The 19th December, a fair temperate day, with the wind S. we sailed

east, leaving the land astern of us to the west, all the coast appearing

low like islands to the east of Cape Palmas, and trending inwards like a

great bay or sound. We went east all night, and in the morning were only

three or four leagues from shore. The 20th we were off Rio de las

Barbas. The 21st we continued along shore; and three or four leagues

west of Cape Three Points, I found the bay to be set deeper than it is

laid down by four leagues. At 4 P.M. the land began to shew high, the

first part of it being covered by palm trees. The 24th, still going

along shore, the land was very low and full of trees to the water side.

At noon we anchored off the Rio de Boilas, where we sent the boat

towards the shore with our merchants, but they durst not put into the

river, because of a heavy surf that broke continually on the bar. The

28th we sailed along shore, and anchored at night in seven fathoms, to

avoid being put back by a current setting from E.S.E. from _Papuas_.

At noon on the 29th we were abreast of Ardrah, and there we took a

caravel, the people belonging to which had fled to the land. She had

nothing in her except a small quantity of palm oil and a few roots. Next

morning our captain and merchants went to meet the Portuguese, who came

off in a boat to speak with them. After some communing about ransoming

the caravel, the Portuguese promised to give for her some bullocks and

elephants teeth, and gave us then one tooth and one bullock, engaging to

bring the rest next day. Next day being the 1st January 1591, our

captain went a-land to speak with the Portuguese, but finding them to

dissemble, he came on board again, when presently we unrigged the

caravel and set her on fire before the town. We then set sail and went

along the coast, where we saw a date tree, the like of which is not on

all that coast, by the water side. We also fell a little aground at one

place. Thus we went on to _Villalonga_ where we anchored. The 3d we came

to Rio de Lagoa, or Lagos Creek, where our merchants went to land,

finding 3 fathoms on the bar, but being late they did not go in. There

is to the eastward of this river a date tree, higher than all the other

trees thereabouts. Thus we went along the coast, anchoring every night,

and all the shore was full of trees and thick woods. The morning of the

6th was very foggy, so that we could not see the land; but it cleared up

about three in the afternoon, when we found ourselves off the river

Jaya; and finding the water very shallow, we bore a little out to

seawards as we had done in the former voyage, and came to anchor in five

fathoms. We set sail again next day, and came about noon abreast the

river of Benin, where we anchored in four fathoms.

The 10th our captain went to land with the boat at 2 P.M. All this week

it was very foggy every day till 10 o'clock A.M. and hitherto the

weather had been as temperate as our summer in England. This day we

anchored in the road in 4 fathoms, the west point bearing from us E.N.E.

The 21st, being a fair temperate day, Mr Hassald went up to the town of

Gato to hear news of our captain. The 23d came the caravel[319] in which

was Samuel, bringing 63 elephants teeth and three bullocks. The 28th was

a fair temperate day, but towards night we had much rain with thunder

and lightning. This day our boat came on board from Gato. The 24th

February, we took in 298 serons or bags of pepper, and 4 elephants

teeth. The 26th we put the rest of our goods on board the caravel, in

which Mr Hassald went up to Gato. The 5th March the caravel came again,

bringing 21 serons of pepper and 4 elephants teeth. The 9th April our

caravel came again on board with water for our return voyage, and this

day we lost our shallop or small boat. The 17th was a hazy and rainy

day, and in the afternoon we saw three great water spouts, two to

larboard and one right a-head, but by the blessing of God they came not

to our ship. This day we took in the last of our water for sea store,

and on the 26th we victualled our caravel to accompany us. The 27th we

set sail on our voyage homewards.

[Footnote 319: It is not mentioned how they came by this caravel.--Astl.

I. 204. b. Probably the pinnace that attended them in the voyage, for

the purpose of going up the shallow rivers.--E.]

The 24th May we were 37 leagues south of Cape Palmas. The 1st July we

got sight of Brava, one of the Cape Verd islands, bearing east 7 leagues

off. The 13th August we spoke the queens ship, of which Lord Howard was

admiral and Sir Richard Grenville vice-admiral. They made us keep

company till the night of the 15th, lying all the time a hull in waiting

for prizes, 30 leagues S.W. from the island of Flores. That night we got

leave to depart, accompanied by a fliboat laden with sugar from the

island of San Thome which had been taken by the queens ship, and of

which my lord admiral gave me strict charge not to part with her till

safe harboured in England. The 23d the N.E. part of the island of Corvo

bore from us E. by S. 6 leagues distant. The 17th September we fell in

with a ship belonging to Plymouth bound from the West Indies. Next day

we had sight of another sail; and this day died Mr Wood one of our

company. The 23d we spoke the Dragon belonging to my Lord Cumberland, of

which _master_ Ivie was _maister_[320]. The 2d October we met a ship

belonging to Newcastle coming from Newfoundland, out of which we got 300

couple of _Newland_ fish. The 13th we put into Dartmouth, where we staid

till the 12th December, when we sailed with a west wind, and by the

blessing of God we anchored on the 18th December 1591, at Limehouse in

the river Thames, where we discharged 589 sacks of pepper, 150 elephants

teeth, and 32 barrels of palm oil.

[Footnote 320: This distinction of master and maister often occurs in

these early voyages.--Astl. I. 205. a.]

The commodities we carried out on this my second voyage were, broad

cloth, kersies, bays, linen cloth, unwrought iron, copper bracelets,

coral, hawks bells, horse-tails, hats, and the like. This voyage was

more comfortable to us than the former, because we had plenty of fresh

water and that very sweet. For even yet, being the 7th June 1592, the

water we brought out of Benin on the 1st of April 1591, is as clear and

good as any fountain can yield. In this voyage we sailed 350 leagues

within half a degree of the equator, where we found the weather more

temperate than at our anchorage on the coast of Benin. Under the line we

killed many small dolphins, and many other good fish, which were very

refreshing to us; and the fish never forsook us till we were to the

north of the Azores: But God be thanked we met with several ships of our

own country, during the five months we were at sea, which were great

comfort to us, having no consort.

SECTION XVIII.

_Voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to the Rivers Senegal and

Gambia adjoining to Guinea, in 1591_[321].

PREVIOUS REMARKS [322].

In virtue of her majestys most gracious charter, given in the year 1588,

being the 30th of her reign, certain English merchants were privileged

to trade, in and from the river of Senega or Senegal, to and in the

river of Gambra or Gambia on the western coast of Africa. The chiefest

places of trade on that coast, in and between these rivers are: 1.

_Senegal_ river, where the commodities are hides, gum, elephants teeth,

a few grains or pepper, ostrich feathers, ambergris, and some gold. 2.

_Beseguiache_[323], a town near Cape Verd, and ---- leagues[324] from the

river Senegal. The commodities here are small hides and a few teeth. 3.

_Rufisque_, or _Refisca viejo_, a town 4 leagues from Beseguiache,

producing small hides and a few teeth now and then. 4. _Palmerin_, a

town 2 leagues from Rufisque[325], having small hides and a few

elephants teeth occasionally. 5. _Porto d'Ally_, or _Portudale_, a town

5 leagues from Palmerin, having small hides, teeth, ambergris, and a

little gold; and many Portuguese are there. 6. _Candimal_, a town half a

league from Portudale, having small hides and a few teeth now and then.

7. _Palmerin_[326], a town 3 leagues from Candimal, with similar

commodities. 8. _Jaale_ or _Joala_, 6 leagues beyond Palmerin, its

commodities being hides, wax, elephants teeth, rice, and some gold, for

which it is frequented by many Spaniards and Portuguese, 9. _Gambia

river_, producing rice, wax, hides, elephants teeth, and gold.

[Footnote 321: Hakluyt, III. 2. Astley, I. 242.]

[Footnote 322: In Astley, these previous remarks are stated to have been

written by Richard Rainolds; but in the original collection of Hakluyt

no such distinction is made, only that in the text Richard Rainolds

states himself to have written the account of the voyage.--E.]

[Footnote 323: Or Barzaguiche, by which name the natives call the island

of Goree; the town of that name being on the opposite shore of the

continent.--Astl, I. 242. c.]

[Footnote 324: At this place the editor of Astley's Collection supplies

28 leagues, in the text between brackets: But Cape Verd is 39 leagues

from the southern mouth of the Senegal, and Goree is 6 leagues beyond

Cape Verd. Near the situation pointed out for Beseguiache, modern maps

place two small towns or villages named Dakar and Ben.--E.]

[Footnote 325: A league north from Rufisque in modern maps is a place

called Ambo; about 1-1/2 league farther north, one named Canne; and near

2 leagues south, another named Yenne.--E.]

[Footnote 326: We have here two towns called Palmerin within a few

leagues, perhaps one of them may be wrong named in the text.--E.]

The French have traded thither above thirty years from Dieppe in

New-haven[327], commonly with four or five ships every year, of which

two small barks go up the river Senegal. The others are wont, until

within these four years that our ships came thither, to ride with their

ships in Portudale, sending small shalops of six or eight tons to some

of the before-named places on the sea coast. They were generally as well

beloved and as kindly treated by the negroes as if they had been natives

of the country, several of the negroes going often into France and

returning again, to the great increase of their mutual friendship. Since

we frequented the coast, the French go with their ships to Rufisque, and

leave us to anchor a Portudale. The French are not in use to go up the

river Gambia, which is a river of secret trade and riches concealed by

the Portuguese. Long since, one Frenchman entered the river in a small

bark, which was surprised, betrayed, and taken by the Portuguese. In

our second voyage in the second year of our trade[328], about forty

Englishmen were cruelly slain or captured, and most or all of their

goods confiscated, by the vile treachery of the Portuguese, with the

consent of the negro kings in Portudale and Joala. On this occasion only

two got back, who were the merchants or factors. Likewise, by the

procurement of Pedro Gonzalves, a person in the service of Don Antonio

one of the officers of the king of Portugal, Thomas Dassel and others

had been betrayed, if it had not pleased the Almighty to reveal and

prevent the same.

[Footnote 327: Havre de Grace is probably here meant--E.]

[Footnote 328: Hence it appears that the relation in the text was the

third voyage of the English exclusive company, in the third year of

their patent, but we find no account of the other two beyond what is now

mentioned. It appears, however from Kelly's ship being at the same time

upon the coast, that others as well as the patentees carried on this

trade.--Astl. I. 242. d.]

From the south side of the river Senegal, all along the sea coast to

Palmerin is one kingdom of the Negroes, the king of which is named

Melick Zamba[329], who dwells about two days journey inland from

Rufisque.

[Footnote 329: Melick; or Malek, in Arabic signifies king.--Astl. I.

242. e.]

