were bravely apparelled in silken coats, with silver whistles depending

from their necks, and fine plumes of feathers in their hats. Coming on

courageously, they shot very fast from their calivers upon the

Centurion, which they boarded somewhat before ten o'clock A.M. But the

Centurion was prepared for their reception, and meant to give them as

sour a welcome as they could; and having prepared their close quarters

with all other things in readiness, called on God for aid, and cheered

one another to fight to the last. The Centurion discharged her great

ordnance upon the gallies, but the little ships her consorts durst not

come forward to her aid, but lay aloof, while five of the gallies laid

on board the Centurion, to whom they made themselves fast with their

grappling irons, two on one side and two on the other, while the admiral

galley lay across her stern. In this guise the Centurion was sore galled

and battered, her main-mast greatly wounded, all her sails filled with

shot holes, and her mizen mast and stern rendered almost unserviceable.

During this sore and deadly fight, the trumpeter of the Centurion

continually sounded forth the animating points of war, encouraging the

men to fight gallantly against their enemies; while in the Spanish

gallies there was no warlike music, save the silver whistles, which were

blown ever and anon. In this sore fight, many a Spaniard was thrown into

the sea, while multitudes of them came crawling up the ships sides,

hanging by every rope, and endeavouring to enter in: Yet as fast as they

came to enter, so courageously were they received by the English, that

many of them were fain to tumble alive into the sea, remediless of ever

getting out alive. There were in the Centurion 48 men and boys in all,

who bestirred themselves so valiantly and so galled the enemy, that many

a brave and lusty Spaniard lost his life. The Centurion was set on fire

five several times, with wild-fire and other combustibles thrown in for

that purpose by the Spaniards; yet by the blessing of God, and the great

and diligent foresight of the master, the fire was always extinguished

without doing any harm.

In every one of these five gallies there were about 200 soldiers; who,

together with the great guns, spoiled, rent, and battered the Centurion

very sorely; shot her mainmast through, and slew four of her men, one of

whom was the masters mate. Ten other persons were hurt by splinters. But

in the end, the Spaniards had almost spent their shot, so that they were

obliged to load with hammers and the chains of their galley-slaves, yet,

God be praised, the English received no more harm. At length, sore

galled and worn out, the Spaniards were constrained to unfasten their

grapplings and sheer off; at which time, if there had been any fresh

ship to aid and succour the Centurion, they had certainly sunk or taken

all those gallies. The Dolphin lay aloof and durst not come near, while

the other two small ships fled away. One of the gallies from the

Centurion set upon the Dolphin; which ship went immediately on fire,

occasioned by her own powder, so that the ship perished with all her

men: But whether this was done intentionally or not, was never known.

Surely, if she had come bravely forward in aid of the Centurion, she had

not perished.

This fight continued five hours and a half, at the end of which time

both parties were glad to draw off and breathe themselves; but the

Spaniards, once gone, durst not renew the fight. Next day, indeed, six

other gallies came out and looked at the Centurion, but durst on no

account meddle with her. Thus delivered by the Almighty from the hands

of their enemies, they gave God thanks for the victory, and arrived not

long after safe at London. Mr John Hawes merchant, and sundry others of

good note were present in this fight.

SECTION X.

_Sea-fight near the Azores, between the Revenge man of war, commanded by

Sir Richard Granville, and fifteen Spanish men of war_, 31_st August_

1591. _Written by Sir Walter Raleigh_[371].

PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE[372].

Because the rumours are diversely spread, as well in England as in the

Low Countries and elsewhere, of this late encounter between her majestys

ships and the armada of Spain; and that the Spaniards, according to

their usual manner, fill the world with their vain-glorious vaunts,

making great shew of victories, when on the contrary themselves are most

commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured, thereby hoping to

possess the ignorant multitude by anticipating and forerunning false

reports: It is agreeable with all good reason, for manifestation of the

truth, to overcome falsehood and untruth, that the beginning,

continuance, and success of this late honourable encounter by Sir

Richard Grenville, and others her majestys captains, with the

armada[373] of Spain, should be truly set down and published, without

partiality or false imaginations. And it is no marvel that the Spaniards

should seek, by false and slanderous pamphlets, _advisos_, and letters,

to cover their own loss, and to derogate from others their due honours,

especially in this fight being far off; seeing they were not ashamed, in

the year 1588, when they purposed the invasion of this land, to publish

in sundry languages in print, great victories in words, which they

pretended to have obtained against this realm, and spread the same in a

most false sort over all parts of France, Italy, and other countries.

When, shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to all

nations, how their navy, which they termed _invincible_, consisting of

140 sail of ships, not only of their own kingdom, but strengthened with

the greatest argosies, Portugal caraks, Florentines, and huge hulks of

other countries, were by 80 of her majestys own ships of war, and a few

belonging to our own merchants, by the wise, valiant, and advantageous

conduct of the lord Charles Howard, high admiral of England, beaten and

shuffled together, even from the Lizard in Cornwall, first to Portland

where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes with his mighty ship:

from Portland to Calais, where they lost Hugo de Moncado with the

gallies of which he was captain: and from Calais driven by squibs from

their anchors, were chased out of sight of England, round about Scotland

and Ireland. Where for the sympathy of their barbarous religion, hoping

to find succour and assistance, a great part of them were crushed

against the rocks, and those others that landed, being very many in

number, were notwithstanding broken, slain, and taken, and so sent from

village to village, coupled in halters, to be shipped for England. Where

her majesty, of her princely and invincible disposition, disdaining to

put them to death, and scorning either to retain or entertain them, they

were all sent back again into their countries, to witness and recount

the worthy achievements of their invincible and dreadful navy: of which,

the number of soldiers, the fearful burden of their ships, the

commanders names of every squadron, with all their magazines of

provisions were put in print, as an army and navy irresistible and

disdaining prevention. With all which so great and terrible ostentation,

they did not, in all their sailing about England, so much as sink or

take one ship, bark, pinnace, or cock-boat of ours, or ever burnt so

much as one sheep-cot of this land. When, as on the contrary, Sir

Francis Drake, with only 800 soldiers, not long before landed in their

Indies, and forced San Jago, Santo Domingo, Carthagena, and the forts of

Florida.

[Footnote 371: Hakluyt, II. 668. Astley, I. 216.]

[Footnote 372: This preliminary discourse, by the famous Sir Walter

Raleigh, is given from Hakluyt without alteration, except in

orthography.--E.]

[Footnote 373: Armada is a general word, signifying in Spanish a ship of

war or a fleet or squadron. Generally in English it has been limited to

the invincible armada, or powerful fleet fitted out by Philip II. in the

vain hope of conquering England.--E.]

