obliged to face about, and leaving the Upper Palatinate, to come
to the assistance of the Duke of Bavaria; for the king being 20,000
strong, besides 10,000 foot and 4000 horse and dragoons which joined
him from the Duringer Wald, was resolved to ruin the duke, who lay
now open to him, and was the most powerful and inveterate enemy of the
Protestants in the empire.
Tilly was now joined with the Duke of Bavaria, and might together make
about 22,000 men, and in order to keep the Swedes out of the country
of Bavaria, had planted themselves along the banks of the river Lech,
which runs on the edge of the duke's territories; and having fortified
the other side of the river, and planted his cannon for several miles
at all the convenient places on the river, resolved to dispute the
king's passage.
I shall be the longer in relating this account of the Lech, being
esteemed in those days as great an action as any battle or siege of
that age, and particularly famous for the disaster of the gallant old
General Tilly; and for that I can be more particular in it than other
accounts, having been an eye-witness to every part of it.
The king being truly informed of the disposition of the Bavarian army,
was once of the mind to have left the banks of the Lech, have repassed
the Danube, and so setting down before Ingolstadt, the duke's capital
city, by the taking that strong town to have made his entrance into
Bavaria, and the conquest of such a fortress, one entire action;
but the strength of the place and the difficulty of maintaining his
leaguer in an enemy's country while Tilly was so strong in the field,
diverted him from that design; he therefore concluded that Tilly
was first to be beaten out of the country, and then the siege of
Ingolstadt would be the easier.
Whereupon the king resolved to go and view the situation of the enemy.
His Majesty went out the 2nd of April with a strong party of horse,
which I had the honour to command. We marched as near as we could
to the banks of the river, not to be too much exposed to the enemy's
cannon, and having gained a little height, where the whole course of
the river might be seen, the king halted, and commanded to draw up.
The king alighted, and calling me to him, examined every reach and
turning of the river by his glass, but finding the river run a long
and almost a straight course he could find no place which he liked;
but at last turning himself north, and looking down the stream, he
found the river, stretching a long reach, doubles short upon itself,
making a round and very narrow point. "There's a point will do our
business," says the king, "and if the ground be good I'll pass there,
let Tilly do his worst."
He immediately ordered a small party of horse to view the ground, and
to bring him word particularly how high the bank was on each side and
at the point. "And he shall have fifty dollars," says the king, "that
will bring me word how deep the water is." I asked his Majesty leave
to let me go, which he would by no means allow of; but as the party
was drawing out, a sergeant of dragoons told the king, if he pleased
to let him go disguised as a boor, he would bring him an account of
everything he desired. The king liked the notion well enough, and
the fellow being very well acquainted with the country, puts on a
ploughman's habit, and went away immediately with a long pole upon
his shoulder. The horse lay all this while in the woods, and the
king stood undiscerned by the enemy on the little hill aforesaid. The
dragoon with his long pole comes down boldly to the bank of the river,
and calling to the sentinels which Tilly had placed on the other
bank, talked with them, asked them if they could not help him over the
river, and pretended he wanted to come to them. At last being come to
the point where, as I said, the river makes a short turn, he stands
parleying with them a great while, and sometimes, pretending to wade
over, he puts his long pole into the water, then finding it pretty
shallow he pulls off his hose and goes in, still thrusting his pole in
before him, till being gotten up to his middle, he could reach beyond
him, where it was too deep, and so shaking his head, comes back again.
The soldiers on the other side, laughing at him, asked him if he could
swim? He said, "No," "Why, you fool you," says one of the sentinels,
"the channel of the river is twenty feet deep." "How do you know
that?" says the dragoon. "Why, our engineer," says he, "measured it
yesterday." This was what he wanted, but not yet fully satisfied,
"Ay, but," says he, "maybe it may not be very broad, and if one of you
would wade in to meet me till I could reach you with my pole, I'd give
him half a ducat to pull me over." The innocent way of his discourse
so deluded the soldiers, that one of them immediately strips and goes
in up to the shoulders, and our dragoon goes in on this side to meet
him; but the stream took t' other soldier away, and he being a good
swimmer, came swimming over to this side. The dragoon was then in a
great deal of pain for fear of being discovered, and was once going
to kill the fellow, and make off; but at last resolved to carry on the
humour, and having entertained the fellow with a tale of a tub, about
the Swedes stealing his oats, the fellow being a-cold wanted to be
gone, and he as willing to be rid of him, pretended to be very sorry
he could not get over the river, and so makes off.
By this, however, he learned both the depth and breadth of the
channel, the bottom and nature of both shores, and everything the king
wanted to know. We could see him from the hill by our glasses very
plain, and could see the soldier naked with him. Says the king, "He
will certainly be discovered and knocked on the head from the other
side: he is a fool," says the king, "he does not kill the fellow and
run off." But when the dragoon told his tale, the king was extremely
well satisfied with him, gave him a hundred dollars, and made him a
quartermaster to a troop of cuirassiers.
The king having farther examined the dragoon, he gave him a very
distinct account of the shore and the ground on this side, which he
found to be higher than the enemy's by ten or twelve foot, and a hard
gravel.
Hereupon the king resolves to pass there, and in order to it gives,
himself, particular directions for such a bridge as I believe never
army passed a river on before nor since.
His bridge was only loose planks laid upon large tressels in the same
homely manner as I have seen bricklayers raise a low scaffold to build
a brick wall; the tressels were made higher than one another to answer
to the river as it became deeper or shallower, and was all framed and
fitted before any appearance was made of attempting to pass.
When all was ready the king brings his army down to the bank of the
river, and plants his cannon as the enemy had done, some here and some
there, to amuse them.
At night, April 4th, the king commanded about 2000 men to march to
the point, and to throw up a trench on either side, and quite round
it with a battery of six pieces of cannon at each end, besides three
small mounts, one at the point and one of each side, which had each of
them two pieces upon them. This work was begun so briskly and so well
carried on, the king firing all the night from the other parts of
the river, that by daylight all the batteries at the new work were
mounted, the trench lined with 2000 musketeers, and all the utensils
of the bridge lay ready to be put together.
Now the Imperialists discovered the design, but it was too late
to hinder it; the musketeers in the great trench, and the five new
batteries, made such continual fire that the other bank, which, as
before, lay twelve feet below them, was too hot for the Imperialists;
whereupon Tilly, to be provided for the king at his coming over, falls
to work in a wood right against the point, and raises a great battery
for twenty pieces of cannon, with a breastwork or line, as near the
river as he could, to cover his men, thinking that when the king had
built his bridge he might easily beat it down with his cannon.
But the king had doubly prevented him, first by laying his bridge so
low that none of Tilly's shot could hurt it; for the bridge lay not
above half a foot above the water's edge, by which means the king, who
in that showed himself an excellent engineer, had secured it from
any batteries to be made within the land, and the angle of the bank
secured it from the remoter batteries on the other side, and the
continual fire of the cannon and small shot beat the Imperialists from
their station just against it, they having no works to cover them.