_The Voyage._

On the 12th of November 1591, I, Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel,

being factors in a ship called the Nightingale of London, of 125 tons,

accompanied by a pinnace of 40 tons called the Messenger, arrived near

Cape Verd at a small island called the _Isle of Liberty_. At this island

we set up a small pinnace in which we are in use to carry our goods to

land in the course of our traffic; and in the mean time Thomas Dassel

went in the large pinnace to traffic with the Spaniards or Portuguese in

Portudale or Joale. Over against this island of Liberty [_Goree_] there

is a village of the negroes called Beseguiache, the alcaide or governor

of which came on board, with a great train in a number of canoes, to

receive the kings duties for anchorage and permission to set up our

pinnace. He was much pleased that we had no Portuguese in our ships,

saying that we should be always better thought of by the king and people

of that country if we never brought any Portuguese, but came of

ourselves as the French do always. To secure his favour, I gave him and

his company very courteous entertainment, and upon his entreaty, having

sufficient hostages left on board, I and several others went to the land

along with him. At this time a war subsisted between this governor and

the governor of a neighbouring province; but upon our arrival a truce

was entered into for some time, and I with my companions were conducted

through among the contending parties belonging to both provinces, to the

house of the governor of Beseguiache, where we were hospitably

entertained after their manner, and having received some presents

returned safely on board. Next day the alcaide came again on board,

desiring me to send some iron and other commodities in the boat to

barter with the negroes, and also requested me to remove with the ship

to Rufisque, which I did accordingly. I observed one thing, that a

number of negroes, armed with bows and poisoned arrows, poisoned darts,

and swords, attended the landing of the governor in warlike array,

because the hostile tribe had come there to view our ship, taking

advantage of the truce. These his armed attendants for the most part

approached him in a kneeling posture, and kissed the back of his hand.

On the 17th of November, finding no French ship had yet come out, I left

the anchorage at the island [_Goree_], and went to the road of Rufisque,

where the interpreters of the alcaide came on board and received from me

the kings duties for free trade with the negroes, with whom I every day

exchanged my iron and other wares for hides and some elephants teeth,

finding the people very friendly and tractable. Next day I went about

three miles inland to the town of Rufisque, where I was handsomely

received and treated by the alcaide, and especially so by a young noble

named _Conde Amar Pattay_[330], who presented me with an ox, and some

goats and kids, for my company, assuring me that the king would be glad

to hear of the arrival of a Christian ship, calling us _blancos_ or

white men, and more especially that we were English. Every day the young

_conde_ came to the sea-side with a small company of horsemen, feasting

me with much courtesy and kindness. On the 5th of December, he and his

train came on board to view the ship, which to them seemed wonderful, as

a thing they had seldom seen the like of. He then told me that a

messenger sent to the king to notify our arrival was returned, and that

the king was much rejoiced that the English had brought a ship to trade

in his ports; and as I was the first Englishman who had brought a ship

there, he promised that I and any Englishman hereafter might be sure of

being well treated, and of receiving good dealings in his country. The

_conde_ farther requested, in the kings name and his own, that before my

final departure from the coast, I might return to the road of Rufisque,

to confer with him for our better acquaintance, and for the

establishment of stable friendship between them and the English, which I

agreed to. Having shewn him and his train every civility in my power, he

went on shore, on which I proposed to have given him a salute, but he

desired the contrary, being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise of

the guns, which they greatly admired.

[Footnote 330: In the name or title of this negro chief or noble may be

recognized the Portuguese or Spanish _conde_, and the Arabic _amir_ or

_emir_.--E.]

The 13th of December I weighed anchor from before Rufisque, and went to

Porto d'Ally, which is in another kingdom, the king of which is called

Amar Malek, being son to Malek Zamba the other king, and has his

residence a days journey and a half inland from Porto d'Ally. When we

had anchored, the governors of the town, who were the kings kinsmen, and

all the other officers, came on board to receive the kings duty for

anchorage and liberty to trade, all of whom seemed much pleased that we

had no Portuguese on board, saying that it was the kings pleasure we

should bring none of that nation, whom they considered as a people

devoid of truth[331]. They complained of one Francisco de Costa, a

servant of Don Antonio, who had often, and particularly the former year,

abused their king Amar Malek, promising to bring him certain things out

of England which he had never done, and supposed that might be his

reason for not coming this voyage. They said likewise that neither the

Portuguese nor Spaniards could abide us, but always spoke to the great

defamation and dishonour of England. They also affirmed that on the

arrival of a ship called the Command, belonging to Richard Kelley of

Dartmouth, one Pedro Gonzalves, a Portuguese, who came in that ship from

Don Antonio, reported to them that we were fled from England, and had

come to rob and commit great spoil on the coast, and that Thomas Dassel

had murdered Francisco de Acosta since we left England, who was coming

in our ship with great presents for their king from Don Antonio,

desiring on our arrival that they should seize our goods and ourselves

secretly. They assured us however that they had refused to do this, as

they disbelieved the report of Gonzalves, having often before been

abused and deceived by such false and slanderous stories by the

Portuguese. Their king, they said, was extremely sorry for the former

murder of our people, and would never consent to any such thing in

future, holding the Portuguese and Spaniards in utter abhorrence ever

since, and having a much better opinion of us and our nation than these

our enemies wished them to entertain. I gave them hearty thanks for

their good opinion, assuring them that they should always find a great

difference between our honour, and the dishonourable words and actions

of our enemies, and then paid them the customary duties. As this was a

chief place for trade, I told them that I intended to wait upon their

king that I might give him certain presents which I had brought out of

England, on purpose to strengthen the friendship between their nation

and ours.

[Footnote 331: From this and other passages of the present journal, it

appears that the English used to carry a Portuguese along with them in

their first voyages to the coast of Africa, whether from choice or by

agreement with the government of Portugal does not clearly appear: and

that, finding the inconvenience of this custom, they began now to lay it

aside. This seems to have provoked the king of Portugal, who proposed to

ruin the English trade by means of these agents or spies.--_Astl_. I.

214. b.]

All this time, Thomas Dassel was with our large pinnace at the town of

Joala, in the dominions of king Jocoel Lamiockeric, trading with the

Spaniards and Portuguese at that place. The before-mentioned Pedro

Gonzalves, who had come out of England, was there also along with some

English merchants, employed in the service of Richard Kelley. As

Gonzalves had not been able to accomplish his treacherous purposes

against Dassel at Porto d'Ally, where I remained, he attempted, along

with other Portuguese who were made privy to his design, to betray

Dassel at this town of Joala, and had seduced the chiefs among the

negroes, by means of bribes, to concur in his wicked and most

treacherous intentions. These, by the good providence of God, were

revealed to Thomas Dassel by Richard Cape, an Englishman, in the service

of Richard Kelley; on which Thomas Dassel went on board a small English

bark called the Cherubim of Lyme, where a Portuguese named Joam Payva, a

servant of Don Antonio, declared that Thomas Dassel would have been

betrayed long before, if he and one Garcia, a Portuguese, who lived at

Joala, would have concurred with Pedro Gonzalves. Upon this warning,

Thomas Dassel contrived next day to get three Portuguese on board the

pinnace, two of whom he sent on shore, and detained the third named

Villanova as an hostage, sending a message that if they would bring

Gonzalves on board next day by eight o'clock, he would release

Villanova; but they did not. Dassel likewise got intelligence, that

certain Portuguese and negroes were gone post by land from Joala to

Porto d'Ally, with the view of having me, Richard Rainolds, and my

company detained on shore; and, being doubtful of the negro friendship,

who were often wavering, especially when overcome by wine, he came with

his pinnace and the Portuguese hostage to Porto d'Ally on the 24th

December, for our greater security, and to prevent any treacherous plan

that might have been attempted against us in the roads by the

Portuguese. He was no sooner arrived beside our large ship the

Nightingale in the road of Porto d'Ally, than news was brought him from

John Baily, servant to Anthony Dassel, that he and our goods were

detained on shore, and that twenty Portuguese and Spaniards were come

there from Joala along with Pedro Gonzalves, for the purpose of getting

Villanova released. After a conference of two or three days, held with

the negro chiefs and the Spaniards and Portuguese, the negroes were in

the end convinced how vilely Pedro Gonzalves had behaved; and as he was

in their power, they said he ought to suffer death or torture for his

villany, as an example to others; but we, in recompence of his cruel

treachery, pitied him and shewed mercy, desiring the negroes to use him

well though undeserving; upon which the negro chiefs brought him on

board the pinnace to Thomas Dassel, to do with him as he thought proper.

Owing to some improper language he had used of certain princes,

Gonzalves was well buffetted by a Spaniard at his coming off from the

shore, and had been slain if the natives had not rescued him for our

sakes.

When I went on shore to release Villanova, Pedro Gonzalves confessed to

Thomas Dassel, that he had concerted with some negroes and Portuguese

about detaining Dassel and the goods on shore; but that he had acted

nothing on this subject without authority from his king, contained in

certain letters he had received at Dartmouth from London, after our

departure from the Thames, occasioned by our presuming to trade to

Guinea without a servant of the king of Portugal; and declared likewise

that he had power or authority from Francisco de Costa, a Portuguese,

remaining in England, to detain the goods of Anthony Dassel in Guinea.

By consent of Francis Tucker, John Browbeare, and the other factors of

Richard Kelley, with whom this Pedro Gonzalves came from England, it was

agreed that we should detain Gonzalves in our ships until their

departure, to avoid any other mischief that he might contrive.

Therefore, on 9th January 1592, he was delivered to go for England in

the same ship that brought him, being all the time he remained in our

ship, well and courteously treated by me, though much against the will

of our mariners, who were much disgusted at seeing one who had been

nourished and relieved in our country, seeking, by villanous means, to

procure the destruction of us all.

Although the Spaniards and Portuguese are dissemblers and not to be

trusted, yet when they saw how the subjects of Amar Malek befriended and

favoured us, and that it would be prejudicial to their trade if we were

any way injured, they renounced their evil intentions against us,

shewing detestation of him who had been the cause of it, and promised to

defend us and our affairs in all faithfulness for the future; desiring

us, as the negro king had done already, to bring no more Portuguese with

us from England, for they esteemed one bar of iron as more valuable than

twenty Portuguese, and more serviceable towards the profitable trade

which had been of late carried on by us and the French; whereas the

Portuguese, whom we were in use to bring with us, endeavoured all they

could to do us injury, and even to hurt all parties concerned in the

trade.

At the beginning of these broils, Amar Malek had sent his chief

secretary with three horses for me, Richard Rainolds; but I refused

going, on account of the disturbances, though I might have had negroes

of condition left as hostages for my safety; yet I transmitted the

customary presents for the king. When he understood the reason of my not

coming to his residence, he was very sorry and much offended at the

cause, and immediately issued a proclamation, commanding that no injury

should be done to us in his dominions by his own people, neither

suffered to be done by the Spaniards or Portuguese; and declaring, if

any of the neighbouring negro tribes should confederate with the

Spaniards and Portuguese to molest us, that he and his subjects should

be ready to aid and defend us. Thus there appeared more kindness and

good will towards us in these ignorant negroes, than in the Spaniards

and Portuguese.

