We set sail in the afternoon, and came to the town of Don Juan, called

_Equi_, where, on the morning of the 22d, we went ashore to trade: But

the negroes refused till they should hear from Don Luis the son of Don

Juan, who was now dead. On the 23d Don Luis and Pacheco came to Equi,

intending to trade with us; but two gallies came rowing along shore from

the castle of Mina, meaning to interrupt our trade. We made sail on the

24th, and chased the gallies back to the castle, at which the negroes

were much pleased; but they desired us to proceed to _Mowre_, about

three leagues farther on, where they promised to follow us, being in

fear of the Portuguese. We did so, and remained there waiting for the

merchants who were coming with gold from the country, but Antonio, the

son of Don Luis, and Pacheco were on board the Minion. In the morning of

the 25th the two gallies came again from the castle, the weather being

very calm, and shot at us, hitting us three times. Shortly after the

land-wind sprung up, at which time we observed the great ship and the

caravel making towards us, on which we weighed and made sail to attack

them; but it was night before we could get up with them, and we lost

sight of them in the night. While returning towards the coast next night

we agreed to proceed to Cormantin; and next morning, the 28th, we found

ourselves very near the large ship and the two gallies, the caravel

being close in-shore. It being very calm, the two gallies rowed towards

the stern of the Minion, and fought with her most part of the forenoon.

During the engagement a barrel of powder blew up in the steward room of

the Minion, by which misfortune the master-gunner, the steward, and most

of the gunners were sore hurt. On perceiving this, the gallies became

more fierce, and with one shot cut half through the Minions foremast, so

that she could bear no sail till that were repaired. Soon after this,

the great ship sent her boat to the gallies, which suddenly withdrew.

After their departure we went on board the Minion to consult what was

best to be done: As the Minion was sore discomfited by the accident, and

as we knew the negroes durst not trade with us so long as the gallies

were upon the coast, it was agreed to return to the Rio Sestos. In the

morning of the 14th of May we fell in with the land, and being uncertain

whereabout we were, the boats were sent on shore to learn the truth,

when it was found to be the Rio Barbas. We remained there taking in

water till the 21st, and lost five of our men by the Hack pinnace

over-setting. Departing on the 22d, we came to the Rio Sestos on the 2d

of June. We again set sail on the 4th, and arrived this day, the 6th of

August, within sight of the Start Point in the west of England, for

which God be praised. We are very side and weak, not having above twenty

men in both ships, able for duty. Of our men 21 have died, and many more

are sore hurt or sick. Mr Burton has been sick for six weeks, and is now

so very weak that, unless God strengthen him, I fear he will hardly

escape. Your worship will find inclosed an abstract of all the goods we

have sold, and also of what commodities we have received for them;

reserving all things else till our meeting, and to the bearer of this

letter.

In this voyage there were brought home, in 1563, 166 elephants teeth,

weighing 1758 libs, and 22 buts full of grains, or Guinea pepper.

SECTION IX.

_Supplementary Account of the foregoing Voyage_ [285]

An account of the preceding voyage to Guinea in 1563, of which this

section is an abstract, was written in verse by Robert Baker, who

appears to have been one of the factors employed by the adventurers. It

is said to have been written in prison in France, where he had been

carried on his subsequent voyage, which forms the subject of the next

section, and was composed at the importunity of his fellow traveller and

fellow-prisoner, Mr George Gage, the son of Sir Edward Gage. Of this

voyage he relates nothing material, except a conflict which happened

with the negroes at a certain river, the name of which is not mentioned;

neither does the foregoing relation by Rutter give any light into the

matter. But from the circumstance of the ship commencing her return for

England immediately after this adventure, it must have happened at the

river Sestos or Sestre, which was the last place they touched at, and

where they staid three days, as stated both in this and the proceeding

narratives.--Astl. I. 179.

[Footnote 285: Astley, I. 179. Hakluyt, II. 518.]

In the versified relation, which is to be found at large in the last

edition of Hakluyts Collection, London, 1810, Vol. II. p.518-523, he

complains of being detained in a French prison, against all law and

right, as the war between England and France was concluded by a peace.

The account given of this conflict with the negroes is to the following

effect--E.

One day while the ship was at anchor on the coast of Guinea, Baker

ordered out the small pinnace or boat, with nine men well armed, to go

on shore to traffic. At length, having entered a river, he saw a great

number of negroes, whose captain came to him stark naked, sitting in a

canoe made of a log, _like a trough to feed hogs in_. Stopping, at some

distance, the negro chief put water on his cheek, not caring to trust

himself nearer till Baker did the like. This signal of friendship being

answered, and some tempting merchandize being shewn him, the chief came

forward and intimated by signs, that he would stand their friend if some

of these things were given him. He was gratified, and many things given

to others of the natives. After trading all day with the negroes, Baker

returned at night to the ship, carrying the chief along with him, where

he clothed him and treated him kindly. In return the chief promised by

signs to freight them in a day or two. While on board, Baker observed

that the chief took much notice of the boat which was left astern, of

the ship loaded with goods; yet not suspecting he had any ill design, no

farther care or precaution was taken of the boat.

Next morning the chief was carried on shore, and trade or barter went on

with the negroes as on the day before; and at the return of Baker to the

ship, the boat was fastened to the stern, and the goods left in her as

usual. In the night the negro captain came with two or three canoes, and

was noticed by the watch to be very busy about the boat. On giving the

alarm, the negroes fled; but on hoisting up the boat, all the goods were

carried of. Vexed at being so tricked, the English went next morning up

the river to the negro town, in order to recover their goods; but all

their signs were to no purpose, as the negroes would neither understand

them nor acknowledge the theft. On the contrary, as if wronged by the

charge, and resolved to revenge the affront, they followed the English

down the river in 100 canoes, while as many appeared farther down ready

to intercept their passage. In each canoe were two men armed with

targets and darts, most of which had long strings to draw them back

again after they were thrown.

Being hard pressed, they discharged their arquebuses upon the negroes,

who leapt into the water to avoid the shot. The English then rowed with

all their might to get to sea; but the negroes getting again into their

canoes, pursued and overtook them. Then drawing near, poured in their

darts with accurate aim. The English kept them off with their pikes and

halberts, and many of the negroes being slain or wounded by the English

arrows and hail-shot from the arquebuses, they retreated. But when the

English had expended all their arrows, the negroes came on again, and

made many attempts to board the boat. The negro chief, who was a large

tall man, advanced in his canoe under cover of his target, with a

poisoned dart in his hand, in order to board; and as he pressed forward,

the masters-mate thrust a pike through his target and throat, which

dispatched him. While the mate was striving to disengage his pike, which

stuck fast in the shield, he was wounded by a dart; yet drew the dart

from his flesh and killed with it the negro who had wounded him. The

enemy continued the fight closer than ever, and did great mischief with

their darts, which made wide and grievous wounds. The gunner received

two desperate wounds, and lost a great deal of blood, and the brave

masters-mate, while standing firmly in his post, was struck through the

ribs by a dart, on pulling out which his bowels followed, and he fell

down dead. On perceiving this, the negroes gave a great shout, and

pressed to enter the boat where the mate had stood, imagining as so many

of the English were wounded they would now soon yield. But four of those

remaining in the pinnace kept them off with their pikes, while the other

four at the oars made the best of their way to sea.

At length they got out of the river, and the negroes retired having

expended all their darts. This was fortunate for the English, as six of

the remaining eight were desperately wounded, one of whom was Robert

Baker, the author of this narrative, and only two remained who were able

to handle the oars, so that they made very slow progress to the ship,

which appears to have been four leagues from the shore. When they got on

board they were all so faint that none of them were able to stand. After

having their wounds dressed they refreshed themselves; but as Robert

Baker had more occasion for rest than food he went to bed, and when he

awoke in the morning the ship was under sail for England.

SECTION X.

_Voyage to Guinea in 1563 by Robert Baker_[286]

This relation, like the former, is written in verse, and only contains a

description of two adventures that happened in the voyage, one of which

proved extremely calamitous to those concerned in it, among whom was the

author. From the title or preamble, we learn that the adventurers in

this voyage were Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Sir Thomas

Lodge, Benjamin Gonson, William Winter, Lionel Ducket, Anthony Hickman,

and Edward Castelin. There were two ships employed, one called the John

Baptist, of which Lawrence Rondell was master, and the other the Merlin,

Robert Revell master. The factors were Robert Baker, the author,

Justinian Goodwine, James Gliedell, and George Gage. They set out on

their voyage in November 1563, bound for Guinea and the river Sestos,

but the port whence they fitted out is nowhere mentioned. After the

unlucky disaster that befel him in Guinea in the year before, Baker had

made a kind of poetical vow not to go near that country any more; but

after his return to England, and recovery from his wounds, he soon

forgot past sorrows; and being invited to undertake the voyage in

quality of factor, he consented.--Astley.

[Footnote 286: Astley I. 180. Hakluyt, II. 523-531. The prose abstract

here inserted is chiefly taken from Astleys collection, carefully

compared with the original versified narrative in Hakluyt.--E.]

After we had been at sea two days and a night, the man from the main-top

descried a sail or two, the tallest of which they immediately made up

to, judging her to be the most valuable; and, as captains are in use to

do[287], I hailed her to know whence she was. She answered from France,

on which we _waved_ her, but she nothing dismayed, _waved_ us in return.

I immediately ordered armed men aloft into the main and fore-tops, and

caused powder to be laid on the poop to blow up the enemy if they should

board us that way. At the sound of trumpets we began the fight,

discharging both chain and bar-shot from our brazen artillery; while the

Frenchmen, flourishing their swords from the main-yard, called out to

us to board their ship. Willing to accept their invitation, we plied

them warmly with our cannon, and poured in flights of arrows, while our

arquebuses plied them from loop-holes, and we endeavoured to set their

sails on fire by means of arrows and pikes carrying wildfire. I

encouraged, the men to board, by handing spiced wine liberally among

them, which they did with lime-pots, after breaking their nets with

stones, while those of our men who were aloft entered the enemys tops,

after killing those who defended them. Then cutting the ropes, they

brought down the yard by the board, and those who entered the ship plied

the enemy so well with their swords, that at length the remaining

Frenchmen ran below deck and cried out for quarter. Having thus become

masters of the ship, we carried her to the _Groin_ in Spain, or Corunna,

where we sold the ship and cargo for ready money.

[Footnote 287: In these early trading voyages, the chief factor, who

here appears to have been Baker, seems to have had the supreme

command--Astl. I. 180. b.]

After this we proceeded on our voyage and arrived in Guinea. One day

about noon, I went with eight more in a boat towards the shore to trade,

meaning to dispatch my business and be back before night. But when we

had got near the shore, a furious tempest sprung up, accompanied with

rain and thunder, which drove the ships from their anchors out to sea;

while we in the boat were forced to run along the coast in search of

some place for shelter from the storm, but meeting none, had to remain

all night near the shore, exposed to the thunder, rain, and wind in

great jeopardy. We learnt afterwards that the ships returned next day in

search of us, while we rowed forward along the coast, supposing the

ships were before us, and always anxiously looked out for them; but the

mist was so great that we could never see them nor they us. The ships

continued, as we were told afterwards, looking out for us for two or

three days; after which, concluding that we had inevitably perished in

the storm, they made the best of their way for England.