And after that, Sir John Norris marched from Peniche in Portugal with a

handful of soldiers to the gates of Lisbon, being above 40 English

miles: Where the earl of Essex himself, and other valiant gentlemen,

braved the city of Lisbon, encamping at the very gates: from whence,

after many days abode, finding neither promised parley nor provision

wherewith to batter, they made their retreat by land, in spite of all

their garrisons both of horse and foot. In this sort I have a little

digressed from my first purpose, only by the necessary comparison of

their and our actions: the one covetous of honour, without vaunt or

ostentation; the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their own

affairs, and by false rumours to resist the blasts of their own

dishonours, as they will not only not blush to spread all manner of

untruths, but even for the least advantage, be it but for the taking of

one poor adventurer of the English, will celebrate the victory with

bonefires in every town, always spending more in faggots than the

purchase they obtained was worth. Whereas, we never thought it worth the

consumption of two billets, when we have taken eight or ten of their

Indian ships at one time, and twenty of their Brazil fleet. Such is the

difference between true valour and vain ostentation, and between

honourable actions and frivolous vain-glorious boasting. But to return

to my purpose:

NARRATIVE.

The Lord Thomas Howard, with six of her majestys ships, six victuallers

of London, the bark Raleigh, and two or three pinnaces, riding at anchor

near Flores, one of the western islands called the Azores, on the last

of August 1591, in the afternoon, had intelligence by one captain

Middleton, of the approach of the Spanish armada. This Middleton, being

in a very good sailing ship, had kept them company for three days

before, of good purpose, both to discover their force, and to give the

lord admiral advice of their approach. He had no sooner communicated the

news, when the Spanish fleet hove in sight; at which time, many

belonging to our ships companies were on shore in the island of Flores,

some providing ballast for the ships, others filling water, and others

refreshing themselves from the land with such things as they could

procure either for money or by force. Owing to this, our ships were all

in confusion, pestered, rummaging, and every thing out of order, very

light for want of ballast; and what was most of all to their

disadvantage, the half of the men in every ship was sick and

unserviceable. For in the Revenge, there were ninety sick; in the

Bonaventure, not so many in health as could hand her mainsail, insomuch,

that unless twenty men had been taken from a bark of Sir George Careys

which was sunk, and appointed into her, she had hardly been able to get

back to England. The rest of the ships for the most part were in little

better state.

The names of her majestys ships were as follows: The Defiance, admiral,

the Revenge, vice-admiral, the Bonaventure commanded by captain Crosse,

the Lion by George Fenner, the Foresight by Thomas Vavasour, and the

Crane by Duffild. The Foresight and Crane were small ships, the other

four were of the middle size. All the others, except the bark Raleigh,

commanded by captain Thin, were victuallers, and of small or no force.

The approach of the Spanish fleet being concealed by means of the

island, they were soon at hand, so that our ships had scarce time to

weigh their anchors, and some even were obliged to slip their cables and

set sail. Sir Richard Grenville was the last to weigh, that he might

recover the men who were a land on the island, who had otherwise been

lost. The lord Thomas Howard, with the rest of the fleet, very hardly

recovered the wind, which Sir Richard was unable to do; on which his

master and others endeavoured to persuade him to cut his main sail and

cast about, trusting to the swift sailing of his ship, as the squadron

of Seville was on his weather bow. But Sir Richard absolutely refused to

turn from the enemy, declaring he would rather die than dishonour

himself, his country, and her majestys ship, and persuaded his company

that he would be able to pass through the two squadrons in spite of

them, and force those of Seville to give him way. This he certainly

performed upon divers of the foremost, who, as the sailors term it,

sprang their luff, and fell under the lee of the Revenge. The other

course had certainly been the better, and might very properly have been

adopted under so great impossibility of prevailing over such heavy odds;

but, out of the greatness of his mind, he could not be prevailed on to

have the semblance of fleeing.

In the meantime, while Sir Richard attended to those ships of the enemy

that were nearest him and in his way, the great San Philip being to

windward of him, and coming down towards him, becalmed his sails in such

sort that his ship could neither make way nor feel the helm, so huge and

high was the Spanish ship, being of fifteen hundred tons, and which

presently laid the Revenge on board. At this time, bereft of his sails,

the ships that had fallen under his lee, luffed up and laid him on board

also, the first of these that now came up being the vice-admiral of the

Biscay squadron, a very mighty and puissant ship, commanded by

Brittandona. The San Philip carried three tier of ordnance on a side,

and eleven pieces in each tier, besides eight pieces in her forecastle

chase, and others from her stern-ports. After the Revenge was thus

entangled by the huge San Philip, four others laid her on board, two to

larboard and two to starboard. The fight thus began at three in the

afternoon, and continued very terribly the whole of that evening. But

the great San Philip, having received a discharge from the lower tier

of the Revenge, loaded with cross-bar shot, shifted herself with all

diligence from her side, utterly disliking this her first entertainment.

Some say the San Philip foundered, but we cannot report this for a

truth, not having sufficient assurance. Besides the mariners, the

Spanish ships were filled with companies of soldiers, some having to the

number of two hundred, some five hundred, and others as far even as

eight hundred. In ours, there were none besides the mariners, except the

servants of the commanders, and some few gentlemen volunteers.

After interchanging many vollies of great ordnance and small shot, the

Spaniards deliberated to enter the Revenge by boarding, and made several

attempts, hoping to carry her by the multitudes of their armed soldiers

and musketeers, but were still repulsed again and again, being on every

attempt beaten back into their own ships or into the sea. In the

beginning of the fight, the George Noble of London being only one of the

victuallers, and of small force, having received some shot through her

from the Spanish _armadas_, fell under the lee of the Revenge, and the

master of her asked Sir Richard what he was pleased to command him; on

which Sir Richard bad him save himself as he best might, leaving him to

his fortune. After the fight had thus continued without intermission,

while the day lasted, and some hours of the night, many of our men were

slain and hurt; one of the great galeons of the armada and the admiral

of the hulks both sunk, and a great slaughter had taken place in many of

the other great Spanish ships. Some allege that Sir Richard was very

dangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the fight, and lay

speechless for a time ere he recovered: But two men belonging to the

Revenge, who came home in a ship of Lyme from the islands, and were

examined by some of the lords and others, affirmed, that he was never so

much wounded as to forsake the upper deck till an hour before midnight,

and being then shot in the body by a musket ball, was shot again in the

head as the surgeon was dressing him, the surgeon himself being at the

same time wounded to death. This also agrees with an examination of four

other returned mariners of the same ship, taken before Sir Francis

Godolphin, and sent by him to master William Killegrue of her majestys

privy chamber.

To return to the fight: As the Spanish ships which attempted to board

the Revenge were wounded and beaten off, so always others came up in

their places, she never having less than two mighty galeons by her sides

and close on board her; so that ere morning, from three o'clock of the

day before, she had been successively assailed by no less than fifteen

several armadas or great ships of war; and all of them had so ill

approved their entertainment, that, by break of day, they were far more

willing to hearken to a composition, than hastily to make any more

assaults or entries for boarding. But as the day advanced, so our men

decreased in number, and as the light grew more and more, by so much

more increased the discomforts of our men. For now nothing appeared in

sight but enemies, save one small ship called the Pilgrim, commanded by

Jacob Whiddon, who hovered all night to see what might be the event;

but, bearing up towards the Revenge in the morning, was hunted like a

hare among so many ravenous hounds, yet escaped.