And in the second place, to secure his passage he sent over about
200 men, and after that 200 more, who had orders to cast up a large
ravelin on the other bank, just where he designed to land his bridge.
This was done with such expedition too, that it was finished before
night, and in condition to receive all the shot of Tilly's great
battery, and effectually covered his bridge. While this was doing the
king on his side lays over his bridge. Both sides wrought hard all
day and night, as if the spade, not the sword, had been to decide
the controversy, and that he had got the victory whose trenches and
batteries were first ready. In the meanwhile the cannon and musket
bullets flew like hail, and made the service so hot that both sides
had enough to do to make their men stand to their work. The king, in
the hottest of it, animated his men by his presence, and Tilly, to
give him his due, did the same; for the execution was so great, and
so many officers killed, General Altringer wounded, and two
sergeant-majors killed, that at last Tilly himself was obliged
to expose himself, and to come up to the very face of our line to
encourage his men, and give his necessary orders.
And here about one o'clock, much about the time that the king's
brigade and works were finished, and just as they said he had ordered
to fall on upon our ravelin with 3000 foot, was the brave old
Tilly slain with a musket ball in the thigh. He was carried off to
Ingolstadt, and lived some days after, but died of that wound the
same day as the king had his horse shot under him at the siege of that
town.
We made no question of passing the river here, having brought
everything so forward, and with such extraordinary success; but we
should have found it a very hot piece of work if Tilly had lived one
day more, and, if I may give my opinion of it, having seen Tilly's
battery and breastwork, in the face of which we must have passed the
river, I must say that, whenever we had marched, if Tilly had fallen
in with his horse and foot, placed in that trench, the whole army
would have passed as much danger as in the face of a strong town in
the storming a counterscarp. The king himself, when he saw with what
judgment Tilly had prepared his works, and what danger he must have
run, would often say that day's success was every way equal to the
victory of Leipsic.
Tilly being hurt and carried off, as if the soul of the army had been
lost, they began to draw off. The Duke of Bavaria took horse and rid
away as if he had fled out of battle for his life.
The other generals, with a little more caution, as well as courage,
drew off by degrees, sending their cannon and baggage away first, and
leaving some to continue firing on the bank of the river, to conceal
their retreat. The river preventing any intelligence, we knew nothing
of the disaster befallen them; and the king, who looked for blows,
having finished his bridge and ravelin, ordered to run a line with
palisadoes to take in more ground on the bank of the river, to cover
the first troops he should send over. This being finished the same
night, the king sends over a party of his guards to relieve the men
who were in the ravelin, and commanded 600 musketeers to man the new
line out of the Scots brigade.
Early in the morning a small party of Scots, commanded by one Captain
Forbes, of my Lord Reay's regiment, were sent out to learn something
of the enemy, the king observing they had not fired all night; and
while this party were abroad, the army stood in battalia; and my old
friend Sir John Hepburn, whom of all men the king most depended upon
for any desperate service, was ordered to pass the bridge with his
brigade, and to draw up without the line, with command to advance as
he found the horse, who were to second him, come over.
Sir John being passed without the trench, meets Captain Forbes with
some prisoners, and the good news of the enemy's retreat. He sends him
directly to the king, who was by this time at the head of his army,
in full battalia, ready to follow his vanguard, expecting a hot day's
work of it. Sir John sends messenger after messenger to the king,
entreating him to give him orders to advance; but the king would not
suffer him, for he was ever upon his guard, and would not venture a
surprise; so the army continued on this side the Lech all day and the
next night. In the morning the king sent for me, and ordered me to
draw out 300 horse, and a colonel with 600 horse, and a colonel with
800 dragoons, and ordered us to enter the wood by three ways, but
so as to be able to relieve one another; and then ordered Sir John
Hepburn with his brigade to advance to the edge of the wood to secure
our retreat, and at the same time commanded another brigade of foot to
pass the bridge, if need were, to second Sir John Hepburn, so warily
did this prudent general proceed.
We advanced with our horse into the Bavarian camp, which we found
forsaken. The plunder of it was inconsiderable, for the exceeding
caution the king had used gave them time to carry off all their
baggage. We followed them three or four miles, and returned to our
camp.
I confess I was most diverted that day with viewing the works which
Tilly had cast up, and must own again that had he not been taken off
we had met with as desperate a piece of work as ever was attempted.
The next day the rest of the cavalry came up to us, commanded by
Gustavus Horn, and the king and the whole army followed. We advanced
through the heart of Bavaria, took Rain at the first summons, and
several other small towns, and sat down before Augsburg.
Augsburg, though a Protestant city, had a Popish Bavarian garrison
in it of above 5000 men, commanded by a Fugger, a great family in
Bavaria. The governor had posted several little parties as out-scouts
at the distance of two miles and a half or three miles from the town.
The king, at his coming up to this town, sends me with my little troop
and three companies of dragoons to beat in these out-scouts. The first
party I lighted on was not above sixteen men, who had made a small
barricado across the road, and stood resolutely upon their guard. I
commanded the dragoons to alight and open the barricado, which, while
they resolutely performed, the sixteen men gave them two volleys of
their muskets, and through the enclosures made their retreat to a
turnpike about a quarter of a mile farther. We passed their first
traverse, and coming up to the turnpike, I found it defended by 200
musketeers. I prepared to attack them, sending word to the king how
strong the enemy was, and desired some foot to be sent me. My dragoons
fell on, and though the enemy made a very hot fire, had beat them from
this post before 200 foot, which the king had sent me, had come
up. Being joined with the foot, I followed the enemy, who retreated
fighting, till they came under the cannon of a strong redoubt, where
they drew up, and I could see another body of foot of about 300 join
them out of the works; upon which I halted, and considering I was in
view of the town, and a great way from the army, I faced about and
began to march off. As we marched I found the enemy followed, but
kept at a distance, as if they only designed to observe me. I had not
marched far, but I heard a volley of small shot, answered by two or
three more, which I presently apprehended to be at the turnpike,
where I had left a small guard of twenty-six men with a lieutenant.
Immediately I detached 100 dragoons to relieve my men and secure
my retreat, following myself as fast as the foot could march. The
lieutenant sent me back word the post was taken by the enemy, and my
men cut off. Upon this I doubled my pace, and when I came up I found
it as the lieutenant said; for the post was taken and manned with 300
musketeers and three troops of horse. By this time, also, I found the
party in my rear made up towards me, so that I was like to be charged
in a narrow place both in front and rear.
I saw there was no remedy but with all my force to fall upon that
party before me, and so to break through before those from the town
could come up with me; wherefore, commanding my dragoons to alight, I
ordered them to fall on upon the foot. Their horse were drawn up in
an enclosed field on one side of the road, a great ditch securing the
other side, so that they thought if I charged the foot in front they
would fall upon my flank, while those behind would charge my rear;
and, indeed, had the other come in time, they had cut me off. My
dragoons made three fair charges on their foot, but were received with
so much resolution and so brisk a fire, that they were beaten off, and
sixteen men killed. Seeing them so rudely handled, and the horse ready
to fall in, I relieved them with 100 musketeers, and they renewed
the attack; at the same time, with my troop of horse, flanked on both
wings with fifty musketeers, I faced their horse, but did not offer
to charge them. The case grew now desperate, and the enemy behind
were just at my heels with near 600 men. The captain who commanded the
musketeers who flanked my horse came up to me; says he, "If we do not
force this pass all will be lost; if you will draw out your troop and
twenty of my foot, and fall in, I'll engage to keep off the horse with
the rest." "With all my heart," says I.