Having been three days in great distress for want of food, we at length

landed on the coast and exchanged some of our wares with the negroes for

roots and such other provisions as they had, and then put to sea again

in search of the ships, which we still supposed were before us or to

leeward, wherefore we went down the coast to the eastwards. We continued

in this manner ranging along shore for twelve days, seeing nothing but

thick woods and deserts, full of wild beasts, which often appeared and

came in crowds at sunset to the sea shore, where they lay down or played

on the sand, sometimes plunging into the water to cool themselves. At

any other time it would have been diverting to see how archly the

elephants would fill their trucks with water, which they spouted out

upon the rest. Besides deer, wild boars, and antelopes, we saw many

other wild beasts, such as I had never seen before.

We often saw a man or two on the shore, who on seeing us used to come

off in their almadias or canoes; when casting anchor we offered such

wares as we had in the boat for fish and fresh water, or provisions of

their cooking, and in this way we procured from them roots and the fruit

of the palm tree, and some of their wine, which is the juice of a tree

and is of the colour of whey. Sometimes we got wild honeycombs; and by

means of these and other things we relieved our hunger; but nothing

could relieve our grief, fatigue and want of sleep, and we were so sore

depressed by the dreadful situation in which we were placed, that we

were ready to die, and were reduced to extreme weakness. Having lost all

hope of rejoining the ships, which we now concluded were either lost or

gone homewards, we knew not how to conduct ourselves. We were in a

strange and distant country, inhabited by a people whose manners and

customs were entirely different from ours; and to attempt getting home

in an open boat destitute of every necessary was utterly impossible. By

this time we found we had passed to leeward of _Melegete_ or the grain

coast, and had got to the Mina or gold coast of Guinea, as the negroes

who now came on board spoke some Portuguese, and brought off their

weights and scales for the purpose of trade, asking where were our

ships. To this we answered, in hopes of being the better treated, that

we had two ships at sea, which would be with them in a day or two.

We now consulted together how they should best proceed. If we continued

at sea in our boat, exposed by day to the burning heat of the sun which

sensibly consumed us by copious perspiration, and to the frequent

tornadoes or hurricanes by night, accompanied with thunder, lightning

and rain; which deprived us of all rest, we could not possibly long hold

out. We were often three days without a morsel of food; and having sat

for twenty days continually in our boat, we were in danger of losing the

use of our limbs for want of exercise, and our joints were so swollen by

the scurvy, that we could hardly stand upright. It was not possible for

us to remain much longer in the boat in our present condition, so that

it was necessary to come to some resolution, and we had only three

things to choose. The first was to repair to the castle of St George del

Mina, which was not far off, and give ourselves up to the Portuguese who

were Christians, if we durst trust them or expect the more humanity on

that account. Even the worst that could happen to us from them was to be

hanged out of our misery; yet possibly they might have some mercy on us,

as nine young men such as we were might be serviceable in their gallies,

and if made galley slaves for life we should have victuals enough to

enable us to tug at the oar, whereas now we had both to row and starve.

The next alternative was to throw ourselves upon the mercy of the

negroes, which I stated was very hopeless and discouraging, as I did not

see what favour could be expected from a beastly savage people, whose

condition was worse than that of slaves, and who possibly might be

cannibals. It was likewise difficult for us to conform ourselves to their

customs, so opposite to ours; and, we could not be expected, having

always lived on animal food, to confine ourselves to roots and herbs

like the negroes, which are the food of wild beasts. Besides, having

been always accustomed to the use of clothes, we could not for shame go

naked. Even if we could get the better of that prejudice, our bodies

would be grievously tormented and emaciated by the scorching heat of the

sun, for want of that covering and defence to which we had been

accustomed. The only other course was to stay at sea in the boat, and

die miserably. Being determined to run any risk at land, rather than to

continue pent up in a narrow boat, exposed to all the inclemencies of

the weather day and night, and liable to be famished for want of

victuals, I gave it as my opinion that we had better place confidence in

the Christian Portuguese than in the negroes who lived like so many

brutes. We how determined to throw ourselves on the mercy of the

Portuguese, and hoisting sail shaped our course for the castle of St

George del Mina; which was not above 20 leagues distant. We went on all

day without stopping till late at night, when we perceived a light on

shore. Concluding that this might be a place of trade, our boatswain

proposed to cast anchor at this place, in hopes that we might be able to

procure provisions next morning in exchange for some of our wares. This

was agreed upon, and on going next morning near the shore we saw a

watchhouse upon a rock, in the place whence the light had proceeded

during the night, and near the watchhouse a large black cross was

erected. This made us doubtful whereabout we were, and on looking

farther we perceived a castle which perplexed us still more[288].

[Footnote 288: It appears in the sequel that this fort or castle had

been recently erected by the Portuguese at the western point or

head-land of Cape Three-points, and of which there are no notices in any

of the preceding voyages on this part of the coast.--Astley, I. 132, a.]

Our doubts were quickly solved by the appearance of some Portuguese, one

of whom held a white flag in his hand which he waved as inviting us to

come on shore. Though we were actually bound in quest of the Portuguese,

yet our hearts now failed us, and we tacked about to make from the

shore. On being seen from the castle, a gun was fired at us by a negro,

the ball from which fell within a yard of our boat. At length we turned

towards the shore to which we rowed, meaning to yield ourselves up; but

to our great surprise, the nearer we came to the shore the more did the

Portuguese fire at us; and though the bullets fell thick about us we

continued to advance till we got close under the castle wall, when we

were out of danger from their cannon. We now determined to land in order

to try the courtesy of the Portuguese, but were presently assailed by

showers of stones from the castle: wall, and saw a number of negroes

marching down to the beach with their darts and targets, some of them

having bows and poisoned arrows. Their attack was very furious, partly

from heavy stones falling into the boat which threatened to break holes

in her bottom, as well as from flights of arrows which came whizzing

about our ears, and even wounded some of us: Therefore being in

desperation, we pushed off from the shore to return to sea, setting four

of our men to row, while the other five determined to repay some part of

the civility we had received, and immediately handled our fire-arms and

bows. We employed these at first against the negroes on the beach, some

of whom soon dropped; and then against the Portuguese who stood on the

walls dressed in long white-shirts and linstocks in their hands, many of

which were dyed red by means of the English arrows. We thus maintained

our ground a long while, fighting at our leisure, regardless of the

threats of the enemy, as we saw they had no gallies to send out to make

us prisoners. When we had sufficiently revenged their want of

hospitality, we rowed off, and though we knew that we must pass through

another storm of bullets from the castle, we escaped without damage.

When we got out to sea, we saw three negroes rowing after us in an

almadia, who came to inquire to what country we belonged, speaking good

Portuguese. We told them we were Englishmen, and said we had brought

wares to trade with them if they had not used us so ill. As the negroes

inquired where our ship was, we said we had two at sea well equipped,

which would soon come to the coast to trade for gold, and that we only

waited their return. The negroes then pretended to be sorry for what had

happened, and intreated us to remain where we were for that day, and

promised to bring us whatever we were in want of. But placing no

confidence in their words, we asked what place that was, and being

answered that it was a Portuguese castle at the western head-land of

Cape Three-points, we hoisted sail and put to sea, to look out for some

more friendly place.

We now resolved to have no more reliance on the kindness of the

Portuguese, of which we had thus sufficient experience, and to make

trial of the hospitality of the negroes; for which purpose we sailed

back about 30 leagues along the coast, and coming to anchor, some

natives came off to the boat, to all of whom we gave presents. By this

we won their hearts, and the news of such generous strangers being on

the coast soon brought the kings son to our boat. On his arrival, I

explained our sad case to him as well as I could by signs, endeavouring

to make him understand that we were quite forlorn, having been abandoned

by our ships, and being almost famished for want of food, offering him

all the goods in our boat if he would take us under his protection and

relieve our great distress. The negro chief was moved even to tears, and

bid us be comforted. He went then on shore to know his fathers pleasure

regarding us, and returning presently invited us to land. This was

joyful news to us all, and we considered him as a bountiful benefactor

raised up to us by the goodness of Providence. We accordingly fell to

our oars in all haste to pull on shore, where at least 500 negroes were

waiting our arrival; but on coming near shore the surf ran so high that

the boat overset, on which the negroes plunged immediately into the

water and brought us all safe on shore. They even preserved the boat and

all that was in her, some swimming after the oars, and others diving for

the goods that had sunk. After this they hauled the boat on shore and

brought every thing that belonged to us, not daring to detain the most

trifling article, so much were they in awe of the kings son, who was a

stout and valiant man, and having many excellent endowments.

They now brought us such provisions as they used themselves, and being

very hungry we fed heartily, the negroes all the while staring at us

with much astonishment, as the common people are used to do in England

at strange outlandish creatures. Notwithstanding all this apparent

humanity and kindness, we were still under great apprehensions of the

negroes, all of whom were armed with darts. That night we lay upon the

ground among the negroes, but never once closed our eyes, tearing they

might kill us while asleep. Yet we received no hurt from them, and for

two days fared well; but finding the ships did not come for us, as they

expected would soon have been the case, when likewise they looked to

have had a large quantity of goods distributed among them in reward for

their hospitality, they soon became weary of us; and after lessening our

allowance from day to day, they at length left us to shift for

ourselves. In this forlorn state, we had to range about the woods in

search of fruits and roots, which last we had to dig from the ground

with our fingers for want of any instruments. Hunger had quite abated

the nicety of our palates, and we were glad to feed on every thing we

could find that was eatable. Necessity soon reconciled us to going

naked, for our clothes becoming rotten with our sweat fell from our

backs by degrees, so that at length we had scarcely rags left to cover

our nakedness. We were not only forced to provide ourselves in food, but

had to find fuel and utensils to dress it. We made a pot of clay dried

in the sun, in which we boiled our roots, and roasted the berries in the

embers, feasting every evening on these varieties. At night we slept on

the bare ground, making a great fire round us to scare away the wild

beasts.

What with the entire change in our manner of living, and the heat and

unhealthiness of the climate, our people sickened apace; and in a short

time our original number of nine was reduced to three. To those who died

it was a release from misery, but we who remained were rendered more

forlorn and helpless than before. At length, when we had abandoned all

hopes of relief, a French ship arrived on the coast, which took us on

board and carried us to France, which was then at war with England,

where we were detained prisoners.

A prisner therefore I remaine,

And hence I cannot slip

Till that my ransome be

Agreed upon and paid:

Which being levied yet so hie,

No agreement can be made.

And such is lo my chance,

The meane time to abide;

A prisner for ransome in France,

Till God send time and tide.

From whence this idle rime

To England I do send:

And thus, till I have further time,

This tragedie I end.

SECTION XI.

_A Voyage to Guinea, in 1564:, by Captain David Carlet_[289].