All the powder of the Revenge was now spent to the very last barrel, all

her pikes broken, forty of her best men slain, and most part of the rest

wounded. In the beginning of the fight, she had 90 of her men lying sick

on the ballast in the hold, and only 100 capable of duty, a small crew

for such a ship, and a weak garrison to resist so mighty an army. By

this brave hundred was the whole of this hot fight sustained, the

volleys, boardings, assaults, and entries, from fifteen great ships of

war all full of men, besides those which had cannonaded her from a

distance. On the contrary, the Spanish ships were always supplied with

fresh soldiers from the several squadrons of this vast fleet, and had

all manner of arms and powder at will; while to our men there remained

no hope or comfort, no supply either of ships, men, weapons, or powder.

The masts were all beaten overboard; all her tackle was cut asunder; her

upper works all battered to pieces, and in effect evened with the water,

nothing but the hull or bottom of the ship remaining, nothing being left

over-head for flight or for defence.

Finding his ship in this distress, and altogether unable for any longer

resistance, after fifteen hours constant fighting against fifteen great

ships of war which assailed him in turns, having received by estimation

800 shot of great ordnance, besides many assaults and entries; and

considering that he and his ship must now soon be in possession of the

enemy, who had arranged their ships in a ring round about the Revenge,

which was now unable to move any way, except as acted on by the waves;

Sir Richard called for his master gunner, whom he knew to be a most

resolute man, and commanded him to split and sink the ship, that nothing

of glory or victory might remain to the enemy, who with so great a navy,

and in so long a time, were unable to take her. They had fifty-three

ships of war, and above 10,000 men, and had been engaged against this

single ship for fifteen hours. At the same time, Sir Richard endeavoured

to prevail upon as many of the company as he could influence, to commit

themselves to the mercy of God, and not of their enemies, since they had

like valiant men repulsed so many enemies, urging them not now to

obscure their honour and that of their nation, for the sake of

prolonging their lives a few days. The master gunner and various others

of the crew readily assented to this desperate resolution; but the

captain and master were quite of an opposite opinion, and conjured Sir

Richard to desist from his desperate proposal; alleging that the

Spaniards would be as ready to agree to a capitulation as they to offer

it; and begged him to consider, that there still were many valiant men

still living in the ship, and others whose wounds might not be mortal,

who might be able to do acceptable service to their queen and country

hereafter. And, although Sir Richard had alleged that the Spaniards

should never have the glory of taking one ship of her majesty, which had

been so long and valiantly defended; they answered, that the ship had

six feet water in her hold, and three shot holes under water, which were

so weakly stopped, that she must needs sink with the first labouring of

the sea, and was besides so battered and bruised, that she could never

be removed from the place.

While the matter was thus in dispute, Sir Richard refusing to listen to

any reasons, the captain won over the most part to his opinion, and the

master was conveyed on board the Spanish general, Don Alfonso Baçan.

Finding none of his people very ready to attempt boarding the Revenge

again, and fearing lest Sir Richard might blow up both them and himself,

as he learned from the master his dangerous disposition; Don Alfonso

agreed that all their lives should be saved, the ships company sent to

England, and the better sort to pay such reasonable ransom as their

estate could bear, all in the meantime to be free from prison or the

gallies. He so much the rather consented to these terms, lest any

farther loss or mischief might accrue to themselves, and for the

preservation of Sir Richard, whose notable valour he greatly honoured

and admired. On receiving this answer, in which the safety of life was

promised; the common sort, now at the end of their peril, mostly drew

back from the proposal of Sir Richard and the master gunner, it being no

hard matter to dissuade men from death to life. Finding himself and Sir

Richard thus prevented and mastered by the majority, the master gunner

would have slain himself with his sword, but was prevented by main

force, and locked up in his cabin.

Then the Spanish general sent many boats on board the Revenge, and

several of her men, fearing Sir Richards disposition, stole away on

board the general and other ships. Thus constrained to submit, Sir

Richard was desired by a message from Alfonso Baçan to remove from the

Revenge, as it was filled with blood and the bodies of the slain, and

with wounded men, like a slaughter-house. Sir Richard gave for answer,

that he might do now with his body what he pleased; and while removing

from the ship, he fainted away, and on recovering he requested the

company to pray for him. The Spanish general used Sir Richard with all

humanity, leaving no means untried that tended towards his recovery,

highly commending his valour and worthiness, and greatly bewailing his

dangerous condition; seeing that it was a rare spectacle, and an

instance of resolution seldom met with, for one ship to withstand so

many enemies, to endure the batteries and boardings of so many huge

ships of war, and to resist and repel the assaults and entries of such

numbers of soldiers. All this and more is confirmed, by the recital of a

Spanish captain in that same fleet, who was himself engaged in this

action, and, being severed from the rest in a storm, was taken by the

Lion, a small ship belonging to London, and is now prisoner in London.

The general commanding this great armada, was Don Alphonso Baçan,

brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz. Britandona was admiral of the

squadron of Biscay. The Marquis of Arumburch [Aremberg] commanded the

squadron of Seville. Luis Coutinho commanded the hulks and flyboats.

There were slain and drowned in this fight, as the before-mentioned

Spanish captain confessed, near a thousand of the enemy, with two

special commanders, Don Luis de San Juan, and Don George de Prunaria de

Mallaga, besides others of special account whose names have not yet

been reported. The admiral of the hulks and the Ascension of Seville

were both sunk at the side of the Revenge. One other ship, which got

into the road of San Miguel, sank there also; and a fourth ship had to

run on shore to save her men. Sir Richard, as it is said, died the

second or third day on board the general, much bewailed by his enemies;

but we have not heard what became of his body, whether it were committed

to the sea or buried on land. The comfort remaining to his friends is,

that he ended his life honourably, having won great reputation for his

nation and his posterity, and hath not outlived his honour.

For the rest of her majestys ships, that entered not into the fight like

the Revenge, the reasons and causes were these: There were of them only

six in all, two whereof were only small ships; and they could be of no

service, as the Revenge was engaged past recovery. The island of Flores

was on one side; 53 sail of Spanish ships were on the other, divided

into several squadrons, all as full of soldiers as they could contain.

Almost one half of our men were sick and unable to serve; the ships were

grown foul, _unroomaged_[374], and hardly able to bear any sail for want

of ballast, having been six months at sea. If all the rest of the ships

had entered into the action, they had been all lost; for the very

hugeness of the Spanish ships, even if no other violence had been

offered, might have crushed them all into shivers between them; by which

the loss and dishonour to the queen had been far greater, than any

injury the enemy could have sustained. It is nevertheless true, that the

Lord Thomas Howard would have entered between the squadrons of the

enemy, but the others would on no account consent; and even the master

of his own ship threatened to leap into the sea, rather than conduct the

admirals ship and the rest to be a certain prey to the enemy, where

there was no hope or possibility of victory or even of defence. In my

opinion, such rashness would have ill assorted with the discretion and

trust of a general, to have committed himself and his charge to

assured destruction, without any hope or likelihood of prevailing,

thereby to have diminished the strength of her majestys navy, and to

have increased the pride and glory of the enemy.

[Footnote 374: This singular antiquated sea term may signify, not in

sailing _trim_.--E.]