None of the Spaniards or Portuguese are in use to trade up the river

Senegal, except one Portuguese named _Ganigogo_ who dwells far up that

river, where he has married the daughter of one of the kings. In the

towns of Porto d'Ally and Joala, which are the places of chief trade on

this coast, and at Cauton and Cassan in the river Gambia, there are many

Spaniards and Portuguese who have become resident by permission of the

negroes, and carry on a valuable trade all along the coast, especially

to the Rio San Dominica and Rio Grande, which are not far distant from

the Gambia, to which places they transport the iron which they purchase

from us and the French, exchanging it for _negro slaves_, which are

transported to the West Indies in ships that come hither from Spain. By

order of the governor and renters of the castle of Mina, and of all

those places on the coast of Guinea where gold is to be had, these

residents have a place limited for them in the river Gambia, beyond

which they must not go under pain of death and confiscation of their

goods; as the renters themselves send their own barks at certain times

up the river, to those places where gold is to be had. In all those

places hereabout, where we are in use to trade, the Spaniards and

Portuguese have no castle or other place of strength, merely trading

under the licence and safe conduct of the negroes. Most of the Spaniards

and Portuguese who reside in those parts are banished men or fugitives,

who have committed heinous crimes; and their life and conversation is

conformable to their conditions, as they are the basest and most

villainously behaved persons of their nation that are to be met with in

any part of the world.

CHAPTER VIII.

SOME MISCELLANEOUS EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH.

INTRODUCTION.

The present chapter is rather of an anomalous nature, and chiefly

consists of naval expeditions against the Spaniards and Portuguese,

scarcely belonging in any respect to our plan of arrangement: yet, as

contained mostly in the ancient English collection of Hakluyt, and in

that by Astley, we have deemed it improper to exclude them from our

pages, where they may be considered in some measure as an episode.

Indeed, in every extensively comprehensive plan, some degree of anomaly

is unavoidable. The following apology or reason given by the editor of

Astley's collection for inserting them in that valuable work, may serve

us likewise on the present occasion; though surely no excuse can be

needed, in a national collection like ours, for recording the exploits

of our unrivalled naval defenders.

"For want of a continued series of trading voyages to Guinea, we shall

here insert an account of some remarkable achievements by the English

against the Spaniards and Portuguese; who, being greatly alarmed to find

out merchants extending their commerce, and trading to those parts of

the world which they pretended a right of engrossing to themselves,

began to treat our ships very severely, wherever they had the

superiority; and when they wanted force, endeavoured to surprise them by

treachery, never scrupling to violate the most solemn oaths and

engagements to compass their designs. For this reason the English

merchant ships were obliged to go to sea armed and in company; by which

means they not only prevented the outrages of these faithless enemies,

but often revenged the injuries done to others of their countrymen. At

length, the resentment of the nation being inflamed by their repeated

treacheries and depredations, the English began to send out fleets to

annoy their coasts and disturb their navigation. Of these proceedings,

we propose to give a few instances in this chapter, which may suffice to

shew the noble spirit that prevailed in these early times."--_Astl_. I.

194.

SECTION I.

_Gallant escape of the Primrose from Bilboa in Spain, in 1585_[332].

It is not unknown to the world, what dangers our English ships have

lately escaped from, how sharply they have been entreated, and how

hardly they have been assaulted; insomuch that the valour of those who

managed and defended them is worthy of being held in remembrance.

Wherefore, the courageous attempt and valiant enterprize of the tall

ship named the Primrose of London, from before the town of Bilboa, in

the province of Biscay in Spain, (which ship the corregidore of that

province, accompanied by 97 Spaniards, offered violently to arrest, yet

was defeated of his purpose, and brought prisoner into England,) having

obtained renown, I have taken in hand to publish the truth thereof, that

it may be generally known to the rest of our English ships; that, by the

good example of this gallant exploit, the rest may be encouraged and

incited in like extremity to act in a similar manner, to the glory of

the realm and their own honour.--_Hakluyt_, II, 597.

[Footnote 332: Hakluyt, II. 537. Astley, I.194.]

* * * * *

Upon Wednesday the 26th of May 1585, while the ship Primrose of 150 tons

was riding at anchor off the bay of Bilboa, where she had been two days,

there came on board a Spanish pinnace, in which were the corregidore and

six others, who seemed to be merchants, bringing cherries with, them,

and spoke in a very friendly manner to the master of the ship, whose

name was Foster. He received them courteously, giving them the best

cheer he could, with beer, beef, and biscuit. While thus banqueting,

four of the seven departed in the pinnace for Bilboa; the other three

remaining, and seeming much pleased with their entertainment. Yet Mr

Foster was suspicious of some evil designs, and gave secret intimation

to his people that he was doubtful of the intentions of these men, but

said nothing to his guests by which they could any way surmise that he

distrusted them. Soon afterwards there came a shipboat in which were

seventy persons, seemingly merchants and the like of Biscay, and a

little behind came the pinnace in which were twenty-four other persons,

as the Spaniards afterwards confessed. On reaching the Primrose, the

corregidore and three or four of his men went on board that ship; but on

seeing such a multitude, Mr Foster desired that no more might come on

aboard which was agreed to: Yet suddenly all the Spaniards left their

boat and boarded the Primrose, all being armed with rapiers and other

weapons which they had brought secretly in the boat, and had even a drum

along with them to proclaim their expected triumph.

On getting on board, the Spaniards dispersed themselves over the ship,

some below deck, others entering the cabins, while the most part

remained in a body as if to guard their prize. Then the corregidore, who

had an officer along with him bearing a white rod in his hand, desired

Mr Foster to yield himself as a prisoner to the king of Spain; on which

he called out to his men that they were betrayed. At this time some of

the Spaniards threatened Mr Foster with their daggers in a furious

manner, as if they would have slain him, yet they had no such purpose,

meaning only to have taken him and his men prisoners. Mr Foster and his

men were amazed at this sudden assault, and were greatly concerned to

think themselves ready to be put to death; yet some of them, much

concerned for their own and Mr Fosters danger, and believing themselves

doomed to death if landed as prisoners, determined either to defend

themselves manfully or to die with arms in their hands, rather than to

submit to the hands of the tormentors[333]; wherefore they boldly took

to their weapons, some armed with javelins, lances, and boar-spears, and

others with five calivers ready charged, being all the fire-arms they

had. With these they fired up through the gratings of the hatches at the

Spaniards on deck, at which the Spaniards were sore amazed not knowing

how to escape the danger, and fearing the English had more fire-arms

than they actually possessed. Others of the crew laid manfully about

among the Spaniards with their lances and boar-spears, disabling two or

three of the Spaniards at every stroke. Then some of the Spaniards urged

Mr Foster to command his men to lay down their arms and surrender; but

he told them that the English were so courageous in the defence of their

lives and liberties, that it was not in his power to controul them, for

on such an occasion they would slay both them and him. At this time the

blood of the Spaniards flowed plentifully about the deck; some being

shot between the legs from below, the bullets came out at their

breasts; some were cut in the head, others thrust in the body, and many

of them so sore wounded that they rushed faster out at one side of the

ship than they came in at the other, tumbling fast overboard on both

side with their weapons, some falling into the sea, and others into

their boats, in which they made all haste on shore. But though they came

to the ship in great numbers, only a small number of them returned, yet

it is not known how many of them were slain or drowned. On this occasion

only one Englishman was slain named John Tristram, and six others

wounded; but it was piteous to behold so many Spaniards swimming in the

sea, and unable to save their lives, of whom four who had got hold of

some part of the ship, were rescued from the waves by Mr Foster and his

men, whose bosoms were found stuffed with paper to defend them from the

shot, and these four being wounded, were dressed by the English surgeon.

One of these was the corregidore himself, who was governor over an

hundred cities and towns, his appointments exceeding six hundred pounds

a year. This strange incident took place about six o'clock in the

evening; after they had landed upwards of twenty tons of goods from the

Primrose, which were delivered at Bilboa by John Barrell and John

Brodbank, who were made prisoners on shore.

[Footnote 333: This seems to allude to their fears of the Inquisition,

if made prisoners.--E.]

After this valiant exploit, performed by 28 Englishmen against 97

Spaniards, Mr Foster and his men saw that it were vain for them to

remain any longer; wherefore they hoisted their sails and came away with

the rest of their goods, and arrived safely by the blessing of God near

London, on the 8th June 1585. During their return towards England, the

corregidore and the other Spaniards they had made prisoners offered 500

crowns to be set on shore anywhere on the coast of Spain or Portugal;

but as Mr Foster would not consent, they were glad to crave mercy and

remain on board. On being questioned by Mr Foster as to their reason for

endeavouring thus to betray him and his men, the corregidore assured him

it was not done of their own accord, but by the command of the king of

Spain; and calling for his hose, which were wet, he took out the royal

commission authorising and commanding him to do what he had attempted,

which was to the following purport:

"Licentiate de Escober, my corregidore of my lordship of Biscay. Seeing

that I have caused a great fleet to be equipped in the havens of Lisbon

and Seville, that there is required for the soldiers, armour, victuals,

and ammunition, and that great store of shipping is wanted for the said

service: I therefore require you, on sight of this order, that with as

much secrecy as may be, you take order for arresting all the shipping

that may be found on the coast and in the ports of the said lordship,

particularly all such as belong to Holland, Zealand, Esterland, Germany,

England, or other provinces and countries that are in rebellion against

me; excepting those of France, which, being small and weak, are thought

unfit for the present service. And being thus arrested and staid, you

shall take special care, that such merchandise as are on board these

ships be taken out, and that all the armour, arms, ammunition, tackle,

sails, and provisions be bestowed in safe custody, so that none of the

ships and men may escape, &c. Done at Barcelona, the 29th May 1585."

In this gallant exploit is to be noted, both the great courage of the

master, and the love of the mariners to save their master; likewise the

great care of Mr Foster to save as much as he could of the goods of his

owners, although by this conduct he may never more frequent those parts,

without losing his own life and those of his people, as they would

assuredly, if known, subject themselves to the sharp torments of their

_Holy house_. As for the king of Spain pretending that the English were

in rebellion against him, it is sufficiently well known even to

themselves, with what love, unity, and concord our ships have ever dealt

with them, being always at least as willing to shew pleasure and respect

to their king and them, as they have been to deal hospitably by the

English.--_Hakl._

SECTION II.

_Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, in 1585, to the West Indies_[334].

Upon the knowledge of the embargo laid by the king of Spain in 1585,

upon the English ships, men, and goods found in his country, having no

means to relieve her subjects by friendly treaty, her majesty authorised

such as had sustained loss by that order of embargo to right themselves

by making reprisals upon the subjects of the king of Spain; for which

she gave them her letters of reprisal, to take and arrest all ships and

merchandises they might find at sea or elsewhere, belonging to the

subjects of that King. At the same time, to revenge the wrongs offered

to her crown and dignity, and to resist the preparations then making

against her by the king of Spain, her majesty equipped a fleet of

twenty-five sail of ships, and employed them under the command of Sir

Francis Drake, as the fittest person in her dominions, by reason of his

experience and success in sundry actions.

[Footnote 334: Church. Collect. III. 155.]