At a meeting of merchant adventurers, held at the house of Sir William

Gerard, on the 11th July 1564, for setting forth a voyage to Guinea, the

following chief adventurers were present, Sir William Gerard, Sir

William Chester, Sir Thomas Lodge, Anthony Hickman, and John Castelin.

It was then agreed that Francis Ashbie should be sent to Deptford for

his letters to Peter Pet, to go about rigging of the Minion at the

charges of the queens majesty, after which Francis Ashbie was to repair

with these letters to Gillingham, with money to supply our charges

there.

[Footnote 289: Hakluyt, II. 531. Astley, I. 134.]

It was also agreed that every one of the five partners shall forthwith

call upon their partners to supply, towards this new rigging and

victualling L.29, 10s. 6d., for every L.100 value. Also that every one

of the five partners shall forthwith bring in L.50, towards the

furniture of the premises. Likewise, if Mr Gonson give his consent that

the Merlin shall be brought round from Bristol to Hampton, that a letter

shall be drawn under his hand, before order be given in the same.

The ships employed in this voyage were, the Minion belonging to the

queen, David Carlet, captain, the John Baptist of London, and the Merlin

belonging to Mr Gonson. The success of this voyage in part appears by

certain brief relations extracted out of the second voyage of Sir John

Hawkins to the West Indies, made in the year 1564, which I have thought

good to set down for want of more direct information, which hitherto I

have not been able to procure notwithstanding every possible

endeavour[290].

[Footnote 290: This is the substance of Hakluyt's introduction to the

following brief relation of the present voyage.--E.]

* * * * *

Sir John, then only Mr Hawkins, departed from Plymouth with a prosperous

wind for the West Indies, on the 18th of October 1564, having under his

command the Jesus of Lubec of 700 tons, the Salomon of 140 tons, a bark

named the Tiger of 50 tons, and a pinnace called the Swallow of 30 tons,

having in all 170 men, well supplied with ordnance and provisions for

such a voyage. While casting loose the foresail, one of the officers in

the Jesus was killed by the fall of a block, giving a sorrowful

beginning to the expedition. After getting ten leagues out to sea, they

fell in with the Minion, a ship belonging to the queen, of which David

Carlet was captain, and her consort the John Baptist of London; which

two ships were bound for Guinea. The two squadrons, as they may be

called, saluted each other with some pieces of ordnance, after the

custom of the sea; after which the Minion parted company to seek her

other consort the Merlin of London, which was out of sight astern,

leaving the John Baptist in company with Hawkins.

Continuing their voyage with a prosperous wind until the 21st, a great

storm arose at N.E. about 9 o'clock at night, which continued 23 hours,

in which storm Hawkins lost sight of the John Baptist and of his pinnace

called the Swallow, the other three ships being sore tossed by the

tempest. To his great joy the Swallow joined company again in the night,

10 leagues to the north of Cape Finister, having been obliged to go

_roomer_, as she was unable to weather that cape against a strong

contrary wind at S.W. On the 25th, the wind still continuing contrary,

he put into Ferol in Galicia, where he remained five days, and gave out

proper instructions to the masters of the other ships for keeping

company during the rest of the voyage.

On the 26th of the month the Minion came into Ferol, on which Mr Hawkins

saluted her with some guns, according to the custom of the sea, as a

welcome for her safe arrival: But the people of the Minion were not in

the humour of rejoicing, on account of the misfortune which had happened

to their consort the Merlin, whom they had gone to seek on the coast of

England when they parted from Mr Hawkins. Having met with her, they kept

company for two days; when, by the negligence of one of the gunners of

the Merlin, the powder in her gun-room took fire, by which her stern was

blown out and three of her men lost, besides many sore hurt, who saved

their lives in consequence of their brigantine being at her stern; for

the Merlin immediately sunk, to the heavy loss of the owners and great

grief of the beholders.

On the 30th of the month, Mr Hawkins and his ships, together with the

Minion and her remaining consort the John Baptist, set sail in the

prosecution of their voyage with a prosperous gale, the Minion having

both brigantines at her stern. The 4th of November they had sight of

Madeira, and the 6th of Tenerife, which they thought to have been grand

Canary, as they reckoned themselves to the east of Tenerife, but were

not. The Minion and her consort, being 3 or 4 leagues a head of the

ships of Mr Hawkins, kept the course for Tenerife, of which they had a

better view than the other ships, and by that means they parted company.

Hawkins and his ships continued his voyage by Cape Verd and Sierra

Leone, after which he crossed the Atlantic ocean and came to the town of

Burboroata on the coast of the Terra Firma in the West Indies, or South

America; where he afterwards received information of the unfortunate

issue of the Guinea voyage, in the following manner. While at anchor in

the outer road on the 29th of April 1565, a French ship came in called

the Green Dragon of Newhaven, of which one Bon-temps was captain, which

saluted the English squadron after the custom of the sea, and was

saluted in return. This ship had been at the Mina, or Gold coast of

Guinea, whence she had been driven off by the Portuguese gallies, and

obliged to make for the Terra Firma to endeavour to sell her wares. She

informed that the Minion had been treated in the same manner; and that

the captain, David Carlet, with a merchant or factor and twelve

mariners, had been treacherously made prisoners by the negroes on their

arrival on that coast, and remained in the hands of the Portuguese;

besides which they had lost others of their men through the want of

_fresh water_, and were in great doubts of being able to get home the

ships[291].

[Footnote 291: Hakluyt might have said whether they did come home or

not, which he certainly might have known; but he often leaves us in the

dark as to such matters.--Astl. I. 185. a.]

* * * * *

_Note_.--It may not be improper to state in this place, that no ship

need be reduced to utter distress for want of _fresh water_ at sea; as

distilled sea water is perfectly fresh and wholesome. For this purpose,

all ships bound on voyages of any length, ought to have a still head

worm and cooler adapted to the cooking kettle, to be used when needed,

by which abundance of fresh water may always be secured while cooking

the ships provisions, sufficient to preserve the lives of the crew. In

default of that useful appendage, a still may be easily constructed for

the occasion, by means of the pitch kettle, a reversed tea kettle for a

head, and a gun barrel fixed to the spout of the tea kettle, the breach

pin being screwed out, and the barrel either soldered to the spout, or

fixed by a paste of flour, soap and water, tied round with rags and

twine. The tea kettle and gun barrel are to be kept continually wet by

means of swabs and sea water, to cool and condense the steam. This

distilled water is at first vapid and nauseous, both to the taste and

the stomach; but by standing open for some time, especially if agitated

in contact with air, or by pumping air through it, as is commonly done

to sweeten putrid water, this unpleasant and nauseous vapidness is soon

removed.

The nautical world owes this excellent discovery, of distilled sea water

being perfectly fresh, to the late excellent and ingenious Dr James

Lino, first physician to the general hospital of the navy at Haslar near

Portsmouth during the American war, the author of two admirable works,

on the Scurvy, and the Means of Preserving the Health of Seamen during

long voyages, to which the British navy, and seamen in general, owe

inestimable advantages. The editor, while giving this useful hint to

seamen engaged on long voyages, is happy in having an opportunity of

bearing this feeble testimony of honourable respect to the friend of his

youth, under whom he had the happiness and advantage of serving, in that

magnificent asylum of the brave defenders of the glory and prosperity of

our king and country, for the last three years of the American war.

Besides being an eminent and experienced physician, Dr Lind was a man of

exemplary humanity, and of uncommon urbanity and singleness of manners:

He was truly the seaman's friend. The rules and expedients which he

devised and proposed, founded on the solid basis, of observation and

experience, for Preserving the Health of Seamen on long voyages, were

afterwards employed and perfected by the great navigator and discoverer

COOK, and by his pupils and followers; and are now universally

established in our glorious navy, to the incalculable advantage of the

service.

In high northern or southern latitudes, solid clear ice melted affords

good fresh water, the first runnings being thrown away as contaminated

by adhering sea water. White cellular ice is quite unfit for the

purpose, being strongly impregnated with salt. In future articles of our

work, several opportunities will occur in which these two expedients for

supplying ships with fresh water will be amply detailed. But on the

present opportunity, it seemed proper to mention these easy and

effectual expedients for preserving the health and lives of seamen, when

in want of fresh water by the ordinary means.--Ed.

SECTION XII.

_A Voyage to Guinea and the Cape de Verd Islands in 1566, by George

Fenner_[292]

Three ships were employed on this voyage, the admiral, called the Castle

of Comfort, George Fenner general[293] of the expedition, and William

Bats master; the May-Flower, vice-admiral, William Courtise master; the

George, John Heiwood captain, and John Smith of Hampton master; besides

a small pinnace. Walter Wren, the writer of the narrative, belonged to

the George.

[Footnote 292: Hakluyt, II. 533. Astley, I. 185.]

[Footnote 293: This general was probably head factor--E.]

We departed from Plymouth on the 10th December 1566, and were abreast of

Ushant on the 12th. On the 15th we got sight of Cape Finister, and lost

company of our admiral that night, for which reason we sailed along the

coast of Portugal, hoping our admiral might be before us. Meeting a

French ship on the 18th and getting no intelligence of our admiral, we

made sail for the Canaries, and fell in with the island of Tenerife on

the 28th, where we came to anchor in a small bay, at which there were

three or four small houses, about a league from the town of Santa Cruz.

In this island there is a marvellous high hill called the Peak, and

although it is in lat. 28° N. where the air is as warm in January as it

is in England at midsummer, the top of this hill, to which no man has

ever been known to ascend, is seldom free from snow even in the middle

of summer. On the 3d January 1567, we departed from this place, going

round the western point of the island, about 12 or 14 leagues from Santa

Cruz, and came into a bay right over against the house of one Pedro de

Souza, where we came to anchor on the 5th, and heard that our admiral

had been there at anchor seven days before us, and had gone thence to

the island of Gomera, to which place we followed him, and coming to

anchor on the 6th over against the town of Gomera, we found our admiral

at anchor to our great mutual satisfaction. We found here Edward Cooke

in a tall ship, and a ship of the coppersmiths of London, which had been

treacherously seized by the Portuguese in the bay of Santa Cruz on the

coast of Barbary, or Morocco, which ship we left there all spoiled. At

this place we bought 14 buts of wine for sea stores, at 15 ducats a but,

which had been offered to us at Santa Cruz for 8, 9, or 10 ducats. The

9th we went to another bay about three leagues off, where we took in

fresh water; and on the 10th we sailed for Cape Blanco on the coast of

Africa.

The 12th we came to a bay to eastwards of Cape Pargos, (_Barbas?_) which

is 35 leagues from Cape Blanco, but being unacquainted with that part of

the coast, we proceeded to Cape Blanco, off which we had 16 fathoms two

leagues from shore, the land being very low and all white sand. At this

place it is necessary to beware of going too near shore, as when in 12

or 10 fathoms you may be aground within two or three casts of the lead.