The Foresight, one of her majestys vessels, commanded by Thomas

Vavasour, performed a very great service, and staid two hours as near

the Revenge as the weather would permit, not forsaking the fight till

well nigh encompassed by the squadrons of the enemy, and then cleared

himself with great difficulty. The rest gave diverse vollies of shot,

and engaged as far as the place and their own necessities permitted, so

as to keep the weather-gage of the enemy, till night parted them.

A few days after this fight, the prisoners being dispersed among the

Spanish ships of war and ships from the Indies, there arose so great a

storm from the W. and N.W. that all the fleet was dispersed, as well the

fleet of the Indies then come to them as the rest of the armada that had

attended their arrival, of which 14 sail, together with the Revenge

having 200 Spaniards on board of her, were cast away upon the island of

St Michael. Thus they honoured the obsequies of the renowned Revenge,

for the great glory she had achieved, not permitting her to perish

alone. Besides these, other 15 or 16 of the Spanish ships of war were

cast away in this storm upon the other islands of the Azores: And, of an

100 sail and more of the fleet of the Indies, which were expected this

year in Spain, what with the loss sustained in this tempest, and what

before in the bay of Mexico and about the Bermuda islands, above 70 were

lost, including those taken by our London ships; besides one very rich

ship of the Indies, which set herself on fire being boarded by the

Pilgrim, and five others taken by the ship belonging to Mr Wats of

London between the Havannah and Cape St Antonio. On the 4th of November

this year, we had letters from Tercera, affirming that 3000 dead bodies

had been thrown upon that island from the perished ships, and that the

Spaniards confessed to have lost 10,000 men in this storm, besides those

who perished between the main and the islands. Thus it hath pleased God

to fight for us, and to defend the justice of our cause, against the

ambitious and bloody pretences of the Spaniards, who seeking to devour

all nations are themselves devoured: A manifest testimony how unjust and

displeasing are their attempts in the sight of God, who hath been

pleased to witness, by the evil success of their affairs, his mislike of

their bloody and injurious designs, purposed and practised against all

Christian princes, over whom they seek unlawful and ungodly rule and

supreme command.

A day or two before this terrible catastrophe, when some of our

prisoners desired to be set on shore on the Azores islands, hoping to be

thence transported into England, and which liberty had been formerly

promised by the Spanish general; one Morice Fitz John, (son of old John

of Desmond, a notable traitor, who was cousin-german to the late earl of

Desmond,) was sent from ship to ship to endeavour to persuade the

English prisoners to serve the king of Spain. The arguments he used to

induce them were these. Increase of pay to treble their present

allowance; advancement to the better sort; and the free exercise of the

true catholic religion, ensuring the safety of all their souls. For the

first of these, the beggarly and unnatural behaviour of those English

and Irish rebels that served the king of Spain in that action was a

sufficient answer; for so poor and ragged were they, that, for want of

apparel, they stripped the poor prisoners their countrymen of their

ragged garments, worn out by six months service, not even sparing to

despoil them of their bloody shirts from their wounded bodies, and the

very shoes from their feet; a noble testimony of their rich

entertainment and high pay. As to the second argument, of hope of

advancement if they served well and continued faithful to the king of

Spain; what man could be so blockishly ignorant ever to expect promotion

and honour from a foreign king, having no other merit or pretension than

his own disloyalty, his unnatural desertion of his country and parents,

and rebellion against his true prince, to whose obedience he is bound by

oath, by nature, and by religion? No! such men are only assured to be

employed on all desperate enterprizes, and to be held in scorn and

disdain even among those they serve. That ever a traitor was either

trusted or advanced I have never learnt, neither can I remember a single

example. No man could have less becomed the office of orator for such a

purpose, than this Morice of Desmond: For, the earl his cousin, being

one of the greatest subjects in the kingdom of Ireland, possessing

almost whole counties in his large property, many goodly manors,

castles, and lordships, the county palatine of Kerry, 500 gentlemen of

his own family and name ready to follow him, all which he and his

ancestors had enjoyed in peace for three or four hundred years: Yet this

man, in less than three years after his rebellion and adherence to the

Spaniards, was beaten from all his holds, not so many as ten gentlemen

of his name left living, himself taken and beheaded by a gentleman of

his own nation, and his lands given by parliament to her majesty and

possessed by the English. His other cousin, Sir John Desmond, taken by

Mr John Zouch; and his body hung up over the gates of his native city to

be devoured by ravens. The third brother, Sir James, hanged, drawn, and

quartered in the same place. Had he been able to vaunt of the success of

his own house, in thus serving the king of Spain, the argument might

doubtless have moved much and wrought great effect: the which, because

he happened to forget, I have thought good to remember in his behalf.

As for the matter of religion, to which he adverted, it would require a

separate volume, were I to set down how irreligiously they cover their

greedy and ambitious pretences with that veil of pretended piety. But

sure I am, there is no kingdom or commonwealth in all Europe that they

do not invade, under pretence of religion, if it be reformed. Nay if it

even be what they term catholic, they pretend a title, as if the kings

of Castile were the natural heirs of all the world. Thus between both,

no kingdom is exempted from their ambition. Where they dare not invade

with their own forces, they basely entertain the traitors and vagabonds

of all nations; seeking by their means, and by their runagate Jesuits,

to win other parts to their dominion, by which they have ruined many

noble houses and others in this land, extinguishing their lives and

families. What good, honour, or fortune, any one hath ever yet achieved

through them, is yet unheard of. If our English papists will only look

to Portugal, against which they have no pretence of religion; how their

nobility are imprisoned and put to death, their rich men made a prey,

and all sorts of people reduced to servitude; they shall find that the

obedience even of the Turk is ease and liberty, compared to the tyranny

of Spain. What have they done in Sicily, in Naples, in Milan, in the low

countries? Who hath there been spared even for religion? It cometh to my

remembrance of a certain burgher at Antwerp, whose house was entered by

a company of Spanish soldiers when they sacked that city. He besought

them to spare him and his goods, being a good catholic, and therefore

one of their own party and faction. The Spaniards answered, they knew

him to be of a good conscience in himself; but his money, plate, jewels,

and goods, were all heretical, and therefore good prize. So they abused

and tormented the foolish Fleming, who thought that an _Agnus Dei_ had

been a sufficient safeguard against all the force of that holy and

charitable nation.

Neither have they at any time, as they protest, invaded the kingdoms of

Mexico and Peru and elsewhere, being only led thereto to reduce the

people to Christianity, not for gold or empire: Whereas, in the single

island of Hispaniola, they have wasted and destroyed thirty hundred

thousand of the natives, besides many millions else in other places of

the Indies: a poor and harmless people, created of God, and might have

been won to his service, as many of them were, even almost all whom they

endeavoured to persuade thereto. The story of these their enormities,

has been written at large by Bartholomew de las Casas[375], a bishop of

their own nation, and has been translated into English and many other

languages, under the title of _The Spanish Cruelties_. Who therefore

would repose trust in such a nation of ravenous strangers, and more

especially in those Spaniards, who more greedily thirst after the blood

of the English, for the many overthrows and dishonours they have

received at our hands; whose weakness we have discovered to the world,

and whose forces, at home, abroad, in Europe, in the Indies, by sea and

by land, even with mere handfuls of men and ships on our sides, we have

overthrown and dishonoured? Let not therefore any Englishman, of what

religion soever, have other opinion of these Spaniards or their

abettors, but that those whom they seek to win of our nation, they

esteem base and traiterous, unworthy persons, and inconstant fools; and

that they use this pretence of religion, for no other purpose but to

bewitch us from the obedience due to our natural prince, hoping thereby

to bring us in time under slavery and subjection, when none shall be

there so odious and despised, as those very traitors who have sold their

country to strangers, forsaking their faith and obedience, contrary to

the laws of nature and religion, and contrary to that humane and

universal honour, not only of Christians but of heathen and unbelieving

nations, who have always sustained every degree of labour, embracing

even death itself, in defence of their country, their prince, and their

commonwealth.