It is not my intention to give all the particulars of the voyages

treated of, but merely to enumerate the services performed, and the

mistakes and oversights committed, as a warning to those who may read

them, to prevent the like errors hereafter. As this voyage of Sir

Francis Drake was the first undertaking on either side in this war, for

it ensued immediately after the arrest of our ships and goods in Spain,

I shall deliver my opinion of it before I proceed any farther. One

impediment to the voyage was, that to which the ill success of several

others that followed was imputed, viz. the want of victuals and other

necessaries fit for so great an expedition; for had not this fleet met

with a ship of Biscay, coming from Newfoundland with fish, which

relieved their necessities, they had been reduced to great extremity. In

this expedition Sir Francis Drake sailed in the Elizabeth Bonadventure;

captain Frobisher, in the Aid was second in command; and captain Carlee

was lieutenant-general of the forces by land, Sir Francis having the

supreme command both as admiral and general.

The services performed in this expedition were, the taking and sacking

of St Domingo in Hispaniola, of Carthagena on the continent of America,

and of St Justina in Florida, three towns of great importance in the

West Indies. This fleet was the greatest of any nation, except the

Spaniards, that had ever been seen in these seas since their first

discovery; and, if the expedition had been as well considered of before

going from home, as it was happily performed by the valour of those

engaged, it had more annoyed the king of Spain than all the other

actions that ensued during that war. But it seems our long peace had

made us incapable of advice in war; for had we kept and defended those

places when in our possession, and made provision to have relieved them

from England, we had diverted the war from Europe; for at that time

there was no comparison betwixt the strength of Spain and England by

sea, by means whereof we might have better defended these acquisitions,

and might more easily have encroached upon the rest of the Indies, than

the king of Spain could have aided or succoured them. But now we see and

find by experience, that those places which were then weak and

unfortified, are since fortified, so that it is to no purpose for us to

attempt annoying the king of Spain now in his dominions in the West

Indies. And, though this expedition proved fortunate and victorious, yet

as it was father an awakening than a weakening of the king of Spain, it

had been far better wholly let alone, than to have undertaken it on such

slender grounds, and with such inconsiderable forces[335].

[Footnote 335: It must be acknowledged that the present section can only

be considered as a species of introduction or prelude to an intended

narrative of an expedition: Yet such actually is the first article in

Sir William Monson's celebrated Naval Tracts, as published in the

Collection of Churchill; leaving the entire of the narrative an absolute

blank. Nothing could well justify the adoption of this inconclusive and

utterly imperfect article, but the celebrity of its author and actor:

For Sir William Monson, and the editor of Churchill's Collection, seem

to have dosed in giving to the public this _Vox et preterea nihil_.--E.]

SECTION III.

_Cruizing Voyage to the Azores by Captain Whiddon, in 1586, written by

John Evesham_[336].

This voyage was performed by two barks or pinnaces, the Serpent of 35

tons, and the Mary Sparke of Plymouth of 50 tons, both belonging to Sir

Walter Raleigh, knight. Leaving Plymouth on the 10th June 1586, we

directed our course in the first place for the coast of Spain, and

thence for the islands called the Azores, in which course we captured a

small bark, laden with sumach and other commodities, in which was the

Portuguese governor of St Michael's Island, with several other

Portuguese and Spaniards. Sailing thence to the island of Gracioso,

westward of Tercera, we descried a sail to which we gave chase, and

found her to be a Spaniard. But at the first, not much respecting whom

we took, so that we might enrich ourselves, which was the object of our

expedition, and not willing it should be known what we were, we

displayed a white silk ensign in our maintop, which made them believe

that we were of the Spanish navy laying in wait for English cruizers;

but when we got within shot, we hauled down our white flag, and hoisted

the St Georges ensign, on which they fled as fast as they were able, but

all in vain, as our ships sailed faster than they; wherefore they threw

overboard all their ordnance and shot, with many letters and the chart

of the straits of Magellan, which lead into the south sea, immediately

after which we took her, finding on board a Spanish gentleman named

Pedro Sarmiento, who was governor of the straits of Magellan, whom we

brought home to England, and presented to the queen our sovereign.

[Footnote 336: Hakluyt; II. 606. Astley, I. 196. The command of this

expedition is attributed by the editor of Astley's Collection to captain

Whiddon, on the authority of the concluding sentence.--E.]

After this, while plying off and on about the islands, we espied another

sail to which we gave chase, during which our admiral sprung his

main-mast; yet in the night our vice-admiral got up with and captured

the chase, which we found was laden with fish from Cape Blanco on which

we let her go for want of hands to bring her home. Next day we descried

two vessels, one a ship and the other a caravel, to which we gave chase,

on which they made with all haste for the island of Gracioso, where they

got to anchor under protection of a fort; as having the wind of us we

were unable to cut them off from the land, or to get up to attack them

with our ships as they lay at anchor. Having a small boat which we

called a _light horseman_, there went into her myself and four men armed

with calivers, and four others to row, in which we went towards them

against the wind. On seeing us row towards them, they carried a

considerable part of their merchandise on shore, and landed all the men

of both vessels; and as soon as we got near, they began to fire upon us

both from their cannon and small arms, which we returned as well as we

could. We then boarded one of their ships, in which they had not left a

single man; and having cut her cables and hoisted her sails, we sent her

off with two of our men. The other seven of us then went very near the

shore and boarded the caravel, which rode within stones throw of the

shore, insomuch that the people on the land threw stones at us; yet in

spite of them, we took possession of her, there being only one negro on

board. Having cut her cables and hoisted her sails, she was so becalmed

under the land that we had to tow her off with our boat, the fort still

firing on us from their cannon, while the people on shore, to the number

of about 150, continually fired at us with muskets and calivers, we

answering them with our five muskets. At this time the shot from my

musket, being a bar-shot, happened to strike the gunner of the fort

dead, while he was levelling one of his great guns; and thus we got off

from them without loss or wound on our part. Having thus taken five[337]

sail in all, we did as we had done with the ship with the fish, we

turned them off without hurting them, save that we took from one of them

her mainmast for our admiral, and sent her away with all our Spanish and

Portuguese prisoners, except Pedro Sarmiento, three other principal

persons, and two negroes, leaving them within sight of land, with bread

and water sufficient to serve them ten days.

[Footnote 337: Four only are mentioned in the text; and it appears that

they only sent away at this time the first taken ship, in which they had

captured Sarmiento.--E.]

We now bent our course for England, taking our departure from off the

western islands in about the latitude of 41° N. and soon afterwards one

of our men descried a sail from the foretop, then ten sail, and then

fifteen sail. It was now concluded to send off our two prizes, by

manning of which we did not leave above 60 men in our two pinnaces. When

we had dispatched them, we made sail towards the fleet we had

discovered, which we found to consist of 24 sail in all; two of them

being great caraks, one of 1200 and the other of 1000 tons, and 10

galeons, all the rest being small ships and caravels, laden with

treasure, spices, and sugars. In our two small pinnaces we kept company

with this fleet of 24 ships for 32 hours, continually fighting with them

and they with us; but the two huge caraks always kept between their

fleet and us, so that we were unable to take any one of them; till at

length, our powder growing short, we were forced to give over, much

against our wills, being much bent upon gaining some of them, but

necessity compelling us by want of powder, we left them, without any

loss of our men, which was wonderful, considering the disparity of force

and numbers.

We now continued our course to Plymouth, where we arrived within six

hours after our prizes, though we sent them away forty hours before we

began our homeward course. We were joyfully received, with the ordnance

of the town, and all the people hailed us with willing hearts, we not

sparing our shot in return with what powder we had left. From thence we

carried our prizes to Southampton, where our owner, Sir Walter Raleigh,

met us and distributed to us our shares of the prizes.

Our prizes were laden with sugars, elephants teeth, wax, hides,

Brazil-wood, and _cuser?_ as may be made manifest by the testimony of

me, John Evesham, the writer hereof, as likewise of captains Whiddon,

Thomas Rainford, Benjamin Wood, William Cooper master, William Cornish

master, Thomas Drak corporal, John Ladd gunner, William Warefield

gunner, Richard Moon, John Drew, Richard Cooper of Harwich, William

Beares of Ratcliff, John Row of Saltash, and many others.

SECTION IV.

_Brief relation of notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake in

1587_[338].

INTRODUCTION.

The title of this article at large in Hakluyt is, A brief relation of

the notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake, upon the Spanish

fleet prepared in the road of Cadiz; and of his destroying 100 sail of

barks; passing from thence all along the coast of Spain to _Cape Sacre_,

where also he took certain forts; and so to the mouth of the river of

Lisbon; thence crossing over sea to the isle of St Michael, where he

surprised a mighty carak called the St Philip, coming from the East

Indies, being the first of that kind ever seen in England.

[Footnote 338: Hakl. II. 607. Astl. I. 197.]

The editor of Astleys Collection says, that this relation seems to have

been taken from a letter, written by one who was in the expedition to a

friend; and thinks that it is not unlike the manner of Sir Walter

Raleigh.--E.

* * * * *

Being informed of mighty naval preparations in Spain for the invasion of

England, her Majesty queen Elizabeth, by the good advice of her grave

and prudent council, thought it expedient to use measures to prevent the

same; for which purpose she caused a fleet of some thirty sail to be

equipped, over which she appointed as general Sir Francis Drake, of

whose many former good services she had sufficient proof. She

accordingly caused four ships of her royal navy to be delivered to him,

the Bonaventure, in which he went general; the Lion, under the command

of Mr William Borough, comptroller of the navy; the Dreadnought,

commanded by Mr Thomas Venner; and the Rainbow, of which Mr Henry

Bellingham was captain[339]. Besides these four ships, two of her

majestys pinnaces were appointed to serve as tenders or advice boats. To

this fleet, there were added certain tall ships belonging to the city of

London, of whose special good service the general made particular

mention, in his letters to the queen.

[Footnote 339: Sir William Monson in his Naval Tracts, in Churchills

Collection, III. 156, gives a short account of this expedition. By him

the admiral ship is called the Elizabeth Bonaventure, and Sir William

Burroughs is called vice admiral. From a list given by Sir William

Monson of the royal navy of England left by queen Elizabeth at her

death, (Church. Coll. III. 196.) the Bonaventure appears to have been of

the burden of 600 tons, carrying 50 pieces of cannon and 250 men, 70 of

whom were mariners, and the rest landsmen. The Lion and Rainbow of 500

tons each, with the same number of guns and men as the Bonaventure. The

Dreadnought of 400 tons, 20 guns, 200 men, 50 of them seamen.--E.]

This fleet sailed from Plymouth Sound, towards the coast of Spain, in

April 1587. The 16th of that month, in latitude of 40° N. we met two

ships belonging to Middleburg, in Zealand, coming from Cadiz, by which

we were acquainted that vast abundance of warlike stores were provided

at Cadiz and that neighbourhood, and were ready to be sent to Lisbon.

Upon this information, our general made sail with all possible

expedition thither, to cut off and destroy their said forces and

stores, and upon the 19th of April entered with his fleet into the

harbour of Cadiz; where at our first entering we were assailed by six

gallies over against the town, but which we soon constrained to retire

under cover of their fortress. There were in the road at our arrival

sixty ships, besides sundry small vessels close under the fortress.