Directing our course on the 17th S. and S. by E. we fell into a bay

about 16 leagues east of Cape Verd, where the land seemed like a great

number of ships under sail, owing to its being composed of a great

number of hummocks, some high some low, with high trees upon them. When

within three leagues of the land we sounded and had 28 fathoms over a

ground of black ouze. This day we saw much fish in sundry _sculs_ or

shoals, swimming with their noses at the surface. Passing along this

coast we saw two small round hills about a league from the other,

forming a cape, and between them great store of trees, and in all our

sailing we never saw such high land as these two hills. The 19th we came

to anchor at the cape in a road, fast by the western side of two

hills[294], where we rode in 10 fathoms, though we might safely have

gone into five or six fathoms, as the ground is good and the wind always

blows from the shore.

[Footnote 294: The paps of Cape Verd are about a League S.S.E. from the

extreme west point of the Cape.--E.]

At this place some of our officers and merchants went on shore with the

boat unarmed, to the number of about 20 persons, among whom were Mr

George Fenner the general, his brother Edward Fenner, Thomas Valentine,

John Worme, and Francis Leigh, merchants, John Haward, William Bats,

Nicholas Day, John Thomson, and several others. At their coming on shore

they were met by above 100 negroes armed with bows and arrows. After

some talk pledges were interchanged, five of the English being delivered

into their hands, and three negroes taken on board the admirals skiff.

Our people mentioned the merchandize they had brought, being linen and

woolen cloth, iron, cheese, and other articles; on which the negroes

said that they had civet, musk, gold, and grains to give in exchange,

with which our people were well pleased. The negroes desired to see our

merchandize, on which one of the boats was sent back to the ships, while

our general and merchants remained in the other with the three negroe

pledges, our five men walking about on shore among the negroes. On the

return of the boat from the ship with goods, bread, wine, and cheese

were distributed among the natives. At this time two of the negroe

pledges, on pretence of sickness, were allowed to go on shore, promising

to send two others in their stead. On perceiving this, Captain Haiward

began to dread some perfidy, and retreated towards the boat, followed by

two or three negroes, who stopped him from going on board, and made

signs for him to bring them more bread and wine, and when he would have

stepped into the boat, one of them caught him by the breeches, but he

sprung from him and leapt into the boat. As soon as he was in, one of

the negroes on shore began to blow a pipe, on which the negroe pledge

who remained in the boat, suddenly drew Mr Wormes sword, cast himself

into the sea and swam on shore. The negroes immediately laid hands on

our men that were on shore, and seized three of them with great

violence, tore their clothes from their backs, and left them nothing to

cover them. Then many of them shot so thick at our men in the boats that

they could scarcely handle their oars, yet by God's help they got the

boats away, though many of them were hurt by the poisoned arrows. This

poison is incurable, if the arrow pierce the skin so as to draw blood,

except the poison be immediately sucked out, or the part hurt be cut out

forthwith; otherwise the wounded man inevitably dies in four days.

Within three hours after any part of the body is hurt, or even slightly

pricked, although it be the little toe, the poison reaches the heart,

and affects the stomach with excessive vomiting, so that the person can

take neither meat nor drink.

The persons seized in this treacherous manner by the negroes were

Nicholas Day, William Bats, and John Thomson, who were led away to a

town about a mile from the shore. The 20th we sent a boat on shore with

eight persons, among whom was the before-mentioned John Thomson[295] and

our interpreter, who was a Frenchman, as one of the negroes spoke good

French. They carried with them two arquebuses, two targets, and a

_mantell?_ and were directed to learn what ransom the negroes demanded

for Bats and Day whom they detained. On coming to the shore and telling

the negroes the nature of their errand, Bats and Day were brought from

among some trees quite loose, but surrounded by some 40 or 50 negroes.

When within a stone's throw of the beach, Bats broke suddenly from them

and ran as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat; but

immediately on getting into the water he fell, so that the negroes

retook him, violently tearing off his clothes. After this some of the

negroes carried our two men back to the town, while the rest began to

shoot at our people in the boat with their poisoned arrows, and wounded

one of our men in the small of the leg, who had nearly died in spite of

every thing our surgeons could do for him. Notwithstanding this

unjustifiable conduct, our general sent another message to the negroes,

offering any terms they pleased to demand as ransom for our men. But

they gave for answer, that three weeks before we came an English ship

had forcibly carried off three of their people, and unless we brought or

sent them back we should not have our men, though we gave our three

ships and all their lading. On the 21st a French ship, of 80 tons came

to the place where we were, intending to trade with the negroes, and

seeing that the Frenchmen were well received by the natives, our general

told them of our two men being detained, and wished them to endeavour

to procure their release, promising L.100 to the Frenchmen if they

succeeded. We then committed this affair to the management of the

Frenchmen, and departed. Of our men who were hurt by the poisoned

arrows, four died, and one had to have his arm cut off to save his life.

Andrews, who was last hurt, lay long lame and unable to help himself,

and only two recovered.

[Footnote 295: It is not said how he had got away from the negroes.--E.]

While between Cape Verd and Bonavista on the 26th, we saw many flying

fishes of the size of herrings, two of which fell into the boat which we

towed at our stern. The 28th we fell in with Bonavista, one of the Cape

de Verd islands, which is 86 leagues from that cape. The north side of

that island is full of white sandy hills and dales, being somewhat high

land. That day we came to anchor about a league within the western

point, in ten fathoms upon fine sand, but it is quite safe to go nearer

in five or six fathoms, as the ground is every where good. The 30th we

went into a bay within a small island about a league from our first

anchorage, where we took plenty of various kinds of fish. Whoever means

to anchor in this bay may safely do so in four or five fathoms off the

south point of the small island; but must beware of the middle of the

bay, where there is a ledge of rocks on which the sea breaks at low

water, although then they are covered by three fathoms water. The last

day of January, our general went on shore in the bay to some houses,

where he found twelve Portuguese, the whole island not having more than

30 inhabitants, who were all banished men, some condemned to more years

of exile and some to less, and among them was a simple man who was their

captain. They live on goat's flesh, cocks and hens, with fresh water,

having no other food except fish, which they do not care for, neither

indeed have they any boats wherewith to catch them. They told us that

this island had been granted by the king of Portugal to one of his

gentlemen, who had let it at 100 ducats of yearly rent, which was paid

by the profit on goats skins, of which 40,000 had been sent from that

island to Portugal in one year. These men made us very welcome,

entertaining us as well as they could, giving us the carcasses of as

many he-goats as we pleased, and even aided us in taking them, bringing

them down for us from the mountains on their asses. They have great

store of oil procured from tortoises, which are _fishes_ that swim in

the sea, having shells on their backs as large as targets. It only rains

in this island for three months in every year, from the middle of July

to the middle of October; and the climate is always very hot. Cows have

been brought here, but owing to the heat and drought they always died.

We left Bonavista, or Buenavista, on the 3d February, and fell in the

same day with another island called Mayo, 14 leagues distant; there

being a danger midway between the two islands, but it is always seen and

easily avoided. We anchored in a fine bay on the N.W. side of Mayo, in

eight fathoms on a good sandy bottom; but weighed next day and went to

another island called St Jago, about five leagues E. by S. from Mayo. At

the westermost point of this island, we saw a good road-stead, having a

small town by the waterside, close to which was a fort or battery. We

here proposed to have anchored on purpose to trade; but before we were

within shot, they let fly two pieces at us, on which we went to leeward

along shore two or three leagues, where we found a small bay and two or

three houses, off which we anchored in 14 fathoms upon good ground.

Within an hour after we had anchored, several persons both on foot and

horseback were seen passing and repassing opposite the ships. Next day a

considerable force of horse and foot was seen, and our general sent a

message to know whether they were disposed to trade with us. They

answered that we were made welcome as merchants, and should have every

thing we could reasonably demand. On this our general ordered all the

boats to be made ready, but doubting the good faith of the Portuguese,

caused the boats to be well armed, putting a _double base_ in the head

of his pinnace and two _single bases_ in the skiff, directing the boats

of the May-flower and George to be similarly armed. On rowing towards

the shore with all the boats, the general was surprised to see above 60

horsemen and 200 foot all armed to receive us, for which reason he sent

a flag of truce to learn their intentions. Their answer was fair and

smooth, declaring that they meant to treat us like gentlemen and

merchants, and desired that our general might come on shore to converse

with their captain. When our general approached the shore in his skiff,

they came towards him in great numbers, with much seeming politeness,

bowing and taking off their bonnets, and earnestly requesting our

general and the merchants to come on shore. He declined this however,

unless they would give sufficient hostages for our security. At length

they promised to send two satisfactory hostages, and to give us water,

provisions, money, and negroes in exchange for our merchandize, and

desired a list of our wares might be sent on shore; all of which our

general promised to do forthwith, and withdraw from the shore, causing

our _bases, curriers_[296], and arquebuses to be fired off in

compliment to the Portuguese, while at the same time our ships saluted

them with five or six cannon shot. Most of the Portuguese now left the

shore, except a few who remained to receive the list of our commodities;

but, while we meant honestly and fairly to trade with them as friends,

their intentions were treacherously to betray us to our destruction, as

will appear in the sequel.

[Footnote 296: Bases and curriers must have been some small species of

ordnance, capable of being used in boats; arquebuses were matchlock

muskets.--E.]

About two leagues to the west of where we lay, there was a town behind a

point of land, where the Portuguese had several caravels, and two

brigantines or row barges like gallies. With all haste the Portuguese

fitted out four caravels and these two brigantines, furnishing them with

as many men and cannon as they could carry; and as soon as it was night

these vessels made towards us with sails and oars, and as the land was

high, and the weather somewhat dark and misty, we did not see them till

they were almost close on board the May-flower, which lay at anchor

about a gun-shot nearer them than our other ships. When within gun-shot

of the May-flower, one of the watch chanced to see a light, and then

looking out espied the four ships and gave the alarm. The Portuguese,

finding themselves discovered, began immediately to fire their cannon,

_curriers_, and arquebuses; then lighted up certain tubes of wild fire,

and all their people both on shore and in their ships set up great

shouts, while they continued to bear down on the May-flower. With all

the haste we could, one of our guns was got ready and fired at them, on

which they seemed to hesitate a little; But they recharged their

ordnance, and again fired at us very briskly. In the mean time we got

three guns ready which we fired at them, when they were so near that we

could have shot an arrow on board. Having a fine breeze of wind from the

shore, we hoisted our foresail and cut our cable, making sail to join

our admiral to leeward, while they followed firing sometimes at us and

sometimes at our admiral. At length one shot from our admiral had the

effect to make them retire, when they made away from us like cowardly

traitors. During all this time, though they continually fired all their

guns at us, not a man or boy among us was hurt; but we know not what

were the effects of our shot among them.

Seeing the villany of these men, we set sail immediately for an island

named _Fuego_, or the Fire island, twelve leagues from St Jago, where we

came to anchor on the 11th February, opposite a white chapel at the west

end of the island, half a league from a small town, and about a league

from the western extremity of the island. In this island, there is a

remarkably high hill which burns continually, and the inhabitants told

us, that about three years before, the whole island had like to have

been destroyed by the prodigious quantity of fire which it discharged.