[Footnote 375: He was bishop of Chiapa in New Spain, and computes the

Indians destroyed by the Spaniards in about fifty years, at no fewer

than twenty millions.--Astley, I. 221. a.]

To conclude, it hath ever to this day pleased God to prosper and defend

her majesty, to break the purposes of her malicious enemies, to confound

the devices of forsworn traitors, and to overthrow all unjust practices

and invasions. She hath ever been held in honour by the worthiest kings,

served by faithful subjects, and shall ever, by the favour of God,

resist, repell, and confound all attempts against her person and

kingdom. In the mean time, let the Spaniards and traitors vaunt of their

success; while we, her true and obedient subjects, guided by the shining

light of her virtues, shall always love, serve, and obey her, to the end

of our lives.

SECTION XI

_Note of the Fleet of the Indies, expected in Spain this year 1591; with

the number that perished, according to the examination of certain

Spaniards, lately taken and brought to England[376]._

The fleet of New Spain, at their first gathering together, consisted of

52 sail. The admiral and vice-admiral ships were each of 600 tons

burden. Four or five of the ships were of 900 and 1000 tons each; some

were of 400 tons, and the smallest of 200. Of this fleet 19 were cast

away, containing by estimation 2600 men, which happened along the coast

of New Spain, so that only 33 sail came to the Havannah.

[Footnote 376: Hakluyt, II. 670.]

The fleet of Terra Firma, at its first departure from Spain, consisted

of 50 sail, bound for Nombre de Dios, where they discharged their

loading, and returned thence for their health sake to Carthagena, till

such time as the treasure they were to take in at Nombre de Dios were

ready. But before this fleet departed, some were gone by one or two at a

time, so that only 23 sail of this fleet arrived at the Havannah.

There met at the Havannah,

33 sail from New Spain,

23 from the Terra Firma,

12 belonging to San Domingo,

9 from Honduras.

Thus 77 ships joined and set sail from the Havannah, on the 17th of July

1591, according to our account, and kept together till they arrived in

the lat. of 35° N. which was about the 10th of August. There the wind,

which had been at S.W. changed suddenly to N. so that the sea coming

from the S.W. and the wind violent from the N. they were put in great

extremity, and then first lost the admiral of their fleet, in which were

500 men; and within three or four days after, another storm rising, five

or six others of their largest ships were cast away with all their men,

together with their vice-admiral.

In lat. 38° N. and about the end of August, another great storm arose,

in which all their remaining ships, except 48, were lost. These 48 ships

kept together till they came in sight of the islands of Corvo and

Flores, about the 5th or 6th of September, at which time they were

separated by a great storm; and of that number, 15 or 16 sail were

afterwards seen by three Spanish prisoners, riding at anchor under

Tercera, while 12 or 14 more were observed to bear away for San Miguel.

What became of them after these Spaniards were taken, cannot yet be

certified; but their opinion is, that very few of this fleet escaped

being either taken or cast away. It has been ascertained of late by

other means of intelligence, that of this whole fleet of 123 sail, which

should have come to Spain this year, there have only 25 yet arrived.

This note was extracted from the examinations of certain Spanish

prisoners, brought to England by six of the London ships, which took

seven of these men from the before-mentioned fleet of the Indies near

the islands of the Açores.

SECTION XII.

_Report of a Cruizing Voyage to the Azores in 1591, by a feet of London

ships sent with supplies to the Lord Thomas Howard. Written by Captain

Robert Flicke_[377].

PRELIMINARY REMARKS[378].

The following voyage is extracted from a letter, dated at Plymouth the

24th of October 1591, and sent thence by Captain Flicke to Messrs Thomas

Bromley, Richard Staper, and ---- Cordall, three of the contractors, as

we apprehend, for the ships, and is titled, "Concerning the success of a

part of the London supplies sent to the isles of the Azores to my Lord

Thomas Howard." In this letter no mention is made of the number of ships

employed, nor of the names of more than two captains besides Flicke,

namely, _Brothus_ and _Furtho_, the latter of whom was bearer of the

letter. We also find the name of four of the ships; the Costly,

Centurion, Cherubim, and the Margaret and John, but not the names of

their commanders, neither the name of the ship in which Flicke sailed,

and which, for distinctions sake, we call the admiral. These omissions

may be excuseable in a private letter, written only to acquaint the

merchants of particulars they had not before learnt, and not designed as

a formal narrative of the voyage to be laid before the public. As these,

however, are essential to narratives of this kind, it might have been

expected of Mr Hakluyt to have supplied such defects. We may judge,

however, that the number of ships was seven, as in the preceding account

of the fleet of the Indies, six London ships are mentioned as having

fallen in with it, which were probably those separated from the admiral

or commodore, which ship will make the seventh.--_Astley._

[Footnote 377: Hakluyt, II. 671. Astley, I. 221.]

[Footnote 378: Astley, I. 221.]

NARRATIVE[379].

Worshipful, my hearty commendations to you premised.--By my last letter,

dated 12th August from this place, I advertised you particularly of the

accidents which had befallen our fleet till then. It now remains to

relate our exertions for accomplishing our orders for endeavouring to

join my Lord Thomas Howard, and the success we have had. We departed

from hence on the 17th August, the wind not serving before. Next day I

summoned a council by signal, on which the captains and masters of all

the ships came on board, when I acquainted them with my commission,

confirmed by the lords of her majestys council, and with the

advertisement of Sir Edward Denny, that my lord had determined to remain

60 leagues west of Fayal, spreading his squadron north and south between

37° 30' and 38° 30' north. But, if we did not there find him, we were to

repair to the islands of Flores and Corvo, where a pinnace would

purposely wait our coming till the last day of August; with the intent,

after that day, to repair to the coast of Spain, about the heighth of

the rock [_of Lisbon?_], some twenty or thirty leagues off shore. This

being advisedly considered, and having regard to the shortness of time

occasioned by our long delay at this place, and the uncertainty of

favourable weather for us, it was generally concluded, as the best and

surest way to meet my lord, to bear up for the heighth of _the rock_,

without making any stay upon the coast, and thence to make directly for

the foresaid islands, which was accordingly fully agreed to and

performed.

[Footnote 379: In pursuance of our uniform plan, of drawing from the

original sources, this article is an exact transcript from Hakluyt, only

modernizing his antiquated language and orthography, and not copied from

the abridgement of Astley.--.E]

The 28th of August we had sight of the Burlings, and being on the 29th

athwart of Peniche, and having a favourable wind, we directed our course

west for the Azores, without making any stay off the coast of Portugal.