Immediately I wheeled off my troop, and a small party of the
musketeers followed me, and fell in with the dragoons and foot, who,
seeing the danger too as well as I, fought like madmen. The foot at
the turnpike were not able to hinder our breaking through, so we
made our way out, killing about 150 of them, and put the rest into
confusion.
But now was I in as great a difficulty as before how to fetch off my
brave captain of foot, for they charged home upon him. He defended
himself with extraordinary gallantry, having the benefit of a piece of
a hedge to cover him, but he lost half his men, and was just upon
the point of being defeated when the king, informed by a soldier that
escaped from the turnpike, one of twenty-six, had sent a party of 600
dragoons to bring me off; these came upon the spur, and joined with
me just as I had broke through the turnpike. The enemy's foot rallied
behind their horse, and by this time their other party was come in;
but seeing our relief they drew off together.
I lost above 100 men in these skirmishes, and killed them about 180.
We secured the turnpike, and placed a company of foot there with 100
dragoons, and came back well beaten to the army. The king, to prevent
such uncertain skirmishes, advanced the next day in view of the town,
and, according to his custom, sits down with his whole army within
cannon-shot of their walls.
The King won this great city by force of words, for by two or three
messages and letters to and from the citizens, the town was gained,
the garrison not daring to defend them against their wills. His
Majesty made his public entrance into the city on the 14th of April,
and receiving the compliments of the citizens, advanced immediately to
Ingolstadt, which is accounted, and really is, the strongest town in
all these parts.
The town had a very strong garrison in it, and the Duke of Bavaria lay
entrenched with his army under the walls of it, on the other side of
the river. The king, who never loved long sieges, having viewed the
town, and brought his army within musket-shot of it, called a council
of war, where it was the king's opinion, in short, that the town would
lose him more than 'twas worth, and therefore he resolved to raise his
siege.
Here the king going to view the town had his horse shot with a
cannon-bullet from the works, which tumbled the king and his horse
over one another, that everybody thought he had been killed; but he
received no hurt at all. That very minute, as near as could be learnt,
General Tilly died in the town of the shot he received on the bank of
the Lech, as aforesaid.
I was not in the camp when the king was hurt, for the king had sent
almost all the horse and dragoons, under Gustavus Horn, to face the
Duke of Bavaria's camp, and after that to plunder the country; which
truly was a work the soldiers were very glad of, for it was very
seldom they had that liberty given them, and they made very good use
of it when it was, for the country of Bavaria was rich and plentiful,
having seen no enemy before during the whole war.
The army having left the siege of Ingolstadt, proceeds to take in the
rest of Bavaria. Sir John Hepburn, with three brigades of foot, and
Gustavus Horn, with 3000 horse and dragoons, went to the Landshut, and
took it the same day. The garrison was all horse, and gave us several
camisadoes at our approach, in one of which I lost two of my
troops, but when we had beat them into close quarters they presently
capitulated. The general got a great sum of money of the town, besides
a great many presents to the officers. And from thence the king
went on to Munich, the Duke of Bavaria's court. Some of the general
officers would fain have had the plundering of the duke's palace, but
the king was too generous. The city paid him 400,000 dollars; and the
duke's magazine was there seized, in which was 140 pieces of cannon,
and small arms for above 20,000 men. The great chamber of the duke's
rarities was preserved, by the king's special order, with a great deal
of care. I expected to have stayed here some time, and to have taken
a very exact account of this curious laboratory; but being commanded
away, I had no time, and the fate of the war never gave me opportunity
to see it again.
The Imperialists, under the command of Commissary Osta, had
besieged Biberach, an Imperial city not very well fortified; and the
inhabitants being under the Swedes' protection, defended themselves
as well as they could, but were in great danger, and sent several
expresses to the king for help.
The king immediately detaches a strong body of horse and foot to
relieve Biberach, and would be the commander himself. I marched among
the horse, but the Imperialists saved us the labour; for the news
of the king's coming frighted away Osta, that he left Biberach,
and hardly looked behind him till he got up to the Bodensee, on the
confines of Switzerland.
At our return from this expedition the king had the first news of
Wallenstein's approach, who, on the death of Count Tilly, being
declared generalissimo of the emperor's forces, had played the tyrant
in Bohemia, and was now advancing with 60,000 men, as they reported,
to relieve the Duke of Bavaria.
The king, therefore, in order to be in a posture to receive this great
general, resolves to quit Bavaria, and to expect him on the frontiers
of Franconia. And because he knew the Nurembergers for their kindness
to him would be the first sacrifice, he resolved to defend that city
against him whatever it cost.
Nevertheless he did not leave Bavaria without a defence; but, on the
one hand, he left Sir John Baner with 10,000 men about Augsburg, and
the Duke of Saxe-Weimar with another like army about Ulm and Meningen,
with orders so to direct their march as that they might join him upon
any occasion in a few days.
We encamped about Nuremberg the middle of June. The army, after so
many detachments, was not above 19,000 men. The Imperial army, joined
with the Bavarian, were not so numerous as was reported, but were
really 60,000 men. The king, not strong enough to fight, yet, as he
used to say, was strong enough not to be forced to fight, formed his
camp so under the cannon of Nuremberg that there was no besieging the
town but they must besiege him too; and he fortified his camp in so
formidable a manner that Wallenstein never durst attack him. On the
30th of June Wallenstein's troops appeared, and on the 5th of July
encamped close by the king, and posted themselves not on the Bavarian
side, but between the king and his own friends of Schwaben and
Frankenland, in order to intercept his provisions, and, as they
thought, to starve him out of his camp.
Here they lay to see, as it were, who could subsist longest. The king
was strong in horse, for we had full 8000 horse and dragoons in the
army, and this gave us great advantage in the several skirmishes we
had with the enemy. The enemy had possession of the whole country, and
had taken effectual care to furnish their army with provisions; they
placed their guards in such excellent order, to secure their convoys,
that their waggons went from stage to stage as quiet as in a time of
peace, and were relieved every five miles by parties constantly
posted on the road. And thus the Imperial general sat down by us, not
doubting but he should force the king either to fight his way through
on very disadvantageous terms, or to rise for want of provisions, and
leave the city of Nuremberg a prey to his army; for he had vowed the
destruction of the city, and to make it a second Magdeburg.
But the king, who was not to be easily deceived, had countermined all
Wallenstein's designs. He had passed his honour to the Nurembergers
that he would not leave them, and they had undertaken to victual his
army, and secure him from want, which they did so effectually, that
he had no occasion to expose his troops to any hazard or fatigues for
convoys or forage on any account whatever.