Twenty French ships fled immediately to Puerta Real, followed by some

small Spanish vessels that were able to pass the shoals. At our first

coming, we sunk a ship belonging to Ragusa of 1000 tons, very richly

laden, which was armed with 40 brass guns. There came two other gallies

from Port St Mary, and two more from Puerta Real, which shot freely at

us, but altogether in vain, so that they were forced to retire well

beaten for their pains. Before night we had taken 30 of their ships, and

were entire masters of the road in spite of the gallies, which were glad

to retire under the protection of the fort. Among the captured ships was

one quite new, of extraordinary size, being above 1200 tons burden,

belonging to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, high admiral of Spain. Five were

ships of Biscay, four of which were taking in stores and provisions

belonging to the king of Spain for his great fleet at Lisbon, which we

burnt. The fifth was of about 1000 tons, laden with iron spikes, nails,

hoops, horse shoes, and other things of a similar kind, for the West

Indies, which we likewise set on fire. We also took a ship of 250 tons,

laden with wines on the kings account, which ship we carried with us to

sea, when we took out the wines for our own use, and then set her on

fire. We took three fliboats of 300 tons each, laden with biscuit, one

of which we set on fire, after taking out half her loading, and took the

other two with us to sea. We likewise fired ten ships, which were laden

with wine, raisins, figs, oil, wheat, and the like. The whole number of

ships which we then burnt, sunk, or brought away, amounted to 30 at the

least, and by our estimation to the burden of 10,000 tons. Besides

these, there were about 40 ships at Puerta Real, not including those

that fled from Cadiz.

We found little ease during our stay in the road of Cadiz, as the enemy

were continually firing at us from the gallies, the fortress, and the

shore, being continually employed in planting new batteries against us

in all convenient situations; besides which, finding they could not

defend their ships any longer, they set them on fire that they might

come among us, so that at the tide of flood we had much ado to defend

ourselves: Yet was this a pleasant sight to behold, as we were thereby

relieved from the great labour and fatigue of discharging the provisions

and stores belonging to the enemy into our ships. Thus, by the

assistance of the Almighty, and the invincible courage and good conduct

of our general, this perilous but happy enterprize was achieved in one

day and two nights, to the great astonishment of the king of Spain, and

the so great vexation of the Marquis of Santa Cruz, the high admiral,

that he never had a good day after, and in a few months, as may justly

be supposed, he died of extreme grief. Having thus performed this

notable service, we came out from the road of Cadiz on Friday morning,

the 21st of April, having sustained so small loss as is not worth

mentioning.

After our departure, the ten gallies which were in the road of Cadiz

came out after us, as if in bravado, playing their ordnance against us.

At this time the wind scanted, upon which we cast round again, and made

for the shore, coming to anchor within a league of the town; and there,

for all their vapouring, the gallies allowed us to ride in quiet. Having

thus had experience of a galley fight, I can assure you that the four

ships of her majesty which we had with us would make no scruple to fight

with twenty gallies, if all alone, and not being occupied in guarding

others. There never were gallies that had better place and opportunity

of advantage to fight against ships; yet were they forced to retire from

us while riding at anchor in a narrow gut, which we were obliged to

maintain till we had discharged and fired their ships, which we could

only do conveniently upon the flood tide, at which time the burning

ships might drive clear of us. Being thus provisioned for several months

with bread and wine at the enemies cost, besides what we had brought

with us from England, our general dispatched captain Crosse to England

with his letters, giving him farther in charge to relate all the

particulars of this our first enterprize to her majesty.

We then shaped our course to Cape Sacre[340], and in our way thither we

took at several times near 100 ships, barks, and caravels, laden with

hoops, galley oars, pipe staves, and other stores belonging to the king

of Spain, intended for furthering his preparations against England, all

of which we set on fire and destroyed, setting all their men on shore.

We also spoiled and destroyed all the fishing boats and nets

thereabouts, to their great annoyance, and as we suppose to the entire

overthrow of their rich Tunny fishing for that year. We came at length

to Cape Sagres, where we landed; and the better to enjoy the harbour at

our ease[341], we assailed the castle of Sagres and three other strong

holds, some of which we took by storm and others by surrender. From

thence we came before the harbour of Lisbon or mouth of the Tagus, where

lay the Marquis of Santa Cruz with his fleet of gallies, who seeing us

chase his ships on shore, and take and carry away his barks and

caravels, was obliged to allow us to remain quietly at our pleasure, and

likewise to depart, without exchanging a single shot. When our general

sent him word that he was ready to combat with him, the marquis refused

his challenge, saying that he was not then ready, neither had he any

such commission from his sovereign.

[Footnote 340: Cape St Vincent, or rather Punta de Sagres, one of the

head lands of that great promontory.--E.]

[Footnote 341: Probably the harbour of Figuera in Algarve, a town near

Cape Sagres.--E.]

Thus having his challenge refused by the marquis, and seeing no more

good to be done on the coast of Spain, our general thought it improper

to spend any more time there; and therefore with consent of his chief

officers[342], he shaped his course towards the island of St Michael,

within 20 or 30 leagues of which he had the good fortune to fall in with

a Portuguese carak, called the San Philippo, being the same ship which

had carried out to the Indies three Japanese princes who had been in

Europe[343]. The carak surrendered without resistance, and being the

first that had ever been taken on the homeward voyage from India, the

Portuguese took it for a bad omen, especially as she had the kings own

name. Our general put all the people belonging to this carak into

certain vessels well provided with provisions, and sent them courteously

home to their own country. The riches of this prize seemed so great to

the whole fleet, as in truth they were, that every one expected to have

sufficient reward of their labour, and thereupon it was unanimously

resolved to return to England, which we happily did, and arrived safe

the same summer in Plymouth with our whole fleet and this rich booty, to

our own profit and due honour, and the great admiration of the whole

kingdom.

[Footnote 342: According to Sir William Monson, Church. Col. III. 156.

Sir Francis Drake went upon this expedition to conciliate the merchant

adventurers, to whom most of the ships of his squadron belonged.--E.]

[Footnote 343: Sir William Monson, in the place quoted above, says he

had intelligence of this carak having wintered at Mosambique, and being

now expected home.--E.]

It may be here noted, that the taking of this carak wrought two

extraordinary effects in England; as in the first place it taught others

that caraks were no such bugbears but that they might be easily taken,

as has been since experienced in taking the Madre de Dios, and in

burning and sinking others; and secondly in acquainting the English

nation more particularly with the exceeding riches and vast wealth of

the East Indies, by which themselves and their neighbours of Holland

have been encouraged, being no less skillful in navigation nor of less

courage than the Portuguese, to share with them in the rich trade of

India, where they are by no means so strong as was formerly supposed.

SECTION V.

_Brief account of the Expedition of the Spanish Armada in 1588_[344].

Notwithstanding the great hurt and spoil made by Sir Francis Drake in

Cadiz roads the year before, by intercepting some part of the

preparations intended for the great navy of the king of Spain, he used

his utmost endeavours to be revenged this year, lest by longer delay his

designs might be prevented as before; wherefore he arrested all ships,

men, and necessaries that were wanting for his fleet, compelling every

one to serve him in his great expedition. He appointed for general of

this his so called Invincible Armada, the duke of Medina Sidonia, who

was employed on this occasion more for his high birth and exalted rank,

than for any experience in sea affairs; for so many dukes, marquises,

and earls had volunteered on this occasion, that it was feared they

might repine if commanded by a person of lower quality than themselves.

They departed from Lisbon on the 19th of May 1588, with the greatest

pride and glory, and with less doubt of victory than ever had been done

by any nation. But God, angry with their insolence, turned the event

quite contrary to their expectation.

[Footnote 344: Church. Col. III. 157.]

The directions given by the king of Spain to his general, the duke of

Medina Sidonia, were to repair, as wind and weather might allow, to the

road of Calais in Picardy, there to wait the arrival of the prince of

Parma and his army, and on their meeting they were to open a letter

containing their farther instructions. He was especially commanded to

sail along the coasts of Brittany and Normandy in going up the channel,

to avoid being discovered by the English; and, if he even met the

English fleet, he was in no case to offer them battle, but only to

defend himself in case of attack. On coming athwart the North Cape[345]

the duke was assailed with contrary wind and foul weather, by which he

was forced to take shelter in the _Groyne_, or bay of Corunna, where

part of his fleet waited for him.

[Footnote 345: Perhaps Cape Ortegal may be here meant, being the most

northern head land of Spain, and not far from Corunna, called the Groyne

in the text.--E.]

When about to depart from Corunna, the duke got intelligence from an

English fisherman, that our fleet had lately been at sea, but had put

back again and discharged most of their men, as not expecting the

Spanish armada this year. This intelligence occasioned the duke to alter

his resolutions, and to disobey the instructions given him by the king;

yet this was not done without some difficulty, as the council was

divided in opinion, some holding it best to observe the kings commands,

while others were anxious not to lose the opportunity of surprising our

fleet at unawares, when they hoped to burn and destroy them. Diego

Flores de Valdes, who commanded the squadron of Andalusia, and on whom

the duke most relied, because of his judgment and experience in maritime

affairs, was the main cause of persuading to make the attempt upon our

ships in harbour, and in that design they directed their course for

England.

The first land they fell in with was the Lizard, being the most

southerly point of Cornwall, which they mistook for the Ram-head off

Plymouth; and as the night was at hand, they tacked out to sea, laying

their account to make an attempt upon our ships in Plymouth next

morning. In the mean time, while thus deceived in the land, they were

discovered by captain Fleming, a pirate or freebooter who had been

roving at sea, and who knowing them to be the Spanish fleet, repaired in

all haste to Plymouth, and gave notice to our fleet then, riding at

anchor, as follows:

THE ENGLISH FLEET[346].

_Ships. Commanders. Tons. Guns. Men._

The Ark Royal The Lord Admiral 800 32 400

Revenge Sir F. Drake, vice admiral

Victory Sir J. Hawkins, rear admiral 800 52 400

Lion Lord Thomas Howard 500 80 250

Bear Lord Sheffield 900 40 500

Elizabeth-Jonas Sir Robert Southwell 900 40 500

Triumph Sir Martin Frobisher 1000 40 500

Hope Captain Crosse 600 30 250

Bonaventure ---- Reyman 600 30 250

Dreadnought ---- George Beeston 400 20 200

Nonparielle ---- Thomas Fenner 500 50 250

Swiftsure ---- William Fenner 400 20 200

Rainbow Lord Henry Seymour

Vauntguard Sir William Wentworth

Mary-Rose Captain Fenton

Antilope Sir Henry Palmer 350 16 160

Foresight Captain Baker 300 16 160

Aid ---- John Wentworth

Swallow ---- Richard Hawkins 330 16 160

Tiger ---- William Wentworth 200 12 100

Scout ---- Ashley 120 8 66

Bull

Tremontanny 8 70

Acatice 100 8 60

Charles, pinnace Captain Roberts

Moon ---- Clifford

Spy ---- Bradbury 50 5 40

Noy

[Footnote 346: This list, as given by Sir William Monson in the present

article, contains only the names of the ships and commanders; the other

circumstances enumerated, tonnage, guns, and men, are added from a list

of the royal navy of England at the death of queen Elizabeth, which will

be given hereafter.--E.]