The 30th we met the Red Rose, Captain Royden, formerly called the Golden

Dragon, which had separated from my lord in a storm. He informed us of

50 sail of the king of Spains armada having sailed for the islands, but

could not give us any intelligence of my lord, otherwise than supposing

him to remain about the islands, wherefore we continued our course, the

wind remaining favourable. The 4th of September we had sight of Tercera,

and ranged along all the islands, both on their south, and north sides,

for the space of four days, during which time we met with no ships

whatever, so that we could learn no intelligence, either of my lord or

of the fleet of the Indies; wherefore we directed our course to the west

of Fayal, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny. When plying

to the westwards on the 11th, we descried a sail from our main-top, and

by two or three in the afternoon raised her hull, but the weather fell

so calm that we could not fetch her. I therefore sent off my skiff well

manned, and furnished with shot and swords, the Cherubim and the

Margaret and John doing the like. Upon this the sail stood off again,

and on the approach of night our boats lost sight of her and so

returned. During this pursuit the Centurion was left astern, so that we

missed her next morning, and spent all that day plying up and down in

search of her: And, as all our ships were directed, in case of

separation by stress of weather or other mischance, to meet and join at

Flores, we, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny, proceeded

for the purpose of finding my Lord Thomas Howard, and being in the

heighth appointed, and not able to remain there in consequence of

extreme tempests, which forced us to the isles of Flores and Corvo,

which we made on the 14th in the morning, and there rejoined the

Centurion. She informed us, that on the 12th day, being the same on

which she lost us, she had met 45 sail of the fleet of the Indies.

The same night, in consequence of this intelligence, we came to anchor

between Flores and Corvo, and next morning at day-break, I convened a

council of all the captains and masters on board my ship, by a signal

flag. For satisfying our desire to learn some intelligence of my lord,

as also for the purpose of procuring a supply of water, it was thought

good to send our boats on shore armed, under the command of Captain

Brothus; besides which, it was agreed, after our departure thence, to

range along the south sides of the islands, that we might either procure

some intelligence of my lord, or fall in with the fleet of the Indies;

and, in case of missing both objects, to direct our course for Cape St

Vincent. The boats being sent on shore, according to this determination,

it chanced that the Costely, which rode outermost at our anchoring

ground, having weighed to bring herself nearer among us to assist in

protecting our boats, discovered two sail in opening the land, which we

in the road-stead could not perceive. Upon this she fired a shot of

warning, which caused us to _wave_ all our boats back; and before they

could recover their ships, the two ships seen by the Costely appeared to

us, on which we made all sail towards them, and in a happy hour as it

pleased God. We had no sooner cleared the land and spoken one of them,

which was a bark belonging to Bristol, also seeking my lord

ineffectually at the place appointed, when so violent a storm arose that

we had been in great danger of perishing if we had continued in the

road. This storm continued in its utmost violence for sixty hours,

during which I was separated from all our fleet except the Cherubim, and

Costely, which continued in company. After it subsided, sailing in

among the islands, I viewed the road of Fayal, and finding no roaders

there, I went thence for the isle of Tercera.

On the 19th day of September in the morning, coming to Tercera, and

intending to edge into the road, a tempest arose and so scanted the wind

that we could not get in. Being accordingly driven to leeward, we fell

in among some of the fleet of the Indies, which had been dispersed by

the storm, and driven from the road. Upon this our ship and the two

others then with me gave several chases, by which we parted company.

Following up my chase, we made her strike and yield about noon, when she

turned out to be a Portuguese, laden with hides, sarsa-parilla, and

_anile_ [Indigo.] At this instant we espied another, and taking our

prize with us, followed and captured her before night. She was called

the Conception, commanded by Francisco Spinola, and was laden with

cochineal, raw hides, and certain raw silk: And as the sea was so

tempestuous that we could in no way board her, neither by boats nor from

the ship, so we kept her under our lee till a fit opportunity. That same

night, a little before day, another ship joined company with us,

supposing us and our two prizes to belong to their fleet, which we

dissembled till morning.

In the morning of the 20th, this new sail being somewhat shot a-head of

us, and being anxious for the safe keeping of the two former, we

purposed to cause our two prizes put out more sail, so as to keep near

us while chasing the third, as our master insisted that they would

follow us; owing to which, by the time we had caused this new one to

yield, and had sent men on board to take possession, the Conception

being far astern, and having got the wind of us, stood off with all her

sails, so that we were forced to make a new chase after her, and had not

the wind enlarged upon us we had lost her. The whole of this day was

spent in this new pursuit, before we recovered her, and brought

ourselves again in company with our other prizes; by which we lost the

opportunity of that day, during which the weather served for boarding

the Portuguese prize, which was in great distress, making request of us

to take them on board, as they were ready to sink, as we could well

perceive by their pumping incessantly, and in our judgment she went down

that night.

On the 21st the Conception sprung a leak also, which gained upon her

notwithstanding every effort at the pumps, so that she could not be kept

long above water. So I took out of her 42 chests of cochineal and silk,

leaving her to the sea with 11 feet water in her hold, and 4700 hides.

The other prize, which we have brought into harbour, is the Nuestra

Sennora de los Remedios, Francisco Alvares captain, laden with 16 chests

of cochineal, certain fardels [or bales] of raw silk, and about 4000

hides. Upon the discharge of the goods, your honours shall be

particularly advertised of the same. In boarding our prizes, such was

the disorder of our men, that, besides rifling the persons of the

Spaniards, they broke open the chests and purloined what money was in

them; although I had given notice of my intention of going on board in

person, to have taken a just account thereof in presence of three or

four witnesses, putting the whole in safe custody, pursuant to the

articles made in this behalf. And whereas certain sums of money taken

from our men, which they had thus purloined and embezzled, together with

other parcels brought on board my ship, amounting to 2129 pesos and a

half, all of which the company demanded to have shared among them as due

pillage, I refused this demand, and read to them openly at the mast the

articles confirmed by my lord treasurer and my lord admiral, by which

they ought to be directed in these things, declaring that it was not in

my power to dispose thereof until the same were finally determined at

home. Thereupon they mutinied, and grew at length to such fury, that

they declared they would have it or else would break down the cabin.

Seeing them ready to execute this threat, I was forced to yield, lest

the great number of Spaniards we had on board might have taken the

opportunity of rising against us; which, indeed, after the brawls of our

men were appeased, they actually endeavoured to have done.

By the last advice from Castile, the general of the king of Spains

armada, lately put to sea, is ordered to join his fleet with that of the

Indies, and to remain at Tercera till the 15th of October, waiting for

six _pataches_ with seven or eight millions of the royal treasure

expected by that time: otherwise they are to wait their coming from the

Havannah till January next, or until the kings farther pleasure shall be

made known. These pataches are said to be of 300 tons burden each,

carrying 30 pieces of brass cannon, and are also reported to sail in a

superior manner to any other ships. Before their coming to Flores,

there perished of the fleet of the Indies eleven sail, among which was

the admiral, and not one roan saved. It is likewise supposed by the

Spaniards, that the storms we encountered at Flores and Tercera must

have destroyed many more of them, of which indeed we were partly

eye-witnesses. On the whole, therefore, what by the seas and our men of

war, of the 75 sail that came from the Havannah, I presume one half will

not arrive in Spain.