The city of Nuremberg is a very rich and populous city, and the king
being very sensible of their danger, had given his word for their
defence. And when they, being terrified at the threats of the
Imperialists, sent their deputies to beseech the king to take care of
them, he sent them word he would, and be besieged with them. They, on
the other hand, laid in such stores of all sorts of provision, both
for men and horse, that had Wallenstein lain before it six months
longer, there would have been no scarcity. Every private house was
a magazine, the camp was plentifully supplied with all manner of
provisions, and the market always full, and as cheap as in times of
peace. The magistrates were so careful, and preserved so excellent an
order in the disposal of all sorts of provision, that no engrossing of
corn could be practised, for the prices were every day directed at the
town-house; and if any man offered to demand more money for corn than
the stated price, he could not sell, because at the town store-house
you might buy cheaper. Here are two instances of good and bad conduct:
the city of Magdeburg had been entreated by the king to settle funds,
and raise money for their provision and security, and to have a
sufficient garrison to defend them, but they made difficulties, either
to raise men for themselves, or to admit the king's troops to assist
them, for fear of the charge of maintaining them; and this was the
cause of the city's ruin.
The city of Nuremberg opened their arms to receive the assistance
proffered by the Swedes, and their purses to defend their town
and common cause; and this was the saving them absolutely from
destruction. The rich burghers and magistrates kept open houses, where
the officers of the army were always welcome; and the council of the
city took such care of the poor that there was no complaining nor
disorders in the whole city. There is no doubt but it cost the city
a great deal of money; but I never saw a public charge borne with so
much cheerfulness, nor managed with so much prudence and conduct in my
life. The city fed above 50,000 mouths every day, including their own
poor, besides themselves; and yet when the king had lain thus three
months, and finding his armies longer in coming up than he expected,
asked the burgrave how their magazines held out, he answered, they
desired his Majesty not to hasten things for them, for they could
maintain themselves and him twelve months longer if there was
occasion. This plenty kept both the army and city in good health, as
well as in good heart; whereas nothing was to be had of us but blows,
for we fetched nothing from without our works, nor had no business
without the line but to interrupt the enemy.
The manner of the king's encampment deserves a particular chapter.
He was a complete surveyor and a master in fortification, not to be
outdone by anybody. He had posted his army in the suburbs of the town,
and drawn lines round the whole circumference, so that he begirt
the whole city with his army. His works were large, the ditch deep,
flanked with innumerable bastions, ravelins, horn-works, forts,
redoubts, batteries, and palisadoes, the incessant work of 8000 men
for about fourteen days; besides that, the king was adding something
or other to it every day, and the very posture of his camp was
enough to tell a bigger army than Wallenstein's that he was not to be
assaulted in his trenches.
The king's design appeared chiefly to be the preservation of the
city; but that was not all. He had three armies acting abroad in
three several places. Gustavus Horn was on the Moselle, the chancellor
Oxenstiern about Mentz, Cologne, and the Rhine, Duke William and
Duke Bernhard, together with General Baner, in Bavaria. And though he
designed they should all join him, and had wrote to them all to that
purpose, yet he did not hasten them, knowing that while he kept the
main army at bay about Nuremberg, they would, without opposition,
reduce those several countries they were acting in to his power. This
occasioned his lying longer in the camp at Nuremberg than he would
have done, and this occasioned his giving the Imperialists so many
alarms by his strong parties of horse, of which he was well provided,
that they might not be able to make any considerable detachments for
the relief of their friends. And here he showed his mastership in the
war, for by this means his conquests went on as effectually as if he
had been abroad himself.
In the meantime it was not to be expected two such armies should lie
long so near without some action. The Imperial army, being masters
of the field, laid the country for twenty miles round Nuremberg in a
manner desolate. What the inhabitants could carry away had been before
secured in such strong towns as had garrisons to protect them,
and what was left the hungry Crabats devoured or set on fire; but
sometimes they were met with by our men, who often paid them home for
it. There had passed several small rencounters between our parties
and theirs; and as it falls out in such cases, sometimes one side,
sometimes the other, got the better. But I have observed there never
was any party sent out by the king's special appointment but always
came home with victory.
The first considerable attempt, as I remember, was made on a convoy of
ammunition. The party sent out was commanded by a Saxon colonel, and
consisted of 1000 horse and 500 dragoons, who burnt above 600 waggons
loaded with ammunition and stores for the army, besides taking about
2000 muskets, which they brought back to the army.
The latter end of July the king received advice that the Imperialists
had formed a magazine for provision at a town called Freynstat, twenty
miles from Nuremberg. Hither all the booty and contributions raised in
the Upper Palatinate, and parts adjacent, was brought and laid up as
in a place of security, a garrison of 600 men being placed to defend
it; and when a quantity of provisions was got together, convoys were
appointed to fetch it off.
The king was resolved, if possible, to take or destroy this magazine;
and sending for Colonel Dubalt, a Swede, and a man of extraordinary
conduct, he tells him his design, and withal that he must be the man
to put it in execution, and ordered him to take what forces he thought
convenient. The colonel, who knew the town very well, and the country
about it, told his Majesty he would attempt it with all his heart; but
he was afraid 'twould require some foot to make the attack. "But we
can't stay for that," says the king; "you must then take some dragoons
with you;" and immediately the king called for me. I was just coming
up the stairs as the king's page was come out to inquire for me, so
I went immediately in to the king. "Here is a piece of hot work
for you," says the king, "Dubalt will tell it you; go together and
contrive it."
We immediately withdrew, and the colonel told me the design, and what
the king and he had discoursed; that, in his opinion, foot would be
wanted: but the king had declared there was no time for the foot to
march, and had proposed dragoons. I told him, I thought dragoons might
do as well; so we agreed to take 1600 horse and 400 dragoons. The
king, impatient in his design, came into the room to us to know what
we had resolved on, approved our measures, gave us orders immediately;
and, turning to me, "You shall command the dragoons," says the king,
"but Dubalt must be general in this case, for he knows the country."
"Your Majesty," said I, "shall be always served by me in any figure
you please." The king wished us good speed, and hurried us away the
same afternoon, in order to come to the place in time. We marched
slowly on because of the carriages we had with us, and came to
Freynstat about one o'clock in the night perfectly undiscovered. The
guards were so negligent, that we came to the very port before they
had notice of us, and a sergeant with twelve dragoons thrust in upon
the out-sentinels, and killed them without noise.
Immediately ladders were placed to the half-moon which defended
the gate, which the dragoons mounted and carried in a trice, about
twenty-eight men being cut in pieces within. As soon as the ravelin
was taken, they burst open the gate, at which I entered at the head of
200 dragoons, and seized the drawbridge. By this time the town was
in alarm, and the drums beat to arms, but it was too late, for by the
help of a petard we broke open the gate, and entered the town. The
garrison made an obstinate fight for about half-an-hour, but our
men being all in, and three troops of horse dismounted coming to our
assistance with their carabines, the town was entirely mastered by
three of the clock, and guards set to prevent anybody running to give
notice to the enemy. There were about 200 of the garrison killed, and
the rest taken prisoners. The town being thus secured, the gates were
opened, and Colonel Dubalt came in with the horse.