About a league west from the chapel we found a fine spring of fresh

water, whence we supplied our ships. They have no wheat in this island,

instead of which they grow millet, which makes good bread, and they

likewise cultivate peas like those of Guinea. The inhabitants are

Portuguese, and are forbidden by their king to trade either with the

English or French, or even to supply them with provisions, or any other

thing unless forced. Off this island is another named Brava, or St John,

not exceeding two leagues over, which has abundance of goats and many

trees, but not above three or four inhabitants.

On the 25th of February we set sail for the Azores, and on the 23d of

March we got sight of one of these islands called Flores, to the north

of which we could see another called Cuervo, about two leagues distant.

The 27th we came to anchor at Cuervo, opposite a village of about a

dozen mean houses; but dragging our anchors in the night during a gale

of wind, we went to Flores, where we saw strange streams of water

pouring from its high cliffs, occasioned by a prodigious rain. The 18th

April we took in water at Flores, and sailed for Fayal, which we had

sight of on the 28th, and of three other islands, Pico, St George, and

Graciosa, which are round about Fayal. The 29th we anchored in 22

fathoms water in a fine bay on the S.W. side of Fayal, over against a

small town, where we got fresh water and fresh provisions. In this

island, according to the report of the inhabitants, there grows green

woad, which they allege is far better than the woad of St Michael or of

Tercera.

The 8th of May we came to Tercera, where we found a Portuguese ship, and

next morning we saw bearing down, upon us, a great ship and two

caravels, which we judged to belong to the royal navy of Portugal, as

they really were, and therefore made ready for our defence. The large

ship was a galliass, of about 400 tons and 300 men, well appointed with

brass guns both large and small, some of their shot being as large as a

mans head; and the two caravels were both well appointed in men and

ammunition of war. As soon as they were within shot of us, they waved us

amain with their swords as if in defiance, and as we kept our course

they fired at us briskly, while we prepared as well as we could for our

defence. The great ship gave us a whole broadside, besides firing four

of her greatest guns which were in her stern, by which some of our men

were hurt, while we did our best to answer their fire. At this time two

other caravels came from shore to join them, and two pinnaces or boats

full of men, whom they put on board the great ship, and then returned to

the shore with only two men in each. The ship and caravels gave us three

attacks the first day, and when night came they ceased firing, yet kept

hard by us all night, during which we were busily employed knotting and

spicing our ropes and strengthening our bulwarks.

Next day the Portuguese were joined by four great caravels or armadas,

three of which were not less than 100 tons each, the fourth being

smaller, but all well armed and full of men. All these came up against

us, in the admiral or Castle of Comfort, and we judged that one of the

caravels meant to lay us on board, as we could see them preparing their

false nettings and all other things for that purpose, for which the

galliasse came up on our larboard side, and the caravel on our

starboard. Perceiving their intention, we got all our guns ready with

bar-shot, chain-shot, and grape; and as soon as they came up, and had

fired off their guns at us, thinking to lay us on board, we gave them

such a hearty salutation on both sides of us, that they were both glad

to fall astern, where they continued for two or three hours, there being

very little wind. Then our small bark the George came up to confer with

us, and as the Portuguese ships and caravels were coming up again to

attack us, the George, while endeavouring to get astern of us, fell to

leeward, and was so long of filling her sails for want of wind, that the

enemy got up to us, and she got into the middle of them, being unable to

fetch us. Then five of the caravels assailed her all round about, yet

she defended herself bravely against them all. The great ship and one

caravel came to us and fought us all day. The May-flower being well to

windward, took the benefit of that circumstance, and kept close hauled

all that day, but would not come near us. When night came, the enemy

ceased firing, yet followed us all night. During these repeated attacks

we had some men slain and several wounded, and our tackle much injured;

yet we did our best endeavour to repair all things, resolving to defend

ourselves manfully, putting our trust in God. In the night the

May-flower came up to us, on which our captain requested they would

spare us half a dozen fresh men, but they would not, and bore away

again.

Next morning, the enemy seeing us at a distance from one another, came

up against us with a great noise of hooping and hallooing, as if

resolved to board or sink us; yet although our company was small, lest

they might think us any way dismayed, we answered their shouts, and

waved upon them to board us if they durst, but they did not venture.

This day they gave us four several assaults; but at night they forsook

us, desisting with shame from the fight which they had begun with pride.

We had some leaks in our ship from shot holes, which we stopped with all

speed, after which we took some rest after our long hard labour. In the

morning the Mayflower joined, and sent six of her men on board us, which

gave us much relief, and we sent them four of our wounded men.

We now directed our course for England, and by the 2d of June came into

soundings off the Lizard. On the 3d we fell in with a Portuguese ship,

the captain of which came on board our admiral, saying that he was laden

with sugar and cotton. Our merchants shewed him five negroes we had,

asking him to buy them, which he agreed to do for 40 chests of sugar,

which were very small, not containing above 26 loaves each. While they

were delivering the sugar, we saw a large ship and a small one bearing

down upon us, which our captain supposed to be men of war or rovers, on

which he desired the Portuguese to take back their sugars, meaning to

prepare for defence. But the Portuguese earnestly entreated our captain

not to forsake him, and promised to give him ten chests of sugar in

addition to the bargain, if we would defend him. To this our captain

consented, and the rovers seeing that we were not afraid of them, let us

alone. Next morning two others came up, but on seeing that we did not

attempt to avoid them, they left us also. The 5th of June we got sight

of the Start, and about noon were abreast of Lyme bay, where we sounded

in 35 fathoms water. Next day we came in at the Needles, and anchored at

a place called Meadhole, under the isle of Wight; from whence we sailed

to Southampton, where our voyage ended.

SECTION XIII.

_Embassy of Mr Edmund Hogan to Morocco in 1577, written by

himself_.[297]

Though not exactly belonging to the subject of the present chapter, yet

as given by Hakluyt along with the early voyages to Guinea, it has been

thought proper to be inserted in this place. According to Hakluyt, Mr

Hogan was one of the sworn esquires of the person to Queen Elizabeth, by

whom he was sent ambassador to Muley Abdulmeleck, emperor of Morocco and

king of Fez.--_Hakl_.

[Footnote 297: Hakluyt, II. 541.]

* * * * *

I Edmund Hogan, being appointed ambassador from her majesty the queen to

the emperor and king Muley Abdulmeleck, departed from London with my

company and servants on the 22d of April 1577; and embarking in the good

ship called the Gallion of London, I arrived at Azafi, a port in

Barbary, on the 21st of May. I immediately sent Leonell Edgerton on

shore, with my letters to the care of John Williams and John Bampton,

who dispatched a _trottero_ or courier to Morocco, to learn the emperors

pleasure respecting my repair to his court. They with all speed gave the

king notice of it[298]; who, being much satisfied with the intelligence,

sent next day some of his officers and soldiers to Azafi, with tents and

other necessaries, so that these captains, together with John Bampton,

Robert Washborne, and Robert Lion, came late on Whitsunday night to

Azafi. Having written in my letter, that I would not land till I knew

the kings pleasure, I remained on board till their arrival; but I caused

some of the goods to be landed to lighten the ship.

[Footnote 298: It would appear that Williams and Bampton were resident

at the city of Morocco.--E.]

The 22d of May the Make-speed arrived in the road: and on the 27th,

being Whitsunday, John Bampton came on board the Gallion with others in

his company, giving me to understand that the king was rejoiced at my

safe arrival from the queen of England, and that for my safe conduct he

had sent four captains and 100 soldiers, together with a horse and

furniture on which the king was in use to ride. I accordingly landed

with my suite consisting of ten persons, three of whom were trumpeters.

The four English ships in the harbour were dressed up to the best

advantage, and shot off all their ordnance, to the value of twenty marks

in powder. On coming ashore, I found all the soldiers drawn up on

horseback, the captains and the governor of the town standing close to

the water side to receive me, with a jennet belonging to the king for my

use. They expressed the great satisfaction of their sovereign, at my

arrival from the queen my mistress, and that they were appointed by the

king to attend upon me, it being his pleasure that I should remain five

or six days on shore, to refresh myself before commencing my journey.

Having mounted the jennet, they conducted me through the town to a fair

field, where a tent was provided for me, having the ground spread with

Turkey carpets. The castle discharged a peal of ordnance, and every

thing necessary was brought to my tent, where I had convenient table and

lodging, and had other tents for the accommodation of my servants. The

soldiers environed the tents, and kept watch as long as I remained

there.

Although I sought a speedier dispatch, I could not be permitted to begin

my journey till Wednesday the 2d of June, when I mounted towards

evening, and travelled about ten miles to the first place on the road

where water was to be had, and there pitched our tents till next

morning[299]. The 3d we began our journey early, and travelled till ten

o'clock, when we halted till four, at which time we resumed our journey,

travelling as long as we had light, making about 26 miles in all that

day. The 4th being Friday, we travelled in the same manner about 28

miles, and pitched our tents beside a river, about six wiles from the

city of Morocco. Immediately afterwards, all the English and French

merchants came on horseback to visit me, and before night there came an

_alcayde_ from the king, with 50 men and several mules laden with

provisions, to make a banquet for my supper, bringing a message from the

king, expressing how glad he was to hear from the queen of England, and

that it was his intention to receive me more honourably than ever

Christian had been before at the court of Morocco. He desired also to

know at what time I proposed to come next day into his city, as he was

resolved that all the Christians, and also his own nobles should meet

me. He desired likewise that John Bampton should wait upon him early

next morning, which he did accordingly.

[Footnote 299: Having no inns in Barbary, travellers have to encamp or

lodge in the open fields where they can find water.--_Hakluyt_.]

About seven o'clock the next morning, I moved towards the city,

accompanied by the English and French merchants, and a great number of

soldiers; and by the time I had gone about two miles, I was met by all

the Spanish and Portuguese Christians, which I knew was more owing to

the kings commands than of their own good will,[300] for some of them,

though they spoke me fair, hung down their heads like dogs, especially

the Portuguese, and I behaved to them accordingly. When I had arrived

within two miles of the city, John Bampton rejoined me, expressing that

the king was so glad of my arrival, that he knew not how sufficiently to

shew his good will towards the queen and her realm. His counsellors met

me without the gates; and on entering the city some of the kings footmen

and guards were placed on both sides of my horse, and in this manner I

was conducted to the palace. The king sat in his chair of state, having

his counsellors about him, both Moors and _Elchies_; and, according to

his order previously given me, I declared my message to him in the

Spanish language, and delivered her majestys letters. All that I spoke

at this time in Spanish, he caused one of his _Elchies_ to interpret to

the Moors who were present in the _Larbe_ tongue. When this was done, he

answered me in Spanish, returning great thanks to the queen my mistress,

for my mission, and offering himself and country to be at her majesty's

disposal; after which he commanded some of his counsellors to conduct me

to my lodging, which was at no great distance from the court. The house

appointed for me was very good according to the fashion of the country,

and was every day furnished with all kinds of provisions at the kings

charge.

[Footnote 300: The Spaniards and Portuguese were commanded by the king,

on pain of death, to meet the English ambassador.--Hakluyt.]