On the night of the 11th October, we came to anchor in Plymouth sound,

and got up next morning with our prize into Catwater, for which God be

praised: For so vehement a storm arose, that our prize was forced to cut

away her main-mast, otherwise, her ground tackle being bad, she had been

driven on shore by the violence of the storm. This was the main cause

which induced me to put in here, where I now propose to discharge the

goods without farther risk, and have certified thus much to my lord

admiral, and therewith desire to receive the directions of my lords of

the council together with yours, as my lord Thomas Howard is not yet

returned. How the rest of our consorts, which separated from us, may

have sped, or what prizes they may have taken, of which there is much

hope by reason of the scattering of the West India fleet, I am as yet

unable to say any thing. And thus, waiting your answer, and referring

for all other matters to captain Furtho, the bearer hereof, I make an

end, at Plymouth this 24th of October 1591.

Your Worships loving Friend,

ROBERT FLICKE.

SECTION XIII.

_Exploits of the English in several Expeditions and cruizing Voyages

from 1589 to 1592; extracted from John Huighen van Linschoten_[380].

PRELIMINARY REMARKS.

The entire title of this article in Hakluyts Collection is, "A large

testimony of John Huighen van Linschoten, Hollander, concerning the

worthy exploits achieved by the right honourable the Earl of Cumberland,

by Sir Martine Frobisher, Sir Richard Grenville, and diverse other

English captains, about the isles of the Azores, and upon the coasts of

Spain and Portugal, in the years 1589, 1590, 1591, &c. recorded in his

excellent discourse of voyages to the East and West Indies, cap. 96, 97,

and 99." Of this article, the Editor of Astley gives the following

account.

[Footnote 380: Hakluyt, II. 674. Astley, I. 225.]

"The author, John Huighen van Linschoten, left Goa with a fleet of

ships, viz. The Santa Maria, Nuestra Sennora de la Concepçao, the San

Christopher admiral, the San Thome which was the largest and most richly

laden, and the Santa Cruz in which Linschoten sailed. It was extracted

by Hakluyt from the 96th, 97th, and 99th chapters of the first book of

Linschotens Voyages in English, beginning at p. 171. This section is

intended as a supplement to the English cruizing voyages already

inserted, which fall within the period mentioned in the title; and is

the more material, as the memoirs it contains not only confirm the most

material facts related in these preceding voyages, but give a

satisfactory account of many things which are there but imperfectly

related, often continuing the history which in these breaks off

abruptly, and bringing to light some remarkable achievements of our

countrymen, of which otherwise no mention could be found in our

voluminous naval transactions.

"We are persuaded the reader will feel a secret joy in contemplating the

great figure this nation made in these heroic times; owing to that

universal zeal to promote the commerce and glory of England, which then

prevailed among the ministers of the crown, as well as the people at

large. We presume likewise, that this pleasure will be not a little

enhanced by the consideration that these particulars were written by a

foreigner, who is held in great reputation for his judgment and

fidelity, and who has sounded the praise of our countrymen even beyond

what has been done by our own historians. On the other hand, the reader

will be no less concerned to find what immense treasures some of our

adventurers lost, by unaccountably missing the fleets of which they went

in search, when at the same time they were so near them, that it seemed

almost impossible they should escape. This shews, after all, how

uncertain is the meeting of ships at sea, and that two great fleets may

sail almost close to one another, without having the least

suspicion."--_Astley._

* * * * *

The 22d of July 1589, about evening, being near the islands of Flores

and Corvo, we perceived three ships making towards us, which came from

under the land and put us in great fear, for they came close to our

admiral and shot diverse times at him and at another ship of our

company, whereby we perceived them to be English, for they bore the

English flag at their main-tops, but none of them seemed above 60 tons

burden. About evening they followed after us, and all night bore

lanterns with candles burning at their sterns, although the moon shined.

That night we passed hard by the island of Fayal; and next morning,

being between the isle of St George on our right and the small isle of

Graciosa on our left, we espied the three English ships still following

us. They consulted together, upon which one of them sailed backwards, as

if one ship had followed after us without company, and for a time that

ship was out of sight; but in no long time afterwards, it returned to

the other two, when they consulted again, and came all three together

against our ship, because we were to leeward of all our ships, having

the island of St George on one side instead of a sconce, [fort] thinking

so to deal with us as to force us to run on shore, to which we were very

near. In that manner they came bravely towards us, with their flags

displayed, sounding their trumpets, and sailed at least three times

about us, discharging at us their muskets and calivers and some pieces

of great ordnance, doing us no harm in the hull of our ship, but spoiled

all our sails and ropes, and so plagued us that no man durst put forth

his head. When we shot off a piece of ordnance, we had at the least an

hours work to load it again, there being a great noise and cry in our

ship, as if we had been all cast away, whereupon the English began to

mock us, calling out to us with many taunting words.

In the mean time, the other ships that were in company with us hoisted

all their sails, doing their best to bear away for Tercera, and not

looking once behind them to help us, as not caring for us, but doubting

they would be too late thither, and thinking they did enough if they

could save themselves, whereby it may be easily seen what kind of

company they keep with each other, and what kind of order is among them.

In the end, finding small advantage against us, and little knowing in

what fear we were, and also because we were not far from Tercera, the

English left us; on which we were not a little rejoiced, as thinking

ourselves risen from death to life, though we were not yet well assured

nor void of fear, till we got to anchor in the road of Tercera, under

the protection of the Portuguese fort, towards which we made all

possible sail. On the other hand, we were still in great doubt, not

knowing the situation of the island, or whether they were our friends or

enemies; and we were so much the more doubtful, because we found no man

of war there, nor any caravels of advice from Portugal as we expected,

to have convoyed us home, or given us intelligence, as they usually do

in that country. And, because the English had been so victorious in

those parts, we suspected that it went not well with Spain. The

inhabitants of Tercera were no less fearful than we, for on seeing our

fleet they thought us to have been English, and that we came to over-run

the island, because the three English ships came in along with us and

had wound up their flags; upon which the islanders sent out two caravels

to us that lay there, with advice from the king for such India ships as

should come there.

Those caravels came to view us, and perceiving what we were made after

us; upon which the English ships left us and made towards the caravels,

because the caravels thought them friends and shunned them not, as

supposing them of our company: But we shot three or four times, and made

signs to them that they should make towards the island, which they

presently did. On perceiving that, the Englishmen made out to sea: and

then the caravels sent on board us, saying that the people of the island

were all in arms, having received advice from Portugal, that Sir Francis

Drake was in readiness, and meant to come to the islands. They likewise

brought us news of the overthrow of the Spanish armada which had gone

against England, and that the English had been at the gates of Lisbon;

for which reason it win the king's commands that we should put into the

island of Tercera, and remain there under the protection of its castle,

till we received further orders, as it was then thought too dangerous

for us to continue our voyage to Lisbon. These news put all our fleet in

great fear, making us look upon each other as not knowing what to do or

say; as it was dangerous for us to put into the road, which lies open to

the sea, so that although they had the kings commands for so doing, the

India ships durst not anchor there, but only used to come thither,

standing off and on, and sending their boats a-land for such necessaries

as they wanted, without coming to anchor. But now necessity compelled us

to this measure, owing to our fears for the three small English ships,

also because of the kings orders, and because we understood that the

Earl of Cumberland was not far from these islands with sundry ships of

war. We made therefore a virtue of necessity, and entering the road of

Tercera, anchored close under the castle, in waiting for orders from the

king to pursue our voyage, it being then the 24th of July or St Jameses

day.