The guards being set, we entered the magazine, where we found an
incredible quantity of all sorts of provision. There was 150 tons of
bread, 8000 sacks of meal, 4000 sacks of oats, and of other provisions
in proportion. We caused as much of it as could be loaded to be
brought away in such waggons and carriages as we found, and set the
rest on fire, town and all. We stayed by it till we saw it past a
possibility of being saved, and then drew off with 800 waggons, which
we found in the place, most of which we loaded with bread, meal, and
oats. While we were doing this we sent a party of dragoons into the
fields, who met us again as we came out, with above 1000 head of black
cattle, besides sheep.
Our next care was to bring this booty home without meeting with the
enemy, to secure which, the colonel immediately despatched an
express to the king, to let him know of our success, and to desire a
detachment might be made to secure our retreat, being charged with so
much plunder.
And it was no more than need; for though we had used all the diligence
possible to prevent any notice, yet somebody, more forward than
ordinary, had escaped away, and carried news of it to the Imperial
army. The general, upon this bad news, detaches Major-General Sparr
with a body of 6000 men to cut off our retreat. The king, who had
notice of this detachment, marches out in person with 3000 men to wait
upon General Sparr. All this was the account of one day. The king met
General Sparr at the moment when his troops were divided, fell upon
them, routed one part of them, and the rest in a few hours after,
killed them 1000 men, and took the general prisoner.
In the interval of this action we came safe to the camp with our
booty, which was very considerable, and would have supplied our whole
army for a month. Thus we feasted at the enemy's cost, and beat them
into the bargain.
The king gave all the live cattle to the Nurembergers, who, though
they had really no want of provisions, yet fresh meat was not so
plentiful as such provisions which were stored up in vessels and laid
by.
After this skirmish we had the country more at command than before,
and daily fetched in fresh provisions and forage in the fields.
The two armies had now lain a long time in sight of one another,
and daily skirmishes had considerably weakened them; and the king,
beginning to be impatient, hastened the advancement of his friends
to join him, in which also they were not backward; but having
drawn together their forces from several parts, and all joined the
chancellor Oxenstiern, news came, the 15th of August, that they were
in full march to join us; and being come to a small town called Brock,
the king went out of the camp with about 1000 horse to view them. I
went along with the horse, and the 21st of August saw the review
of all the armies together, which were 30,000 men, in extraordinary
equipage, old soldiers, and commanded by officers of the greatest
conduct and experience in the world. There was the rich chancellor of
Sweden, who commanded as general; Gustavus Horn and John Baner, both
Swedes and old generals; Duke William and Duke Bernhard of Weimar; the
Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, the Palatine of Birkenfelt, and abundance
of princes and lords of the empire.
The armies being joined, the king, who was now a match for
Wallenstein, quits his camp and draws up in battalia before the
Imperial trenches: but the scene was changed. Wallenstein was no more
able to fight now than the king was before; but, keeping within his
trenches, stood upon his guard. The king coming up close to his
works, plants batteries, and cannonaded him in his very camp. The
Imperialists, finding the king press upon them, retreat into a woody
country about three leagues, and, taking possession of an old ruined
castle, posted their army behind it.
This old castle they fortified, and placed a very strong guard there.
The king, having viewed the place, though it was a very strong post,
resolved to attack it with the whole right wing. The attack was made
with a great deal of order and resolution, the king leading the first
party on with sword in hand, and the fight was maintained on both
sides with the utmost gallantry and obstinacy all the day and the next
night too, for the cannon and musket never gave over till the morning;
but the Imperialists having the advantage of the hill, of their works
and batteries, and being continually relieved, and the Swedes naked,
without cannon or works, the post was maintained, and the king,
finding it would cost him too much blood, drew off in the morning.
This was the famous fight at Altemberg, where the Imperialists boasted
to have shown the world the King of Sweden was not invincible. They
call it the victory at Altemberg; 'tis true the king failed in his
attempt of carrying their works, but there was so little of a victory
in it, that the Imperial general thought fit not to venture a second
brush, but to draw off their army as soon as they could to a safer
quarter.
I had no share in this attack, very few of the horse being in the
action, but my comrade, who was always among the Scots volunteers, was
wounded and taken prisoner by the enemy. They used him very civilly,
and the king and Wallenstein straining courtesies with one another,
the king released Major-General Sparr without ransom, and the Imperial
general sent home Colonel Tortenson, a Swede, and sixteen volunteer
gentlemen, who were taken in the heat of the action, among whom my
captain was one.
The king lay fourteen days facing the Imperial army, and using all
the stratagems possible to bring them to a battle, but to no purpose,
during which time we had parties continually out, and very often
skirmishes with the enemy.
I had a command of one of these parties in an adventure, wherein I got
no booty, nor much honour. The King had received advice of a convoy
of provisions which was to come to the enemy's camp from the Upper
Palatinate, and having a great mind to surprise them, he commanded
us to waylay them with 1200 horse, and 800 dragoons. I had exact
directions given me of the way they were to come, and posting my horse
in a village a little out of the road, I lay with my dragoons in a
wood, by which they were to pass by break of day. The enemy appeared
with their convoy, and being very wary, their out-scouts discovered us
in the wood, and fired upon the sentinel I had posted in a tree at
the entrance of the wood. Finding myself discovered, I would have
retreated to the village where my horse were posted, but in a moment
the wood was skirted with the enemy's horse, and 1000 commanded
musketeers advanced to beat me out. In this pickle I sent away three
messengers one after another for the horse, who were within two miles
of me, to advance to my relief; but all my messengers fell into the
enemy's hands. Four hundred of my dragoons on foot, whom I had placed
at a little distance before me, stood to their work, and beat off two
charges of the enemy's foot with some loss on both sides. Meantime 200
of my men faced about, and rushing out of the wood, broke through
a party of the enemy's horse, who stood to watch our coming out. I
confess I was exceedingly surprised at it, thinking those fellows had
done it to make their escape, or else were gone over to the enemy; and
my men were so discouraged at it, that they began to look about
which way to run to save themselves, and were just upon the point of
disbanding to shift for themselves, when one of the captains called
to me aloud to beat a parley and treat. I made no answer, but, as if
I had not heard him, immediately gave the word for all the captains to
come together. The consultation was but short, for the musketeers were
advancing to a third charge, with numbers which we were not likely to
deal with. In short, we resolved to beat a parley, and demand quarter,
for that was all we could expect, when on a sudden the body of horse
I had posted in the village, being directed by the noise, had advanced
to relieve me, if they saw occasion, and had met the 200 dragoons,
who guided them directly to the spot where they had broke through, and
altogether fell upon the horse of the enemy, who were posted on that
side, and, mastering them before they could be relieved, cut them all
to pieces and brought me off. Under the shelter of this party, we made
good our retreat to the village, but we lost above 300 men, and were
glad to make off from the village too, for the enemy were very much
too strong for us.