I was sent for again to court that same night, and had a conference with

the king for the space of about two hours, when I declared to him the

particulars of what had been given me in charge by the queen, and found

him perfectly willing to oblige her majesty, and not to urge her with

any demands that might not conveniently be complied with, well knowing

that his country might be better supplied from England with such things

as it stood in need of, than England from his country. He likewise

informed me, that the king of Spain had sent demanding a licence to send

an ambassador to him, and had strongly urged him not to give credence or

entertainment to any ambassador that might come from the queen of

England: "Yet," said he, "I know well what the king of Spain is, and

what the queen of England and her realm; for I neither like him nor his

religion, being so governed by the inquisition that he can do nothing of

himself; wherefore, when his ambassador comes upon the licence I have

given, he will see how little account I make of him and Spain, and how

greatly I shall honour you for the sake of the queen of England. He

shall not come into my presence, as you have done and shall daily; for I

mean to accept of you as a companion and one of my household, whereas he

shall wait twenty days after he has delivered his message."

At the end of this speech I delivered him the letters of Sir Thomas

Gresham; upon which he took me by the hand, and led me down a long court

to a palace, past which there ran a fair fountain of water, and sitting

down in a chair, he commanded me to sit upon another, and sent for such

simple musicians as he had to entertain me. I then presented him with a

great bass lute, which he thankfully accepted, and expressed a desire to

hear when he might expect the musicians: I told him great care had been

taken to provide them, and I did not doubt that they would come out in

the first ship after my return. He is willing to give them good

entertainment, with lodgings and provisions, and to let them live

according to their own law and conscience, as indeed he urges, no one to

the contrary. He conducts himself greatly by the fear of God, and I

found him well read in the scriptures both of the old and new testament,

bearing a greater affection for our nation than any other, because that

our religion forbids the worship of images; and indeed the Moors call

him the Christian king. That same night[301] I continued with him till

twelve o'clock, and he seemed to have taken a great liking for me, as

he took from his girdle a short dagger set with 200 stones, rubies and

turquoises, which he presented to me, after which I was conducted back

to my lodgings.

[Footnote 301: In the original this is said to have been the 1st of

June; but from what has gone before, that date must necessarily be

erroneous; it could not be before the 5th of June, on which day he

appears to have entered Morocco in he morning.--E.]

Next day being Sunday, which he knew was our Sabbath, he allowed me to

remain at home; but he sent for me on the afternoon of Monday, when I

had a conference with him, and was entertained with music. He likewise

sent for me on Tuesday by three o'clock, when I found him in his garden

laid upon a silk bed, as he complained of a sore leg. Yet after a long

conference, he walked with me into another orchard, having a fine

banqueting-house and a large piece of water, in which was a new galley.

He took me on board the galley, and for the space of two or three hours,

shewed me what great experience he had in the management of gallies, in

which he said he had exercised himself for eighteen years of his youth.

After supper he shewed me his horses, and other matters about his house.

From that time I did not see him, as he was confined with his sore leg,

yet he sent messages to me every day. I was sent for to him again on the

13th of June, about six in the evening, and continued with him till

midnight, conferring about her majestys commission, and with regard to

the good usage of our merchants trading in his dominions. He said that

he would even do more than was asked for the queen and her subjects, who

might all come to his ports in perfect security, and trade in every part

of his dominions, likewise that they should at all times freely have

water and provisions, and in times of war might bring in the ships taken

from our enemies, and either sell them there, or freely depart at their

pleasure. Likewise that all English ships, either passing along his

coast of Barbary, or going through the straits into the Mediterranean or

Levant sea, should have safe conducts to pass freely to the dominions of

the Turks or of Algiers, as well as to his own. And he engaged to write

to the great Turk and the king of Algiers to use our ships and goods in

a friendly manner. Also, that if any Englishmen should be hereafter made

captives and brought into his dominions, that they should on no account

be sold as slaves. Whereupon, declaring the acceptance by her majesty of

these conditions, to confirm the intercourse of trade between our

merchants and his dominions, I engaged to satisfy him with such

commodities as he stood in need of, to furnish the wants of his country

in all kinds of merchandize, so that he might not require any thing from

her majesty contrary to her honour and law, or in breach of league and

amity with the Christian princes her neighbours. That same night I

presented him with a case of combs[302], and requested his majesty to

give orders for the lading of the ships back again, as I found there was

very little saltpetre in the hands of John Bampton. He answered that I

should have all the aid in his power, as he expected there was some

store in his house at _Sus,_ and that the mountaineers had much in

readiness. On my request that he would send orders for that to be

brought, he promised to do so.

[Footnote 302: This seems rather a singular present to the emperor of

Morocco.--E.]

The 18th day I was with him again and continued till night, when he

shewed me his house, with the amusement of duck-hunting with water

spaniels, and bull-baiting with English dogs. At this time I reminded

him of sending to _Sus_ about the saltpetre, which he engaged to do; and

on the 21st the Alcayde Mammie departed on that errand, accompanied by

Lionel Edgerton and Rowland Guy, carrying with them, on our account and

the king's, letters to his brother Muley Hamet, the Alcayde Shavan, and

the viceroy. The 23d the king sent me out of Morocco with a guard, and

accompanied by the Alcayde Mahomet, to see his garden called

Shersbonare; and at night of the 24th I was sent for to court to see a

Morris dance, and a play acted by his _Elchies._ He promised me an

audience on the next day being Tuesday, but put it off till Thursday,

when he sent for me after supper, when the Alcaydes Rodwan and Gowry

were appointed to confer with me; but after a short conversation, I

requested to be admitted to the king to receive my dispatch. On being

admitted, I preferred two bills, or requests, of John Bampton respecting

the provision of saltpetre, also two other petitions for the quiet trade

of our English merchants, together with petitions or requests for the

sugars which had been agreed to be made by the Jews, both for the debts

they had already incurred to our merchants, and those they might incur

hereafter, as likewise for the proper regulation of the ingenios. I also

moved him to give orders for the saltpetre and other affairs that had

been before agreed upon, which he referred me to be settled by the two

alcaydes. But on Friday the alcaydes could not attend to my affairs, and

on Saturday Rodwan fell sick. So on Sunday I again made application to

the king, and that afternoon I was sent for to confer upon the bargain

with the alcaydes and others, but we could not agree.

Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the king for my dispatch, and was

called again to court that afternoon, when I referred all things to the

king, accepting his offer of saltpetre. That night the king took me

again into his galley, when the water spaniels hunted the duck. On

Thursday I was appointed to weigh the 300 gross quintals of saltpetre;

and that afternoon the _tabybe_ came to my lodging, to inform me that

the king was offended with John Bampton for various reasons. Late on

Sunday night, being the 7th of July, I got the king to forgive all to

John Bampton, and he promised to give me another audience on Monday.

Upon Tuesday I wrote to the king for my dispatch, when he sent _Fray

Lewes_ to me, who said he had orders to write them out. Upon Wednesday I

wrote again, and the king sent me word that I should come on Thursday to

receive my dispatches, so that I might depart without fail on Friday the

12th of July.

According to the kings appointment I went to court on Friday, when all

the demands I had made were granted, and all the privileges which had

been requested on behalf of the English merchants were yielded to with

great favour and readiness. As the Jews resident in Morocco were

indebted in large sums to our men, the emperor issued orders that all

these should be paid in full without delay or excuse. Thus at length I

was dismissed with great honour and special favour, such as had not

ordinarily been shewn to other Christian ambassadors. Respecting the

private affairs treated on between her majesty and the emperor, I had

letters to satisfy her highness in the same. To conclude, having the

same honourable escort for my return from court that I had on my way

there, I embarked with my suite, and arrived soon after in England, when

I repaired to court, and ended my embassy to her majestys satisfaction,

by giving a relation of my services.

SECTION XIV.

_Embassy of Henry Roberts from Queen Elizabeth to Morocco in 1585,

written by himself_[303].

Like the former ambassador, Edmund Hogan, Mr Henry Roberts was one of

the sworn esquires of the person to Elizabeth queen of England, and the

following brief relation of his embassy, according to Hakluyt, was

written by himself. This, like the former, does not properly belong to

the present portion of our arrangement, but seemed necessary to be

inserted in this place, however anomalous, as an early record of the

attentions of the English government to extend the commerce and

navigation of England, the sinews of our strength, and the bulwark of

our glorious constitution. Mr Roberts appears to have spent three years

and five months on this embassy, leaving London on the 14th August 1585,

and returning to the same place on the 12th January 1589, having, in the

words of Hakluyt, remained at Morocco as _lieger_, or resident, during

upwards of three years.

[Footnote 303: Hakluyt, II 602.]

In the commencement of this brief notice, Mr Roberts mentions the

occasion of his embassy as proceeding from the incorporation of a

company of merchants, for carrying on an exclusive trade from England to

Barbary; upon which event he was appointed her majestys messenger and

agent to the emperor of Morocco, for the furtherance of the affairs of

that company. It is not our intention to load our work with copies of

formal patents and diplomatic papers; yet in the present instance it may

not be amiss to give an abridgment of the patent to the Barbary company,

as an instance of the mistaken principles of policy on which the early

foundations of English commerce were attempted.--E.

_Letters Patent and Privileges granted in 1585 by Queen Elizabeth, to

certain Noblemen and Merchants of London, for a Trade to Barbary.[304]_

[Footnote 304: Hakluyt, II. 599.]

Elizabeth, &c.--Whereas our right trusty and well beloved counsellors,

Ambrose earl of Warwick, and Robert earl of Leicester, and also our

loving and natural subjects Thomas Starkie, &c.[305] all merchants of

London, now trading into the country of Barbary, in the parts of Africa

under the government of Mulley Hamet Sheriffe, emperor of Morocco, and

king of Fez and Sus, have made it evident to us that they have sustained

great and grievous losses, and are likely to sustain greater if it

should not be prevented. In tender consideration whereof, and because

diverse merchandize of the same countries are very necessary and

convenient for the use and defence of this our realm, &c. Wherefore we

give and grant to the said earls, &c. by themselves, their factors or

servants, and none others, for and during the space of twelve years, the

whole freedom and liberty of the said trade, any law, &c. to the

contrary in any way notwithstanding. The said trade to be free of all

customs, subsidies or other duties, during the said period to us, our

heirs and successors, &c. Witness ourself at Westminster, the 5th July,

in the 27th year of our reign.

[Footnote 305: Here are enumerated forty merchants of London, as members

of the Barbary company in conjunction with the two earls.--E.]

_Narrative._

Upon an incorporation granted to the company of Barbary merchants

resident in London, I Henry Roberts, one of her majesties sworn esquires

of her person, was appointed messenger and agent from her highness unto

Mulley Hamet Sheriffe, emperor of Morocco and king of Fez and Sus. And,

having received my commission, instructions, and her majesties letters,

I departed from London, the 14th August 1585, in a tall ship called the

Ascension, in company with the Minion and Hopewell. We arrived in safety

at the port of Azaffi in Barbary on the 14th of September following. The

alcaide of the town, who is the kings chief officer there, or as it were

mayor of the place, received me with all civility and honour, according

to the custom of the country, and lodged me in the best house in the

town. From thence I dispatched a messenger, which in their language is

called a _trottero_, to inform the emperor of my arrival; who

immediately sent a party of soldiers for my guard and safe conduct, with

horses for myself, and mules for my baggage and that of my company or

suite.