The 12th of August, the Earl of Cumberland, with six or seven ships of

war, sailed past the island of Tercera; and to our great good fortune

passed out of sight. We then set out in all haste, and, for our greater

security, took along with us 400 Spaniards of those who were in garrison

in the island, and made sail for Lisbon with a favourable wind, so that

in eleven days we arrived in the river Tagus with great joy and triumph.

For, had we been one day longer of getting into the river, we had all

been taken by Captain Drake, [Sir Francis Drake] who came before Cascais

with 40 ships, at the very time when we cast anchor in the Tagus under

the guard of several gallies.

While I remained in Tercera, the Earl of Cumberland came to St Marys to

take in fresh water and other victuals; but the inhabitants would not

suffer him to have it, and wounded both the earl himself and several of

his men, so that they were forced to depart without having any thing.

Likewise, while I was at Tercera, the same earl came to the island of

Graciosa, where he went to land in person with seven or eight others,

demanding certain beasts, poultry, and other victuals, with wine and

fresh water, which they willingly gave him, after which he departed

without doing any injury, for which the inhabitants were very thankful,

praising his courtesy and faithfulness to his promise. The earl came

likewise at that time to Fayal, where at the first they begun to resist

him; but by reason of some controversy among themselves, they let him

land, when he razed the castle, throwing all the cannon into the sea,

and took with him certain caravels and ships that lay in the road, with

all such provisions as he wanted, and then departed. Thereupon, the king

caused the principal actors in that transaction to be punished, and went

thither a company of soldiers, which went from Tereera, with all kind of

warlike ammunition and great shot, rebuilding the cattle the better to

defend the island, and no more trusting to the Portuguese inhabitants.

The 9th of October 1589[381], there arrived in Tereera fourteen ships

from the Spanish West Indies, laden with cochineal, hides, gold, silver,

pearls, and other rich wares. When they departed from the harbour of the

Havannah, they were fifty in company; of which eleven sunk in the

channel [of Florida] by reason of foul weather, and all the rest were

scattered and separated from each other in a storm. Next day there came

another ship of the same fleet, which sailed close under the island

endeavouring to get into the road; when she was met by an English whip

that had not above three cast pieces [of ordnance], while the Spaniards

had twelve. They fought a long while together, which we in the island

could distinctly see. The governor of the island sent out two boats

filled with musketeers to aid the Spanish ship; but before they could

get up to her assistance; the English had shot her below water, so that

we saw her sink into the sea with all her sails up, and she entirely

disappeared. The Englishmens boat saved the Captain and about thirty

others, but not one pennyworth of the goods, which were to the value of

200,000 ducats, in gold, silver, and pearls. All the rest of the crew

were drowned, to the number of about fifty persons, among whom were some

friars and women, whom the English could not save. The English set all

the people they had saved on shore, and then sailed away. The 27th of

the same month of October 1589, these fourteen ships sailed from

Tercera, for Seville; and on coming to the coast of Spain, they were all

taken by some English ships that watched for them, two only excepted

which made their escape, all the rest being carried to England.

[Footnote 381: In Hakluyt, all that now follows is marked as extracted

from the 99th chapter of Linschoten.]

About this time, the earl of Cumberland, with one of the queens ships

and five or six others, kept hovering about the islands, and came

oft-times close to the island of Tercera, and to the road of Angra, so

near that the people on land could easily count all the men on his

decks, and could even distinguish one from another; they of the island

not once shooting at them, which they might easily have done, as they

were often within musket-shot of the town and fort. He continued in

these parts for the space of two months, sailing round about the

islands, and landed in Graciosa and Fayal, as I have already mentioned.

He took several ships and caravels, which he sent off to England, so

that the people of the islands durst not put forth their heads. At one

time, about three or four days after the earl had been at the island of

Fayal, and was departed from thence, there arrived there six ships of

the Indies, the general of which was one _Juan Dorives_, which landed in

that island four millions of gold and silver[382]. Then, being much in

fear of the English, and having refreshed themselves with all speed,

they set sail and arrived safe at San Lucar, without meeting an enemy,

to the great good luck of the Spaniards and bad fortune of the English;

for, within less than two days after the gold and silver was again laden

into the Spanish ships, the earl of Cumberland sailed past the island

again; so that if he had once got sight of these valuable ships, without

doubt he had got them all, as the Spaniards themselves confessed.

[Footnote 382: The denomination is not mentioned, perhaps _pezos_, or

what we call dollars.--E.]

In the month of November, two great ships arrived in Tercera, being the

admiral and vice-admiral of the fleet laden with silver, which had been

separated from the fleet in a great storm, and were in great jeopardy

and distress, ready to sink, being forced to use all their pumps, and so

terrified, that they wished a thousand times to have met the English, to

whom they would willingly have given all the silver, and every thing

they had on board, only to preserve their lives. Although the earl still

hovered about the islands, yet did he not meet with these ships, which

got with much labour and difficulty into the road of Angra, where with

all speed they unladed and landed about five millions in silver, all in

great pieces or ingots of 8 or 12 great pounds, so that the whole quay

lay covered with plates and chests of silver, full of pieces of eight

rials, most wonderful to behold: Each million being worth ten hundred

thousand ducats, besides gold, pearls, and other precious stones, which

were not registered. The admiral and chief commander of these ships, and

of the whole fleet to which they belonged, was _Alvaro Flores de Quin

Quiniones_, who was sick of the Neapolitan disease, and was brought to

land; and of which malady he died soon afterwards at Seville. He had

with him the kings commission under the great seal, giving him full

authority as general and commander in chief upon the seas, over all

fleets and ships, and in all places, lands, and islands, on shore

wherever he came; wherefore the governor of Tercera shewed him much

honour, and between them it was concerted, seeing the weakness of the

ships and the danger from the English, that they should send the ships

first empty of treasure to Seville or Lisbon, under a guard of soldiers,

when the king might give orders afterwards to fetch the silver home

under safe convoy. The said admiral Alvaro Flores staid there, under

colour of taking care of the silver, but chiefly because of his disease

and fear of the English. He had for his part alone, above the value of

50,000 ducats in pearls, which he shewed us, and sought to sell or

barter them with us for spices or bills of exchange. These two ships

sailed from Tercera with three or four hundred men, including those who

came with them from the Indies and soldiers; but while at sea in a

storm, the admiral split and sunk outright, not one man being saved; and

the vice-admiral, after cutting away her masts, ran aground hard by

Setubal, where she broke in pieces, some of the men saving themselves by

swimming, who brought the news of all the rest being drowned.