Returning thence towards the camp, we fell foul with 200 Crabats, who
had been upon the plundering account. We made ourselves some amends
upon them for our former loss, for we showed them no mercy; but our
misfortunes were not ended, for we had but just despatched those
Crabats when we fell in with 3000 Imperial horse, who, on the
expectation of the aforesaid convoy, were sent out to secure them.
All I could do could not persuade my men to stand their ground against
this party; so that finding they would run away in confusion, I agreed
to make off, and facing to the right, we went over a large common
a full trot, till at last fear, which always increases in a flight,
brought us to a plain flight, the enemy at our heels. I must confess
I was never so mortified in my life; 'twas to no purpose to turn head,
no man would stand by us; we run for life, and a great many we left by
the way who were either wounded by the enemy's shot, or else could not
keep race with us.
At last, having got over the common, which was near two miles, we came
to a lane; one of our captains, a Saxon by country, and a gentleman of
a good fortune, alighted at the entrance of the lane, and with a bold
heart faced about, shot his own horse, and called his men to stand by
him and defend the lane. Some of his men halted, and we rallied about
600 men, which we posted as well as we could, to defend the pass;
but the enemy charged us with great fury. The Saxon gentleman, after
defending himself with exceeding gallantry, and refusing quarter, was
killed upon the spot. A German dragoon, as I thought him, gave me a
rude blow with the stock of his piece on the side of my head, and was
just going to repeat it, when one of my men shot him dead. I was so
stunned with the blow, that I knew nothing; but recovering, I found
myself in the hands of two of the enemy's officers, who offered me
quarter, which I accepted; and indeed, to give them their due, they
used me very civilly. Thus this whole party was defeated, and not
above 500 men got safe to the army; nor had half the number escaped,
had not the Saxon captain made so bold a stand at the head of the
lane.
Several other parties of the king's army revenged our quarrel, and
paid them home for it; but I had a particular loss in this defeat,
that I never saw the king after; for though his Majesty sent a trumpet
to reclaim us as prisoners the very next day, yet I was not delivered,
some scruple happening about exchanging, till after the battle of
Lützen, where that gallant prince lost his life.
The Imperial army rose from their camp about eight or ten days after
the king had removed, and I was carried prisoner in the army till they
sat down to the siege of Coburg Castle, and then was left with other
prisoners of war, in the custody of Colonel Spezuter, in a small
castle near the camp called Neustadt. Here we continued indifferent
well treated, but could learn nothing of what action the armies were
upon, till the Duke of Friedland, having been beaten off from the
castle of Coburg, marched into Saxony, and the prisoners were sent for
into the camp, as was said, in order to be exchanged.
I came into the Imperial leaguer at the siege of Leipsic, and within
three days after my coming, the city was surrendered, and I got
liberty to lodge at my old quarters in the town upon my parole.
The King of Sweden was at the heels of the Imperialists, for finding
Wallenstein resolved to ruin the Elector of Saxony, the king had
re-collected as much of his divided army as he could, and came upon
him just as he was going to besiege Torgau.
As it is not my design to write a history of any more of these wars
than I was actually concerned in, so I shall only note that, upon
the king's approach, Wallenstein halted, and likewise called all his
troops together, for he apprehended the king would fall on him, and
we that were prisoners fancied the Imperial soldiers went unwillingly
out, for the very name of the King of Sweden was become terrible to
them. In short, they drew all the soldiers of the garrison they could
spare out of Leipsic; sent for Pappenheim again, who was gone but
three days before with 6000 men on a private expedition. On the 16th
of November, the armies met on the plains of Lützen; a long and bloody
battle was fought, the Imperialists were entirely routed and beaten,
12,000 slain upon the spot, their cannon, baggage, and 2000 prisoners
taken, but the King of Sweden lost his life, being killed at the head
of his troops in the beginning of the fight.
It is impossible to describe the consternation the death of this
conquering king struck into all the princes of Germany; the grief
for him exceeded all manner of human sorrow. All people looked upon
themselves as ruined and swallowed up; the inhabitants of two-thirds
of all Germany put themselves into mourning for him; when the
ministers mentioned him in their sermons or prayers, whole
congregations would burst out into tears. The Elector of Saxony was
utterly inconsolable, and would for several days walk about his palace
like a distracted man, crying the saviour of Germany was lost, the
refuge of abused princes was gone, the soul of the war was dead; and
from that hour was so hopeless of out-living the war, that he sought
to make peace with the emperor.
Three days after this mournful victory, the Saxons recovered the town
of Leipsic by stratagem. The Duke of Saxony's forces lay at Torgau,
and perceiving the confusion the Imperialists were in at the news of
the overthrow of their army, they resolved to attempt the recovery of
the town. They sent about twenty scattering troopers, who, pretending
themselves to be Imperialists fled from the battle, were let in one by
one, and still as they came in, they stayed at the court of guard in
the port, entertaining the soldiers with discourse about the fight,
and how they escaped, and the like, till the whole number being got
in, at a watchword they fell on the guard, and cut them all in pieces;
and immediately opening the gate to three troops of Saxon horse, the
town was taken in a moment.
It was a welcome surprise to me, for I was at liberty of course; and
the war being now on another foot, as I thought, and the king dead, I
resolved to quit the service.
I had sent my man, as I have already noted, into England, in order to
bring over the troops my father had raised for the King of Sweden. He
executed his commission so well, that he landed with five troops at
Embden in very good condition; and orders were sent them by the king,
to join the Duke of Lunenberg's army, which they did at the siege of
Boxtude, in the Lower Saxony. Here by long and very sharp service
they were most of them cut off, and though they were several times
recruited, yet I understood there were not three full troops left.
The Duke of Saxe-Weimar, a gentleman of great courage, had the command
of the army after the king's death, and managed it with so much
prudence, that all things were in as much order as could be expected,
after so great a loss; for the Imperialists were everywhere beaten,
and Wallenstein never made any advantage of the king's death.
I waited on him at Heilbronn, whither he was gone to meet the great
chancellor of Sweden, where I paid him my respects, and desired he
would bestow the remainder of my regiment on my comrade the captain,
which he did with all the civility and readiness imaginable. So I took
my leave of him, and prepared to come for England.
I shall only note this, that at this Diet, the Protestant princes of
the empire renewed their league with one another, and with the crown
of Sweden, and came to several regulations and conclusions for the
carrying on the war, which they afterwards prosecuted, under the
direction of the said chancellor of Sweden. But it was not the work of
a small difficulty nor of a short time. And having been persuaded
to continue almost two years afterwards at Frankfort, Heilbronn, and
there-about, by the particular friendship of that noble wise man, and
extraordinary statesman, Axeli Oxenstiern, chancellor of Sweden, I had
opportunity to be concerned in, and present at, several treaties of
extraordinary consequence, sufficient for a history, if that were my
design.