Immediately on receiving the intelligence brought by Fleming, the lord

admiral got out his ships to sea with all possible expedition; so that

before the Spaniards could draw near Plymouth, they were welcomed at sea

by the lord admiral and his fleet, who continued to fight with them till

they came to anchor at Calais. The particulars of the fight and its

success I purposely omit, being things so well known[347].

[Footnote 347: This surely is a poor excuse for omitting the glorious

destruction of the Spanish Armada; yet in a Collection of Voyages, it

were improper to attempt supplying even this great omission, by any

composition of our own; as it may be found in the historians of the

time.--E.]

While this great armada was preparing, her majesty had frequent and

perfect intelligence of the designs of the Spaniards; and knowing that

the king of Spain intended to invade England by means of a mighty fleet

from his own coast, she caused her royal navy to be fitted out under the

conduct of the lord high admiral of England, whom she stationed at

Plymouth as the fittest place for attending their coming. Knowing

however, that it was not the Armada alone which could endanger the

safety of England, as it was too weak for any enterprise on land,

without the assistance of the Prince of Parma and his army in Flanders,

she therefore appointed thirty ships of the Hollanders to lie at anchor

off Dunkirk, where the prince and his army were to have embarked in flat

bottomed boats, which were built on purpose and all in readiness for the

expedition to England. Thus by the wise precautions of the queen, the

prince was effectually prevented from putting to sea with his flat

boats; but in truth neither his vessels nor his army were in readiness,

which caused the king of Spain to be jealous of him ever after, and is

supposed to have hastened his end.

Although her majesty had taken the most vigilant precautions to foresee

and prevent all dangers that might threaten from sea, yet did she not

deem herself and country too secure against the enemy by these means,

and therefore prepared a royal army to receive them in case of landing.

But it was not the will of God that the enemy should set foot on

England, and the queen became victorious over him at sea with small

hazard, and little bloodshed of her subjects. Having thus shewn the

designs of the Spaniards, and the course pursued by the queen to prevent

them, I propose now to consider the errors committed on both sides[348].

[Footnote 348: Our readers are requested to remember that these are the

reflections of Sir William Monson, a contemporary.--E.]

Nothing could appear more rational or more likely to happen, after the

Duke of Medina Sidonia had got intelligence of the state of our navy,

than a desire to surprise them at unawares in harbour; since he well

knew, if he had taken away or destroyed our strength at sea, that he

might have landed when and where he pleased, which is a great advantage

to an invading enemy: Yet, admitting it to have had the effect he

designed, I see not how he is to be commended for infringing the

instructions he had received from his sovereign. That being the case,

it is easy to appreciate what blame he deserved for the breach of his

instructions, when so ill an event followed from his rashness and

disobedience. It was not his want of experience, or his laying the blame

on Valdes, that excused him at his return to Spain, where he certainly

had been severely punished, had not his wife obtained for him the royal

favour.

Before the arrival in Spain of the ships that escaped from the

catastrophe of this expedition, it was known there that Diego Flores de

Valdes had persuaded the duke to infringe the royal instructions.

Accordingly, the king had given strict orders in all his ports, wherever

Valdes might arrive, to apprehend him, which was executed, and he was

carried to the castle of Santander, without being permitted to plead in

his defence, and remained there without being ever seen or heard of

afterwards; as I learned from his page, with whom I afterwards

conversed, we being both prisoners together in the castle of Lisbon. If

the directions of the king of Spain had been punctually carried into

execution, then the armada had kept along the coast of France, and had

arrived in the road of Calais before being discovered by our fleet,

which might have greatly endangered the queen and realm, our fleet being

so far off at Plymouth. And, though the Prince of Parma had not been

presently ready, yet he might have gained sufficient time to get in

readiness, in consequence of our fleet being absent. Although the prince

was kept in by the thirty sail of Hollanders, yet a sufficient number of

the dukes fleet might have been able to drive them from the road of

Dunkirk and to have possessed themselves of that anchorage, so as to

have secured the junction of the armada and the land army; after which

it would have been an easy matter for them to have transported

themselves to England. What would have ensued on their landing may be

well imagined.

But it was the will of HIM who directs all men and their actions, that

the fleets should meet, and the enemy be beaten, as they were, and

driven from their anchorage in Calais roads, the Prince of Parma

blockaded in the port of Dunkirk, and the armada forced to go about

Scotland and Ireland with great hazard and loss: Which shews how God did

marvellously defend us against the dangerous designs of our enemies.

Here was a favourable opportunity offered for us to have followed up the

victory upon them: For, after they were beaten from the road of Calais,

and all their hopes and designs frustrated, if we had once more offered

to fight them, it is thought that the duke was determined to surrender,

being so persuaded by his confessor. This example, it is very likely,

would have been followed by the rest. But this opportunity was lost, not

through the negligence or backwardness of the lord admiral, but through

the want of providence in those who had the charge of furnishing and

providing for the fleet: For, at that time of so great advantage, when

they came to examine into the state of their stores, they found a

general scarcity of powder and shot, for want of which they were forced

to return home; besides which, the dreadful storms which destroyed so

many of the Spanish fleet, made it impossible for our ships to pursue

those of them that remained. Another opportunity was lost, not much

inferior to the other, by not sending part of our fleet to the west of

Ireland, where the Spaniards were of necessity to pass, after the many

dangers and disasters they had endured. If we had been so happy as to

have followed this course, which was both thought of and discoursed of

at the time, we had been absolutely victorious over this great and

formidable armada. For they were reduced to such extremity, that they

would willingly have yielded, as divers of them confessed that were

shipwrecked in Ireland.

By this we may see how weak and feeble are the designs of men, in

respect of the great Creator; and how indifferently he dealt between the

two nations, sometimes giving one the advantage sometimes the other; and

yet so that he only ordered the battle.

SECTION VI.

_Account of the Relief of a part of the Spanish Armada, at Anstruther in

Scotland, in 1588_[349].

However glorious and providential the defeat and destruction of the

_Invincible Armada_, it does not belong to the present work to give a

minute relation of that great national event. It seems peculiarly

necessary and proper, however, in this work, to give a very curious

unpublished record respecting the miserable fate of the Spanish armada,

as written by a contemporary, the Reverend James Melville, minister of

Anstruther, a sea-port town on the Fife, or northern, shore of the

Frith of Forth.

[Footnote 349: From MS. Memoirs of James Melville, a contemporary.]

James Melville, who was born in 1556, and appears to have been inducted

to the living of Anstruther only a short time before the year 1588, left

a MS. history of his own life and times, extending to the year 1601. Of

this curious unpublished historical document, there are several copies

extant, particularly in the splendid library of the Faculty of

Advocates, and in that belonging to the Writers to the Signet, both at

Edinburgh. The present article is transcribed from a volume of MSS

belonging to a private gentleman, communicated to the editor by a valued

literary friend. It had formerly belonged to a respectable clergyman of

Edinburgh, and has the following notice of its origin written by the

person to whom it originally belonged.

"The following History of the Life of James Melville, was transcribed

from an old MS. lent to me by Sir William Calderwood of Poltoun, one of

the Judges of the Courts of Session and Justiciary, who had it among

other papers that belonged to his grand-uncle, Mr David Calderwood,

author of Altare Damascenum, History, &c."

This MS. so far as it contains the Life of James Melville, extends to

360 folio pages; of which the present article occupies about three

pages, from near the bottom of p. 184. to nearly the same part of p.

187. The orthography seems to have been considerably modernized by the

transcriber, but without changing the antiquated words and modes of

expression. Such of these as appeared difficult to be understood by our

English readers, are here explained between brackets.--E.

* * * * *

That winter, [1587-8] the King [James VI. of Scotland] was occupied in

commenting of the Apocalyps, and in setting out sermons thereupon,

against the papists and Spaniards; and yet, by a piece of great

oversight, the papists practiced never more busily in this land, and

[nor] made greater preparation for receiving of the Spaniards, nor

[than] that year. For a long time, the news of a Spanish navy and army

had been blazed abroad; and about the lambastyde of the year 1588, this

island had found a fearful effect thereof, to the utter subversion both

of kirk and policy, if God had not wonderfully watched over the same,

and mightily foughen and defeat that army, by his souldiers the

elements, which he made all four most fiercely till afflict them, till

almost utter consumption. Terrible was the fear, peircing were the

preachings, earnest zealous and fervent were the prayers, sounding were

the sighs and sabs, and abounding were the tears, at that fast and

general assembly keeped at Edinburgh, when the news were credibly told,

sometimes of their landing at Dunbar, sometimes at St Andrews and in

Tay, and now and then at Aberdeen and Cromerty firth: and, in very deed,

as we knew certainly soon after, the Lord of armies, who rides upon the

wings of the wind, the Keeper of his own Israel, was in the mean time

convying that monstrous navy about our coasts, and directing their hulks

and galliasses to the islands, rocks and sands, whereupon he had

distinat their wrack and destruction.

For, within two or three moneths thereafter, early in the morning by

break of day, one of our baillies[350] came to my bed side, saying, but

not with fray [fear], "I have to tell you news, Sir: There is arrived

within our harbour this morning, a shipfull of Spaniards, but not to

give mercy; but to ask." And so shews me that the commander had landed,

and he had commanded them to their ship again, and the Spaniards had

humbly obeyed. He therefore desired me to rise and hear their petition

with them. Up I got with diligence, and, assembling the honest men of

the town, came to the tolbooth[351], and after consultation taken to

hear them and what answer to make, there presented us a very venerable

man of big stature, and grave and stout countenance, grey haired and

very humble like, who, after much and very low courtesie, bowing down

with his face near the ground, and touching my shoe with his hand, began

his harangue in the Spanish tongue, whereof I understood the substance;

and, I being about to answer in Latin, he having only a young man with

him to be his interpreter, [who] began and told over again to us in good

English.

[Footnote 350: The baillies of towns in Scotland are equivalent to

aldermen in England. The author here refers to the town of Anstruther, a

sea port town of Fife, on the northern shore of the Firth of Forth, of

which he was minister. There are two Anstruthers, easter and wester,

very near each other, and now separate parishes; but it does not appear

to which of these the present historical document refers: Perhaps they

were then one.--E.]

[Footnote 351: The town-house; but now generally applied to signify the

prison, then, and even now, often attached to the town hall.--E.]

The sum was, That king Philip his master had rigged out a navy and army

to land in England, for just causes to be avenged of many intollerable

wrongs which he had received of that nation. But God, for their sins,

had been against them, and by storm of weather had driven the navy _by_

[past] the coast of England, and him with certain captains, being the

general of twenty hulks, upon an isle of Scotland called the Fair isle,

where they had made shipwrack, and were, so many as had escaped the

merciless seas and rocks, more nor [than] six or seven weeks suffered

great hunger and cold, till conducting that bark out of Orkney, they

were come hither as to their special friends and confederates, to kiss

the kings majesties hand of Scotland, and herewith he _becked_ [bowed]

even to the _yeard_ [ground]; and to find relief and comfort thereby to

himself, these gentlemen, captains, and the poor souldiers, whose

condition was for the present most miserable and pitiful.