Accompanied by Richard Evans, Edward Salcot, and other English merchants

resident in the country, and with my escort and baggage, I came to the

river _Tenisist_, within four miles of the city of Morocco, and pitched

my tents among a grove of olive trees on the banks of that river, where

I was met by all the English merchants by themselves, and the French,

Flemish, and various other Christians, who waited my arrival. After we

had dined, and when the heat of the day was over, we set out about 4

o'clock in the afternoon for the city, where I was lodged by order of

the emperor in a fair house in the _Judaria_ or jewry, the quarter in

which the Jews have their abode, being the best built and quietest part

of the city.

After I had rested there three days, I was introduced into the kings

presence, to whom I delivered my message and her majesties letters, and

was received with much civility. During three years in which I remained

there as her majesties agent and _ligier_, or resident, I had favourable

audiences from time to time; as, whenever I had any business, I was

either admitted to his majesty himself or to his viceroy, the alcaide

Breme Saphiana, a very wise and discreet person, and the principal

officer of the court. For various good and sufficient reasons, I forbear

to put down in writing the particulars of my service.

After obtaining leave, and receiving an honourable reward from the

emperor, I departed from his court at Morocco the 18th of August 1588,

to a garden belonging to him called Shersbonare, where he promised I

should only stay one day for his letters. Yet on one pretence or

another, I was detained there till the 14th of September, always at the

kings charges, having 40 or 50 shot attending upon me as my guard. At

length I was conducted from thence, with every thing requisite for my

accommodation, to the port of Santa Cruz, six days journey from Morocco,

where our ships ordinarily take in their lading, and where I arrived on

the 21st of that month.

I remained at Santa Cruz 43 days. At length, on the 2d November, I

embarked in company with one Marshok, a Reis or captain, a gentleman

sent along with me by the emperor on an embassy to her majesty. After

much foul weather at sea, we landed on new-years day 1589, at St Ives in

Cornwal, whence we proceeded together by land to London. We were met

without the city by 40 or 50 of the principal Barbary merchants all on

horseback, who accompanied us by torch light into the city on Sunday the

12th January 1589, the ambassador and myself being together in a coach.

_Edict of the Emperor of Morocco in favour of the English, obtained by

Henry Roberts_.

In the name of the most merciful God, &c. The servant of the Supreme

God, the conqueror in his cause, the successor appointed by God, emperor

of the Moors, son of the emperor of the Moors, the Shariffe, the Haceny,

whose honour and estate may God long increase and advance. This our

imperial commandment is delivered into the hands of the English

merchants who reside under the protection of our high court, that all

men who see these presents may understand that our high councils will

defend them, by the aid of God, from all that may injure or oppress them

in any way or manner in which they shall be wronged; and that which way

soever they may travel, no man shall take them captives in these our

kingdoms, ports, or other places belonging to us; and that no one shall

injure or hinder them, by laying violent hands upon them, or shall give

occasion that they be aggrieved in any manner of way. And we charge and

command all the officers of our ports, havens, and fortresses, and all

who bear authority of any sort in our dominions, and likewise all our

subjects generally of all ranks and conditions, that they shall in no

way molest, offend, wrong, or injure them. And this our commandment

shall remain inviolable, being registered on the middle day of the month

Rabel of the year 996.

The date of this letter agrees with the 20th of March 1587, which I,

Abdel Rahman el Catun, interpreter for his majesty, have translated out

of Arabic into Spanish, word for word as contained therein.[306]

[Footnote 306: Besides this, Hakluyt gives copies in Spanish and English

of a letter from Mulley Hamet to the Earl of Leicester, and of a letter

from Queen Elizabeth to Mulley Hamet, both of which are merely

complimentary, or relate to unexplained circumstances respecting one

John Herman an English rebel, whose punishment is required from the

emperor of Morocco. He had probably contraveened the exclusive

privileges of the Barbary company, by trading in Morocco.--E.]

SECTION XV.

_Voyage to Benin beyond Guinea in 1588, by James Welsh_[307].

This and the subsequent voyage to Benin were fitted out by Messrs Bird

and Newton, merchants of London, in which a ship of 100 tons called the

Richard of Arundel and a pinnace were employed, under the chief command

of James Welsh, who wrote the account of both voyages--_Astley_.

[Footnote 307: Hakluyt, II. 613. Astley, I. 199.]

It seems not improbable that these voyages were intended as an evasion

of an exclusive privilege granted in May 1588 by Queen Elizabeth, for

trade to the rivers Senegal and Gambia, called Senega and Gambra in

Hakluyt. The boundaries of this exclusive trade are described as

beginning at the northermost part of the river Senegal, and from and

within that river all along the coast of Guinea into the southermost

part of the river Gambia, and within that river also; and the reason

assigned for this exclusive grant is, that the patentees had already

made one voyage to these parts, and that the enterprizing a new trade

must be attended with considerable hazard and expence. The patentees

were several merchants of Exeter and other parts of Devonshire, and one

merchant of London, who had been instigated by certain Portuguese

resident in England to engage in that trade, and the privilege is

extended to ten years.[308]--E.

[Footnote 308: See the patent at large in Hakluyt, II. 610. London

edition, 1810.]

* * * * *

On the 12th October 1588, weighing anchor from Ratcliff we dropped down

to Blackwall, whence we sailed next day; but owing to contrary winds we

did not reach Plymouth till the 25th October, where we had to remain for

want of a fair wind to the 14th of December, when we set sail and passed

the Lizard that night. Thursday the 2d January 1589, we had sight of the

land near Rio del Oro, making our lat. 22° 47' N. The 3d we saw Cape

Barbas, distant 5 leagues S.E. The 4th in the morning we had sight of

the stars called the _Croziers_. The 7th we had sight of Cape Verd,

making our lat. 14° 43' at 4 leagues off shore. Friday 17th Cape Mount

bore from us N.N.E., when we sounded and had 50 fathoms water with a

black ouse, and at 2 P.M. it bore N.N.W. 8 leagues distant, when Cape

Misurado bore E. by S. Here the current sets E.S.E. along shore, and at

midnight we had 26 fathoms on black ouse. The 18th in the morning we

were athwart a land much resembling Cabo Verde, about 9 leagues beyond

Cape Misurado. It is a saddle-backed hill, and there are four or five

one after the other; and 7 leagues farther south we saw a row of

saddle-backed hills, all the land from Cape Misurado having many

mountains. The 19th we were off Rio de Sestos, and the 20th Cape Baixos

was N. by W. 4 leagues distant. In the afternoon a canoe came off with

three negroes from a place they called Tabanoo. Towards evening we were

athwart an island, and saw many small islands or rocks to the southward,

the current setting from the south. We sounded and had 35 fathoms. The

21st we had a flat hill bearing N.N.E. being 4 leagues from shore; and

at 2 P.M. we spoke a French ship riding near a place called _Ratere_,

there being another place hard bye called Crua[309]. The Frenchman

carried a letter from us on shore for Mr Newton; and as we lay to while

writing the letter, the current set us a good space along shore to the

S.S.E. The 25th we were in the bight of a bay to the west of Cape

Three-points, the current setting E.N.E. The 31st January we were off

the middle part of Cape Three-points at 7 in the morning, the current

setting to the E. Saturday 1st February we were off a round foreland,

which I considered to be the easternmost part of Cape Three-points,

within which foreland was a great bay and an island in the bay.

[Footnote 309: Krou Sestra, nearly in lat. 5° N.]

The 2nd February we were off the castle of Mina; and when the third

glass of the watch was run out, we spied under our larboard quarter one

of their boats with some negroes and one Portuguese, who would not come

on board. Over the castle upon some high rocks, we saw what we thought

to be two watch houses, which were very white. At this time our course

was E.N.E. The 4th in the morning we were athwart a great hill, behind

which within the land were other high rugged hills, which I reckoned

were little short of _Monte Redondo_, at which time I reckoned we were

20 leagues E.N.E. from the castle of Mina; and at 11 o'clock A.M. I saw

two hills within the land, 7 leagues by estimation beyond the former

hills. At this place there is a bay, having another hill at its east

extremity, beyond which the land is very low. We went this day E. N E.

and E. by N. 22 leagues, and then E. along shore. The 6th we were short

of Villa Longa, and there we met a Portuguese caravel. The 7th, being a

fair temperate day, we rode all day before Villa Longa, whence we sailed

on the 8th, and 10 leagues from thence we anchored again, and remained

all night in 10 fathoms water. The 9th we sailed again, all along the

shore being clothed with thick woods, and in the afternoon we were

athwart a river[310], to the eastward of which a little way was a great

high bushy tree which seemed to have no leaves. The 10th we sailed E.

and E. by S. 14 leagues along shore, the whole coast being so thick of

woods that in my judgment a person would have much difficulty in passing

through them. Towards night we anchored in 7 fathoms. The 11th we sailed

E. by S. and 3 leagues from shore we had only 5 fathoms water, all the

wood along shore being as even as if it had been clipt by gardeners

sheers. After running 2 leagues, we saw a high tuft of trees on a brow

of land like the head of a porpoise. A league farther on we had a very

low head land full of trees; and a great way from the land we had very

shallow water, on which we hauled off to seaward to get deeper water,

and then anchored in 5 fathoms, athwart the mouth of the river _Jayo_.

The 12th we sent the pinnace and the boat to land with the merchants,

and they did not return till next morning. The shallowest part of this

river is toward the west, where there is only 4-1/2 fathoms, and it is

very broad.

[Footnote 310: Rio de Lagoa--_Hakluyt_.--Probably that now called Lagos,

in long. 2° 40' E. from Greenwich, in the Bight of Benin.--E.]

Thursday the 13th we set sail going S.S.E. along shore, the trees being

wonderfully even, the east shore being higher than the west shore[311].

After sailing 18 leagues we had sight of a great river, called Rio de

Benin, off which we anchored in 3-1/2 fathoms, the sea being here very

shallow two leagues from the main[312]. The 15th we sent the pinnace and

boat with the merchants into the river; and as we rode in shallow water,

we made sail with the starboard tacks aboard till we came to 5 fathoms

water, where we anchored having the current to the westwards. The west

part of the land was high-browed, much like the head of a Gurnard, and

the eastermost land was lower, having three tufts of trees like stacks

of corn. Next day we only saw two of these trees, having removed more to

the eastwards. We rode here from the 14th of February till the 14th of

April, having the wind always at S.W.

[Footnote 311: This is only to be understood as implying that the shore

was now higher in the eastern part of the voyage along the coast, than

formerly to the west on the coast of Mina; the east shore and the west

shore referring to the bight or bay of Benin.--E.]

[Footnote 312: It is probable that the two rivers mentioned in the text

under the names of Rio de Lagoa and Rio de Benin, are those now called

the Lagos creek and the great river Formosa, both in the negro kingdom

of Benin.--E.]