Particularly I had the happiness to be present at, and have some
concern in, the treaty for the restoring the posterity of the truly
noble Palsgrave, King of Bohemia. King James of England had indeed too
much neglected the whole family; and I may say with authority enough,
from my own knowledge of affairs, had nothing been done for them but
what was from England, that family had remained desolate and forsaken
to this day.
But that glorious king, whom I can never mention without some remark
of his extraordinary merit, had left particular instructions with his
chancellor to rescue the Palatinate to its rightful lord, as a proof
of his design to restore the liberty of Germany, and reinstate the
oppressed princes who were subjected to the tyranny of the house of
Austria.
Pursuant to this resolution, the chancellor proceeded very much like
a man of honour; and though the King of Bohemia was dead a little
before, yet he carefully managed the treaty, answered the objections
of several princes, who, in the general ruin of the family, had
reaped private advantages, settled the capitulations for the quota of
contributions very much for their advantage, and fully reinstalled
the Prince Charles in the possession of all his dominions in the Lower
Palatinate, which afterwards was confirmed to him and his posterity by
the peace of Westphalia, where all these bloody wars were finished
in a peace, which has since been the foundation of the Protestants'
liberty, and the best security of the whole empire.
I spent two years rather in wandering up and down than travelling;
for though I had no mind to serve, yet I could not find in my heart to
leave Germany; and I had obtained some so very close intimacies with
the general officers that I was often in the army, and sometimes they
did me the honour to bring me into their councils of war.
Particularly, at that eminent council before the battle of Nördlingen,
I was invited to the council of war, both by Duke Bernhard of Weimar
and by Gustavus Horn. They were generals of equal worth, and their
courage and experience had been so well, and so often tried, that more
than ordinary regard was always given to what they said. Duke Bernhard
was indeed the younger man, and Gustavus had served longer under our
great schoolmaster the king; but it was hard to judge which was the
better general, since both had experience enough, and shown undeniable
proofs both of their bravery and conduct.
I am obliged, in the course of my relation, so often to mention the
great respect I often received from these great men, that it makes me
sometimes jealous, lest the reader may think I affect it as a vanity.
The truth is, that I am ready to confess, the honours I received, upon
all occasions, from persons of such worth, and who had such an eminent
share in the greatest action of that age, very much pleased me, and
particularly, as they gave me occasions to see everything that was
doing on the whole stage of the war. For being under no command,
but at liberty to rove about, I could come to no Swedish garrison or
party, but, sending my name to the commanding officer, I could have
the word sent me; and if I came into the army, I was often treated as
I was now at this famous battle of Nördlingen.
But I cannot but say, that I always looked upon this particular
respect to be the effect of more than ordinary regard the great king
of Sweden always showed me, rather than any merit of my own; and the
veneration they all had for his memory, made them continue to show me
all the marks of a suitable esteem.
But to return to the council of war, the great and, indeed, the only
question before us was, Shall we give battle to the Imperialists, or
not? Gustavus Horn was against it, and gave, as I thought, the most
invincible arguments against a battle that reason could imagine.
First, they were weaker than the enemy by above 5000 men.
Secondly, the Cardinal-Infant of Spain, who was in the Imperial army
with 8000 men, was but there _en passant_, being going from Italy to
Flanders, to take upon him the government of the Low Countries; and if
he saw no prospect of immediate action, would be gone in a few days.
Thirdly, they had two reinforcements, one of 5000 men, under the
command of Colonel Cratz, and one of 7000 men, under the Rhinegrave,
who were just at hand--the last within three days' march of them: and,
Lastly, they had already saved their honour; in that they had put 600
foot into the town of Nördlingen, in the face of the enemy's army, and
consequently the town might hold out some days the longer.
Fate, rather than reason, certainly blinded the rest of the generals
against such arguments as these. Duke Bernhard and almost all the
generals were for fighting, alleging the affront it would be to the
Swedish reputation to see their friends in the town lost before their
faces.
Gustavus Horn stood stiff to his cautious advice, and was against it,
and I thought the Baron D'Offkirk treated him a little indecently;
for, being very warm in the matter, he told them, that if Gustavus
Adolphus had been governed by such cowardly counsel, he had never
been conqueror of half Germany in two years. "No," replied old General
Horn, very smartly, "but he had been now alive to have testified for
me, that I was never taken by him for a coward: and yet," says he,
"the king was never for a victory with a hazard, when he could have it
without."
I was asked my opinion, which I would have declined, being in no
commission; but they pressed me to speak. I told them I was for
staying at least till the Rhinegrave came up, who, at least, might, if
expresses were sent to hasten him, be up with us in twenty-four hours.
But Offkirk could not hold his passion, and had not he been overruled
he would have almost quarrelled with Marshal Horn. Upon which the old
general, not to foment him, with a great deal of mildness stood up,
and spoke thus--
"Come, Offkirk," says he, "I'll submit my opinion to you, and the
majority of our fellow-soldiers. We will fight, but, upon my word, we
shall have our hands full."
The resolution thus taken, they attacked the Imperial army. I must
confess the counsels of this day seemed as confused as the resolutions
of the night.
Duke Bernhard was to lead the van of the left wing, and to post
himself upon a hill which was on the enemy's right without their
entrenchments, so that, having secured that post, they might level
their cannon upon the foot, who stood behind the lines, and relieved
the town at pleasure. He marched accordingly by break of day, and
falling with great fury upon eight regiments of foot, which were
posted at the foot of the hill, he presently routed them, and made
himself master of the post. Flushed with this success, he never
regards his own concerted measures of stopping there and possessing
what he had got, but pushes on and falls in with the main body of the
enemy's army.
While this was doing, Gustavus Horn attacks another post on the hill,
where the Spaniards had posted and lodged themselves behind some
works they had cast up on the side of the hill. Here they defended
themselves with extreme obstinacy for five hours, and at last obliged
the Swedes to give it over with loss. This extraordinary gallantry of
the Spaniards was the saving of the Imperial army; for Duke
Bernhard having all this while resisted the frequent charges of the
Imperialists, and borne the weight of two-thirds of their army, was
not able to stand any longer, but sending one messenger on the neck of
another to Gustavus Horn for more foot, he, finding he could not carry
his point, had given it over, and was in full march to second the
duke. But now it was too late, for the King of Hungary seeing the
duke's men, as it were, wavering, and having notice of Horn's wheeling
about to second him, falls in with all his force upon his flank,
and with his Hungarian hussars, made such a furious charge, that the
Swedes could stand no longer.
The rout of the left wing was so much the more unhappy, as it happened
just upon Gustavus Horn's coming up; for, being pushed on with the
enemies at their heels, they were driven upon their own friends, who,
having no ground to open and give them way, were trodden down by their
own runaway brethren. This brought all into the utmost confusion.
The Imperialists cried "Victoria!" and fell into the middle of the
infantry with a terrible slaughter.