I answered this much in sum, That, howbeit neither our friendship, which

could not be great, seeing their king and they were friends to the

greatest enemy of Christ, the pope of Rome, and our king and we defied

him, nor yet their cause against our neighbours and special friends of

England, could procure any benefit at our hands for their relief or

comfort; nevertheless they should know by experience that we were men,

and so moved by human compassion, and christians of better religion

_nor_ [than] they, which should _kythe_ [appear manifest] in the fruits

and effects plain contrary to theirs: For, whereas our people, resorting

among them in peaceable and lawful affairs of merchandise, were

violently taken and cast in prison, their goods and _gier_ [chattels]

confiscate, and their bodies committed to the cruel flaming fire for the

cause of religion, they should find nothing amongst us but Christian

pity and works of mercy and alms, leaving to God to work in their hearts

concerning religion as it pleased him. This being truly reported again

to him by his townsmen, with great reverence he gave thanks and said,

"He could not make answer for their _kirk_ [church], and the laws and

order thereof, only for himself, that there were divers Scotsmen who

knew him, and to whom he had shewn courtesy and favour at Calice[352],

and as he supposed some of this same town of Anstruther."

[Footnote 352: _Calice_ in this passage, and _Calais_ in one subsequent,

certainly means Cadiz in Spain; which to this day is often called

_Cales_ by English mariners.--E.]

So [I] shewed him that the bailies had granted him licence, with the

captains, to go to their lodging for their refreshment, but to none of

their men to land, till the overlord of the town were advertised, and

understood the kings majesties mind _anent_ [concerning] them. Thus with

great courtesie he departed.

That night the _laird_ [lord of the manor] being advertised, came; and,

on the morn, with a good number of the gentlemen of the countrey round

about, gave the said general and the captains _presence_, [audience] and

after the same speeches in effect as before, received them in his house,

and suffered the souldiers to come a land and ly altogether to the

number of thirteen score, for the most part young beardless men,

_silly_, [weak] travelled, and hungered; to the which, one day or two

_kail pottage_[353] and fish was given; for my advice was conform to the

prophet Elizeus [Elisha] his to the king of Israel in Samaria, _Give

them bread and water, &c._

[Footnote 353: A mess formerly much used in Scotland among the commons,

being a kind of soup maigre, composed of _kail_, a species of greens or

coleworts, boiled in water, and thickened with oat-meal, grits, or

shelled barley.--E.]

The names of the commanders were Jan [Juan] Gomes de Medina, general of

twenty hulks, captain Patricio, captain de Lagaretto, captain de

Luffera, captain Mauretio, and Seingour Serrano. But verily all the

while, my heart melted within me for desire of thankfulness to God, when

I remembered the prideful and cruel natural temper of the people, and

how they would have used us, in case they had landed with their forces

among us, and the wonderful work of Gods mercy and justice in making us

see them, the chief commanders of them, to make such due-gard

[submission] and courtesie to poor seamen, and their souldiers, so

abjectly, to beg alms at our doors and in our streets.

In the mean time, they knew not of the wrack of the rest, but supposed

that the rest of the army was safely returned [to Spain,] till one day I

got in St Andrews, in print, the wrack of the gallies in particular,

with the names of the principal men, and how they were used, in Ireland

and our Highlands, in Wales and other parts of England. The which, when

I recorded to Jan Gomes, by particular and special names, he cried out

for grief, _bursted and grat_ [burst into tears.] This Jan Gomes shewed

great kindness to a ship of our town, which he found arriested at

_Calais_[354] at home coming, _rode_[355] to court for her, and made

great _russe_ [praise] of Scotland to his king, took the honest men to

his house, and inquired for the laird of Anstruther, for the minister,

and his host, and sent home many commendations: But we thanked God in

our hearts, that we had seen them in that form.

[Footnote 354: This must signify Cadiz, as mentioned before.--E.]

[Footnote 355: Perhaps ought to have been _wrote_.--E.]

SECTION VII.

_A cruising Voyage to the Azores in 1589, by the Earl of

Cumberland_[356].

We learn from Hakluyt, II. 647, that this narrative was written by Mr

Edward Wright, an eminent mathematician and engineer, who was the real

author of that admirable invention for charts, commonly called

_Mercators projection_, but unjustly, as Mr Wright complains in his work

entitled _Vulgar Errors_, where he charges Mercator with plagiarism.

From the narrative, Mr Wright appears to have been engaged in the

expedition and on board the Victory[357].

[Footnote 356: Hakluyt, II. 647. Churchill, III. 161. Astley, I. 206.]

[Footnote 357: Astley, I. 206. a.]

* * * * *

The right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, intending to cruize against

the enemy, prepared a small fleet of four ships only[358] at his own

charges, one of which was the Victory[359] belonging to the queens royal

navy. The others were the Meg and Margaret, two small ships, one of

which was soon obliged to be sent home as unable to endure the sea,

besides a small caravel. Having assembled about 400 men, sailors and

soldiers, with several gentlemen volunteers, the earl and they embarked

and set sail from Plymouth Sound on the 28th June 1589, accompanied by

the following captains and gentlemen. Captain Christopher Lister, an

officer of great resolution, Captain Edward Careless, _alias Wright_,

who had been captain of the Hope in Sir Francis Drakes expedition to

the West Indies against St Domingo and Carthagena; Captain Boswel, Mr

Mervin, Mr Henry Long, Mr Partridge, Mr Norton; Mr William Monson,

afterwards Sir William[360], who was captain of the Meg and

vice-admiral, and Mr Pigeon, who was captain of the caravel.

[Footnote 358: Sir William Monson, in Churchills collection, says there

were _five_ ships; and indeed we find a fifth, called the Saucy Jack,

mentioned in the narrative.--E.]

[Footnote 359: The Victory was of 800 tons, carrying 32 guns and 400

men; of whom, according to Sir William Monson, 268 were mariners, and

100 sailors, the remaining 32 being probably soldiers, or as we now call

them marines. The distinction between mariners and sailors is not

obvious; perhaps what are now called ordinary and able seamen,--E.]

[Footnote 360: Sir William Monson was author of some curious Naval

Tracts, giving an account of the Royal Navy of England in the reigns of

Queen Elizabeth and James I. which are preserved in Churchills

Collection, Vol. III. pp. 147--508.--E.]

About three days after our departure from Plymouth, we met with three

French ships, one of which belonged to Newhaven[361], and another to St

Maloes; and finding them to be leaguers[362], and therefore lawful

prizes, we took them, and sent two of them home to England with all

their loading, being mostly fish from Newfoundland, having first

distributed among our ships as much of the fish as they could find

stowage room for; and in the third ship we sent all the prisoners home

to France. On that day and the next we met some other ships, but finding

them belonging to Rotterdam and Embden, bound for Rochelle, we dismissed

them. On the 28th and 29th, we met several of our English ships

returning from an expedition to Portugal, which we relieved with

victuals. The 13th July, being in sight of the coast of Spain in lat.

39° N. we descried eleven ships, on which we immediately prepared to

engage them, sending the Meg commanded by Captain Monson to ascertain

what and whence they were. On the approach of the Meg some shots were

exchanged, and as their admiral and vice-admiral displayed their flags,

we perceived that some fighting was likely to follow. Having therefore

prepared for battle, we made all haste towards them, always taking care

to get to windward, and between ten and eleven o'clock A.M. we came up

with them in the Victory, when they all yielded after a slight

resistance. The masters all came on board our admiral, and shewed their

several passports from Hamburg, Lubeck, Bremen, Pomerania, and Calais.

They had certain bags of pepper and cinnamon, which they confessed to

belong to a Jew in Lisbon, which they had charge of to deliver to his

factor in their country; and finding this to be lawful prize by their

own confession, the same was taken and divided among our whole company,

the value being estimated at L.4500, at two shillings the pound[363]. We

dismissed these ships on the 17th of July, but seven of their men,

having volunteered as sailors in our fleet, were taken to reinforce our

crew. After this we held on our course for the Azores or Western

islands.

[Footnote 361: Probably that port now called Havre de Grace.--E.]

[Footnote 362: Alluding to the _Catholic League_, then in alliance with

Spain, and in rebellious opposition to their lawful sovereign, for the

purpose of excluding the king of Navarre, afterwards Henry IV. from the

crown of France.--E.]

[Footnote 363: Sir William Monson, who gives a short account of this

expedition in the Naval Tracts already quoted, says that spices to the

value of L.7000 were taken out of these vessels.--E.]

In the morning of the 1st August we got sight of St Michael, one of the

eastermost of the Azores, towards which we made sail all that day; and,

putting up a Spanish flag at our maintop that we might not be suspected

for enemies, we approached at night to the chief town and road of the

island, where we espied three ships and some other vessels at anchor,

all of which we determined to take during the darkness of the night.

Accordingly about ten or eleven o'clock P.M. our boats were sent well

manned to cut their cables and hawsers and tow them out to sea. On

coming to them, one of the largest of these ships was found to be the

Falcon of London, commanded by a Scots pilot who passed her off as his

own. But our men let loose three other smaller ships, which they towed

towards us, most of their men leaping overboard and swimming on shore

with loud outcries, which were answered from the town, which was all in

an uproar on hearing what was going forwards. The castle discharged some

shots at our boats, but being unable to see them by reason of the

darkness, did us no harm. The Scotsman too, to make the Spaniards

believe him their friend, fired a few shots in the air. Shortly after,

he and some others came on board our admiral, offering their services.

The three ships brought out were laden with wine and sallad oil from

Seville. The same day our caravel chaced a Spanish caravel on shore,

which carried letters by which we learnt that the caraks had departed

from the island of Tercera eight days before.

The 7th of August we got sight of a small ship which we chased towards

Tercera with our pinnace, the weather being calm, and overtook her

towards evening, when we found in her 30 tons of good Madeira wine,

besides woollen cloth, silk, taffeta, and other goods. Coming on the

14th to the island of Flores, it was determined to take in fresh water,

and such fresh provisions as the island afforded; wherefore manning our

boats with about 120 men, we rowed towards the shore, where the

inhabitants, who were assembled at the watering-place, hung out a flag

of truce, and we did the like. On coming to them, the earl gave them to

understand, by means of his Portuguese interpreter, that he was a friend

to their king Don Antonio, and came not with any intention to injure

them, meaning only to procure water and fresh provisions, by way of

exchange for oil wine and pepper, to which they readily agreed, and sent

off some of their people immediately for beeves and sheep. In the

meantime we marched southwards to their town of Santa Cruz, whence all

the inhabitants had fled and carried off every thing of value. On

demanding the reason of this, they answered it proceeded from fear, and

that they always did so on the appearance of any ships near their coast.

That part of the island was mostly composed of large rocky hills and

barren mountains, and was little inhabited, being apt to be molested by

ships of war; and even Santa Cruz, one of their principal towns, was all

in ruins, having been burnt about two years before by some English ships

of war, according to what we were told by the inhabitants. As we were

rowing towards the Victory in the evening, a huge fish pursued us for

nearly two miles, mostly distant about a spear length from the stern of

the boat, and sometimes so near as to touch. The tips of his fins at the

gills, appearing often above water, were by estimation four or five

yards asunder, and his jaws gaping a yard and half wide, put us in fear

he might overset our pinnace; but God be thanked, by rowing as hard as

we could, we escaped.