The 17th February our merchants weighed their goods and put them aboard

the pinnace to go into the river, on which day there came a great

current out of the river setting to the westwards. The 16th March our

pinnace came on board with Anthony Ingram the chief factor, bringing 94

bags of pepper and 28 elephants teeth. All his company were sick. The

19th our pinnace went again into the river, having the purser and

surgeon on board; and the 25th we sent the boat up the river again. The

30th our pinnace came from Benin with the sorrowful news that Thomas

Hemstead and our captain were both dead. She brought with her 159 serons

or bags of pepper, besides elephants teeth. In all the time of our

remaining off the river of Benin, we had fair and temperate weather when

the wind was at S.W. from the sea; but when the wind blew at N. and N.E.

from the land, it then rained with thunder and lightning, and the

weather was intemperately hot.

The 13th of April 1589, we began our voyage homeward, and the 27th of

July we spoke a ship called the Port belonging to London, giving us good

news of England. The 9th September we put into Catwater, where we

remained till the 28th, owing to sickness and want of men. The 29th we

sailed from Plymouth, and arrived at London on the 2d October 1589.

The commodities we carried out in this, voyage were linens and woollen

cloths, iron work of sundry kinds, manillios or bracelets of copper,

glass beads and coral. Those we brought home were pepper, elephants

teeth, palm oil, cloth made of cotton very curiously woven, and cloth

made of the bark of the palm tree. Their money consists of pretty white

shells, as they have no gold or silver. They have also great store of

cotton. Their bread is made of certain roots called _Inamia_, as large

as a mans arm, which when well boiled is very pleasant and light of

digestion. On banian or fish days, our men preferred eating these roots

with oil and vinegar to the best stock-fish[313]. There are great

quantities of palm trees, out of which the negroes procure abundance of

a very pleasant white wine, of which we could purchase two gallons for

20 shells. The negroes have plenty of soap, which has the flavour of

violets. They make very pretty mats and baskets, also spoons of ivory

very curiously wrought with figures of birds and beasts.

[Footnote 313: It is obvious that the banian or meager days, still

continued in the British navy, are a remnant of the meager days of the

Roman catholic times, when it was deemed a mortal sin to eat flesh.

Stock-fish are, however now abandoned, having been found to promote

scurvy.--E.]

Upon this coast we had the most terrible thunder and lightning, which

used to make the deck tremble under our feet, such as I never heard the

like in any other part of the world. Before we became accustomed to it,

we were much alarmed, but God be thanked we had no harm. The natives are

very gentle and courteous; both men and women going naked till they are

married, after which they wear a garment reaching from the middle down

to the knees. Honey was so plentiful, that they used to sell our people

earthen pots of comb full of honey, the size of two gallons for 100

shells. They brought us also great store of oranges and plantains, which

last is a fruit which grows on a tree, and resembles our cucumbers, but

is very pleasant eating. It pleased God of his merciful goodness to give

me the knowledge of a means of preserving water fresh with little cost,

which served us six months at sea; and when we came to Plymouth it was

much wondered at by the principal men of the town, who said there was

not sweeter water in all Plymouth[314]. Thus God provides for his

creatures, unto whom be praise, now and _for ever more_, amen.

[Footnote 314: This preservative is wrought by casting a handful of

bay-salt into a hogshead of water, as the author told me.--_Hakluyt_.

The Thames water soon putrifies on board ships in long voyages; but

afterwards throws down a sediment and becomes perfectly sweet pleasant

and wholesome; insomuch that it is often bought from ships which have

been to India and back. Putrid water at sea is purified or rendered

comparatively sweet by forcing streams of air through it by what is

called an air pump. Water may be preserved sweet on long voyages, or

restored when putrid, by means of pounded charcoal.--E.]

SECTION XVI.

_Supplement to the foregoing Voyage, in a Letter from Anthony Ingram the

chief Factor, written from Plymouth to the Owners, dated 9th September,

the day of arriving at Plymouth_[315].

Worshipful Sirs! The account of our whole proceedings in this voyage

would require more time than I have, and a person in better health than

I am at present, so that I trust you will pardon me till I get to

London.

[Footnote 315: Hakluyt, II. 616. Astley, I. 202.]

Departing from London in December 1588, we arrived at our destined port

of Benin on the 14th of February following, where we found not water

enough to carry our ship over the bar, so that we left her without in

the road. We put the chiefest of our merchandise into the pinnace and

ships boat, in which we went up the river to a place called _Goto_[316],

where we arrived on the 20th, that place being the nearest to Benin to

which we could go by water. From thence we sent negro messengers to

certify the king of our arrival, and the object of our coming. These

messengers returned on the 22d with a nobleman to conduct us to the city

of Benin, and with 200 negroes to carry our merchandise. On the 23d we

delivered our commodities to the kings factor, and the 25th we came to

the great city of Benin, where we were well entertained. The 26th we

went to court to confer with the king, but by reason of a solemn

festival then holding we could not see him; yet we spoke with his

_veador_, or chief man who deals with the Christians, who assured us

that we should have every thing according to our desires, both in regard

to pepper and elephants teeth.

[Footnote 316: Goto or Gato is a negro town on the northern branch of

the Rio Formoso, about 45 miles in a straight line from the mouth of the

river, and about 85 miles short of the town of Benin. This branch or

creek is probably the river of Benin of the text.--E.]

We were admitted into the kings presence on the 1st of March, who gave

us like friendly assurances respecting our trade; and next day we went

again to court, when the _veador_ shewed us a basket of green pepper and

another of dry in the stalks. We desired to have it plucked from the

stalks and made clean, which he said would require some time to get

done, but should be executed to our satisfaction, and that by next year

it should be all in readiness for us, as we had now come unexpectedly to

their country, to which no Christians had traded for pepper in the reign

of the present king. Next day they sent us 12 baskets full, and

continued to send more daily till the 9th March, by which time we had

made up 64 serons of pepper and 28 elephants teeth. By this time, as our

constitutions were unused to the climate of Benin, all of us were seized

with fevers; upon which the captain sent me down to Goto with the goods

we had collected. On my arrival there, I found all the men belonging to

our pinnace sick, so that they were unable to convey the pinnace and

goods to the ship; but fortunately the boat came up to Goto from the

ship within two hours after my arrival, to see what we were about, so

that I put the goods into the boat and went down to the ship: But by the

time I had got on board several of our men died, among whom were Mr

Benson, the copper, and the carpenter, with three or four more, and I

was in so weak a state as to be unable to return to Benin. I therefore

sent up Samuel Dunne and the surgeon, that he might let blood of them if

it were thought adviseable; but on their arrival they found the captain

and your son William Bird both dead, and Thomas Hempstead was so very

weak that he died two days after.

In this sorrowful state of affairs they returned with all speed to the

ship, with such pepper and elephants teeth as they had got, as will

appear by the cargo. At their coming away; the _veador_ told them he

would use all possible expedition to procure them more goods if they

would remain longer; but the sickness so increased among us, that by the

time our men came back we had so many sick and dead, that we looked to

lose our ship, lives, country, and all. We were so reduced that it was

with much difficulty we were able to heave our anchors; but by Gods

blessing we got them up and put to sea, leaving our pinnace behind, on

the 13th of April. After which our men began to recover and gather

strength. Sailing between the Cape de Verd islands and the Main, we came

to the Azores on the 25th of July; and here our men began again to fall

sick, and several died, among whom was Samuel Dunn, those who remained

alive being in a sad state. In the midst of our distress, it pleased God

that we should meet your ship the _Barke Burre_ on this side the North

Cape, which not only kept company with us, but sent us six fresh men on

board, without whose assistance we must have been in a sad condition. By

this providential aid we are now arrived at Plymouth, this 9th

September; and, for want of better health at this present. I must refer

you for farther particulars till my arrival in London.--Yours to

command,

ANTHONY INGRAM.

SECTION XVII.

_Second Voyage of James Welsh to Benin, in 1590_[317].

In the employment of the same merchants, John Bird and John Newton, and

with the same ship as in the former voyage, the Richard of Arundel,

accompanied by a small pinnace, we set sail from Ratclif on the 3d

September 1590, and came to Plymouth Sound on the 18th of that month. We

put to sea again on the 22d, and on the 14th October got sight of

Fuertaventura, one of the Canary islands, which appeared very rugged as

we sailed past. The 16th of October, in the lat. of 24° 9' N. we met a

prodigious hollow sea, such as I had never seen before on this coast;

and this day a monstrous great fish, which I think is called a

_gobarto_[318], put up his head to the steep-tubs where the cook was

shifting the victuals, whom I thought the fish would have carried away.

The 21st, being in lat. 18° N. we had a _counter-sea_ from the north,

having in the same latitude, on our last voyage, encountered a similar

sea from the south, both times in very calm weather. The 24th we had

sight of Cape Verd, and next day had a great hollow sea from the north,

a common sign that the wind will be northerly, and so it proved. The

15th November, when in lat. 6° 42' N. we met three currents from west to

north-west, one after the other, with the interval of an hour between

each. The 18th we had two other great currents from S.W. The 20th we saw

another from N.E. The 24th we had a great current from S.S.W. and at 6

P.M. we had three currents more. The 27th we reckoned to have gone 2-1/2

leagues every watch, but found that we had only made _one_ league every

watch for the last 24 hours, occasioned by heavy billows and a swift

current still from the south. The 5th December, on setting the watch, we

cast about and lay E.N.E. and N.E. and here in lat. 5° 30' our pinnace

lost us wilfully. The 7th, at sunset, we saw a great black spot on the

sun; and on the 8th, both at rising and setting we saw the like, the

spot appearing about the size of a shilling. We were then in lat. 5° N.

and still had heavy billows from the south.

[Footnote 317: Hakluyt, II. 618. Astley, I. 203.]

[Footnote 318: In a side note, Astley conjectures this to have been a

great shark.]

We sounded on the 14th December, having 15 fathoms on coarse red sand,

two leagues from shore, the current setting S.E. along shore, and still

we had heavy billows from the south. The 15th we were athwart a rock,

somewhat like the _Mewstone_ in England, and at the distance of 2

leagues from the rock, had ground in 27 fathoms. This rock is not above

a mile from the shore, and a mile farther we saw another rock, the space

between both being broken ground. We sounded off the second rock, and

had ground at 20 fathoms on black sand. We could now see plainly that

the rocks were not along the shore, but at some distance off to sea, and

about 5 leagues farther south we saw a great bay, being then in lat. 4°

27' N. The 16th we met a French ship belonging to Harfleur, which robbed

our pinnace: we sent a letter by him. This night we saw another spot on

the sun at his going down. Towards evening we were athwart the mouth of

a river, right over which was a high tuft of trees. The 17th we anchored

in the mouth of the river, when we found the land to be Cape Palmas,

there being a great ledge of rocks between us and the Cape, a league and

half to sea, and an island off the point or foreland of the Cape. We

then bore to the west of the Cape, and as night came on could see no

more of the land, except that it trended inwards like a bay, in which

there ran a stream or tide as it had been the Thames. This was on the

change day of the moon.