When we were about the island of Flores, we got notice from a small

vessel called the Drake[364], that the caraks were at Tercera, of which

news we were very glad, and made sail thither with all the speed we

could. By the way we came to Fayal road on the 27th August after sunset,

where we saw some ships at anchor, towards which Captains Lister and

Monson were sent in the skiff to see what they were, and lest any

mischance should befall our boat, we sent in likewise the Saucy Jack and

the small caravel; but as the wind was off shore, these vessels were not

able to set up to where the Spanish ships were anchored. The skiff went

on however, and endeavoured to board a ship of 250 tons, which carried

14 pieces of ordnance, and continued fighting with her for an hour,

till our other boats came up to the rescue and aid of the skiff. A fresh

boarding was then attempted, by one boat on the quarter and another on

the bow, when we entered on one side while all the Spaniards leapt

overboard on the other side, except Juan de Palma the captain, and two

or three more. This ship was moored close to the castle, which fired at

us all the time; but the only one wounded on the occasion was the master

of our caravel, who had the calf of one of his legs shot away. This ship

was from St Juan de Puerto Rico, laden with sugar ginger and hides.

After we had towed her clear of the castle, our boats went in again and

brought out five other small ships; one laden with hides, another with

elephants teeth, grains[365], cocoa-nuts, and goats skins, come from

Guinea; another with woad, and two with dog-fish, which two last were

set adrift as of no value, but all the other four were sent for England

on the 30th of August. At the taking of these prizes there were

consorted with us some other small men of war, as Master John Davis,

with his ship, pinnace, and boat; Captain Markesburie with his ship,

whose owner was Sir Walter Raleigh; and the bark of Lyme, which also was

consorted with us before.

[Footnote 364: Sir William Monson says, from an English man of war.--E.]

[Footnote 365: Guinea Pepper.--E.]

The last of August we came in sight of Tercera in the morning, being

about nine or ten leagues from shore, when we espied a small boat under

sail coming towards us, which seemed strange at such a distance from

land and no ship in sight; but on coming near, we found it to contain

eight Englishmen, who had been prisoners in Tercera, and had committed

themselves to the sea in this open boat in hopes to escape. Their

mainyard consisted of two pipe-staves tied together by the ends, and

they had no other provisions than what they had been able to carry off

in their pockets and bosoms. When taken on board the Victory, they gave

us certain assurance that the caraks had left Tercera about a week

before. Being thus without any hopes of taking the caraks, it was

resolved to return for Fayal, intending to surprise the town; but till

the 9th of September, we had either the wind so contrary, or such calm

weather, that in all that time we scarcely made nine or ten leagues way,

lingering up and down near the island of Pico.

In the afternoon of the 10th September, we came again to Fayal road;

upon which the earl sent Captain Lister, with a person from Graciosa

whom Captain Monson had taken some time before, and some others,

carrying a message to Fayal. He was met by some of the inhabitants in a

boat, who were brought by Captain Lister to my lord, who gave them their

choice, either to allow him to take possession of the platform or fort,

when he and his company would remain quietly there for some space,

without injury, till the inhabitants had compounded for the ransom of

their town; or else to stand the chance of war. With this message they

returned on shore; but those who had charge of the fort said, that it

was contrary to their allegiance and the oath they had taken to king

Philip, to deliver up their garrison without endeavouring to defend it.

Upon this, the earl gave orders for all the boats of the different ships

to be manned and armed, and he soon afterwards landed with all his men

on the sandy beach under the side of a hill, about half a league from

the fort. Certain troops both horse and foot were seen on the top of the

hill, and two other companies appeared to oppose us with displayed

ensigns, one on the shore in front of the town, which marched towards

our landing place as if they meant to attack us; while the other was

seen in a valley to the south of the fort, as if coming to assist in

defending the town; and at the same time, the garrison in the fort fired

upon us briskly from their cannon. In spite of all these demonstrations

of resistance, having first marshalled his men in proper order, my lord

marched along the sandy beach towards the fort, passing between the sea

and the town for something more than a mile; and as the shore became

rocky, so as to render any farther progress in that direction extremely

difficult, he entered the town, and marched through the streets

unopposed to the fort, these companies of the enemy, that seemed at

first resolved to resist his progress, being soon dispersed. Those in

the fort likewise fled at our approach, leaving my lord and his men to

scale the walls and gain possession, without any resistance. In the

meantime the ships continued to batter the town and fort, until they saw

the _red cross_ of England floating from the walls.

Fayal is the principal town of this island, and is situated directly

over against the high and mighty mountain of _Pico_, towards the

north-west from that mountain, from which it is divided by a narrow sea

or strait, which at that place is some two or three leagues broad,

between the islands of Fayal and Pico. This town contained about 300

houses, which were handsomely and strongly built of stone and lime,

their roofs being double covered with hollow tyles, much like those used

in England, only that they are less at one end than at the other. Almost

every house had a cistern or well in a garden behind, in which likewise

there were vines with ripe grapes, forming pleasant arbours or shady

walks; and in every garden there grew some tobacco, then hardly known,

but now commonly used in England, with which the women of the place were

then in use to stain their faces, to make them look young and fresh. In

these gardens there likewise grew pepper, both Indian and common,

fig-trees with fruit both white and red, peach-trees rather of humble

growth, oranges, lemons, quinces, potatoes, and other fruits and roots.

Sweet wood, which I think is cedar, is very common in that island, and

is used both for building and fuel.

Having possessed himself of the town and fort, my lord issued orders

that none of the soldiers or mariners should enter into any of the

houses for plunder, and was especially careful that none of the churches

or religious houses should suffer injury of any kind, all of which were

preserved from violation by the appointment of guards for their

protection. But the rest of the town, either from the want of that

precaution, or owing to the cupidity of our people, was rifled and

ransacked by the soldiers and mariners, who scarcely left a single house

unsearched, taking out of them every thing that struck their fancy or

seemed worth carrying away, such as chests of sweet wood, chairs,

clothes, coverlets, hangings, bedding, and the like; besides many of our

people ranged the country in search of plunder, where some of them were

wounded by the inhabitants. The friery at this place contained

Franciscan friars, not one of whom was able to speak pure Latin. It was

built in 1506 by a friar of that order belonging to Angra in the island

of Tercera. The tables in its hall or refectory had seats only on one

side, and was always covered, as if ever ready for feasting. We

continued in the town from the Wednesday afternoon, at which time we

took possession, until the Saturday night, when the inhabitants agreed

to pay 2000 ducats for its ransom, which was mostly paid in church

plate. In the fort there were 58 pieces of iron ordnance, 23 of which,

according to my remembrance, were mounted upon carriages, and placed

between baricadoes or merlins on a platform by the sea side. Taking away

all the ordnance, we set the platform on fire. On the Sunday following,

my lord had invited as many of the inhabitants as chose to dine with him

on board the Victory, save only Diego Gomez the governor, who only came

once to confer about the ransom. Only four came, who were well

entertained, and were afterwards honourably dismissed with the sound of

drums and trumpets, and a salute from our cannon. To these persons my

lord delivered a letter subscribed by himself, requesting all other

Englishmen to abstain from any farther molestation of the place, save

only to take such water and provisions as might be necessary.

The day after we came to Fayal, being the 11th September, two men came

to us from Pico, who had been prisoners in that island; and we also set

a prisoner at liberty who had been sent thither from St Jago, being

cousin to a servant of Don Antonio king of Portugal, then residing in

England. On Monday we sent our boats on shore for fresh water, having

now abundance running down the hills in consequence of heavy rain the

night before, which otherwise had been hard to be got. Next day we sent

again on shore to complete our stock of water, which was not then so

easily brought off, by reason of a strong gale, which increased so much

in the afternoon that we did not think it safe to ride so near the land,

for which reason we weighed anchor, and stood N.W. by W. along the coast

of Fayal. Some of the inhabitants came on board this day, who told us

that the wind usually blew strong at W.S.W. at this time of the year on

this coast. While near St Georges Island we saw a huge fish of a black

colour right ahead of our ship, a little under water, or rather even

with its surface, on which the sea broke in such manner that we supposed

it a rock; and as we were going directly stem on, we were in great fear

for a time how to avoid the seeming danger, till at length we saw it

move out of our way.

It lightened much in the night of the 16th September, which was followed

by heavy rains and violent gales till the 21st. On the 23d we returned

to Fayal road, to weigh an anchor which we had left in our haste to

depart. We went on shore to the town, whence many of the people ran

away, or were preparing to depart with their goods, till assured by my

lord that they had nothing to fear, as we only came for fresh water and

other necessaries, for all of which they should be paid to their

satisfaction. We then went quietly about the town, purchasing such

things as we needed as peaceably as if we had been in England; and the

people helped us to fill our water casks, for which they received what

satisfied them. We were forced by a heavy tempest to depart on the 25th,

before we had completed our water; and the tempest came on so suddenly

that my lord himself had to raise the people from their beds to weigh

the anchors, himself assisting at the capstans, and cheering the men

with wine. Next day, the caravel and the Saucy Jack were sent to the

road of St Michaels to see what was there, and we followed on the 27th,

plying to and fro; but by contrary winds on the 28th, 29th, and 30th, we

were driven to leeward, and could not get near the island. The 1st

October, we sailed along the island of Tercera, and at Cape Brazil, near

Angra, the strongest town of that island, we espied some boats going

towards the town, which we attempted to intercept; but being near land,

they ran on shore and escaped.

Coming near Graciosa in the afternoon, my lord sent Captain Lister on

shore, to inform the islanders that he only wanted water, wine, and some

fresh provisions, and would not otherwise trouble them. They sent back

word that they could give no positive answer, until the governors of the

island had consulted on the subject, and desired therefore to send for

an answer next day. The 2d October, early in the morning, we dispatched

our long-boat and pinnace, with 50 or 60 men, together with the Margaret

and Captain Davis in his ship to protect them, as we now wanted our

other consorts; but when our people endeavoured to land, they were fired

at by the islanders, who would not permit them to go on shore, several

troops of armed men being drawn up to oppose us with displayed ensigns.

Our boats rowed along shore, seeking some place where they might land,

without the enemy having too much advantage, our ships and boats firing

all the while upon the islanders. No convenient place being found for

landing, we were under the necessity of retiring without any answer, as

had been promised. After some negociation and delay, they agreed to let

us have sixty butts of wine, together with fresh provisions to refresh

our men; but declared we could not have water, having little or none for

themselves, except what they had saved in tanks or cisterns, insomuch

that they would rather give us two tons of wine than one of water. They

requested that our soldiers might not come on shore, as they would

themselves bring all they had promised to the water side; which request

was granted, one of their messengers remaining on board as an hostage

for the fulfilment of their promise, while the other went ashore with

our empty casks and some of our men to assist in filling them and

bringing them away, with such other provision as was promised.