I have always observed, 'tis fatal to upbraid an old experienced
officer with want of courage. If Gustavus Horn had not been whetted
with the reproaches of the Baron D'Offkirk, and some of the other
general officers, I believe it had saved the lives of a thousand men;
for when all was thus lost, several officers advised him to make a
retreat with such regiments as he had yet unbroken; but nothing could
persuade him to stir a foot. But turning his flank into a front, he
saluted the enemy, as they passed by him in pursuit of the rest,
with such terrible volleys of small shot, as cost them the lives of
abundance of their men.
The Imperialists, eager in the pursuit, left him unbroken, till the
Spanish brigade came up and charged him. These he bravely repulsed
with a great slaughter, and after them a body of dragoons; till being
laid at on every side, and most of his men killed, the brave old
general, with all the rest who were left, were made prisoners.
The Swedes had a terrible loss here, for almost all their infantry
were killed or taken prisoners. Gustavus Horn refused quarter several
times; and still those that attacked him were cut down by his men,
who fought like furies, and by the example of their general, behaved
themselves like lions. But at last, these poor remains of a body of
the bravest men in the world were forced to submit. I have heard him
say, he had much rather have died than been taken, but that he yielded
in compassion to so many brave men as were about him; for none of them
would take quarter till he gave his consent.
I had the worst share in this battle that ever I had in any action of
my life; and that was to be posted among as brave a body of horse as
any in Germany, and yet not be able to succour our own men; but
our foot were cut in pieces (as it were) before our faces, and the
situation of the ground was such as we could not fall in. All that we
were able to do, was to carry off about 2000 of the foot, who, running
away in the rout of the left wing, rallied among our squadrons, and
got away with us. Thus we stood till we saw all was lost, and then
made the best retreat we could to save ourselves, several regiments
having never charged, nor fired a shot; for the foot had so
embarrassed themselves among the lines and works of the enemy, and in
the vineyards and mountains, that the horse were rendered absolutely
unserviceable.
The Rhinegrave had made such expedition to join us, that he reached
within three miles of the place of action that night, and he was a
great safeguard for us in rallying our dispersed men, who else had
fallen into the enemy's hands, and in checking the pursuit of the
enemy.
And indeed, had but any considerable body of the foot made an orderly
retreat, it had been very probable they had given the enemy a brush
that would have turned the scale of victory; for our horse being
whole, and in a manner untouched, the enemy found such a check in the
pursuit, that 1600 of their forwardest men following too eagerly, fell
in with the Rhinegrave's advanced troops the next day, and were cut in
pieces without mercy.
This gave us some satisfaction for the loss, but it was but small
compared to the ruin of that day. We lost near 8000 men upon the spot,
and above 3000 prisoners, all our cannon and baggage, and 120 colours.
I thought I never made so indifferent a figure in my life, and so we
thought all; to come away, lose our infantry, our general, and our
honour, and never fight for it. Duke Bernhard was utterly disconsolate
for old Gustavus Horn, for he concluded him killed; he tore the hair
from his head like a madman, and telling the Rhinegrave the story of
the council of war, would reproach himself with not taking his advice,
often repeating it in his passion. "Tis I," said he, "have been the
death of the bravest general in Germany;" would call himself fool
and boy, and such names, for not listening to the reasons of an old
experienced soldier. But when he heard he was alive in the enemy's
hands he was the easier, and applied himself to the recruiting his
troops, and the like business of the war; and it was not long before
he paid the Imperialists with interest.
I returned to Frankfort-au-Main after this action, which happened the
17th of August 1634; but the progress of the Imperialists was so great
that there was no staying at Frankfort. The chancellor Oxenstiern
removed to Magdeburg, Duke Bernhard and the Landgrave marched into
Alsatia, and the Imperialists carried all before them for all the rest
of the campaign. They took Philipsburg by surprise; they took Augsburg
by famine, Spire and Treves by sieges, taking the Elector prisoner.
But this success did one piece of service to the Swedes, that it
brought the French into the war on their side, for the Elector of
Treves was their confederate. The French gave the conduct of the war
to Duke Bernhard. This, though the Duke of Saxony fell off, and fought
against them, turned the scale so much in their favour, that they
recovered their losses, and proved a terror to all Germany. The
farther accounts of the war I refer to the histories of those times,
which I have since read with a great deal of delight.
I confess when I saw the progress of the Imperial army, after the
battle of Nördlingen, and the Duke of Saxony turning his arms against
them, I thought their affairs declining; and, giving them over for
lost, I left Frankfort, and came down the Rhine to Cologne, and from
thence into Holland.
I came to the Hague the 8th of March 1635, having spent three years
and a half in Germany, and the greatest part of it in the Swedish
army.
I spent some time in Holland viewing the wonderful power of art,
which I observed in the fortifications of their towns, where the very
bastions stand on bottomless morasses, and yet are as firm as any in
the world. There I had the opportunity of seeing the Dutch army,
and their famous general, Prince Maurice. 'Tis true, the men behaved
themselves well enough in action, when they were put to it, but the
prince's way of beating his enemies without fighting, was so unlike
the gallantry of my royal instructor, that it had no manner of relish
with me. Our way in Germany was always to seek out the enemy and fight
him; and, give the Imperialists their due, they were seldom hard to
be found, but were as free of their flesh as we were. Whereas Prince
Maurice would lie in a camp till he starved half his men, if by lying
there he could but starve two-thirds of his enemies; so that indeed
the war in Holland had more of fatigues and hardships in it, and ours
had more of fighting and blows. Hasty marches, long and unwholesome
encampments, winter parties, counter-marching, dodging and
entrenching, were the exercises of his men, and oftentimes killed
him more men with hunger, cold and diseases, than he could do with
fighting. Not that it required less courage, but rather more, for
a soldier had at any time rather die in the field _a la coup de
mousquet_, than be starved with hunger, or frozen to death in the
trenches.
Nor do I think I lessen the reputation of that great general; for 'tis
most certain he ruined the Spaniard more by spinning the war thus out
in length, than he could possibly have done by a swift conquest.
For had he, Gustavus-like, with a torrent of victory dislodged the
Spaniard of all the twelve provinces in five years, whereas he was
forty years a-beating them out of seven, he had left them rich and
strong at home, and able to keep them in constant apprehensions of a
return of his power. Whereas, by the long continuance of the war, he
so broke the very heart of the Spanish monarchy, so absolutely and
irrecoverably impoverished them, that they have ever since languished
of the disease, till they are fallen from the most powerful, to be the
most despicable nation in the world.
The prodigious charge the King of Spain was at in losing the seven
provinces, broke the very spirit of the nation; and that so much,
that all the wealth of their Peruvian mountains have not been able to
retrieve it; King Philip having often declared that war, besides his
Armada for invading England, had cost him 370,000,000 of ducats, and
4,000,000 of the best soldiers in Europe; whereof, by an unreasonable
Spanish obstinacy, above 60,000 lost their lives before Ostend, a town
not worth a sixth part either of the blood or money it cost in a siege
of three years; and which at last he had never taken, but that Prince
Maurice thought it not worth the charge of defending it any longer.
However, I say, their way of fighting in Holland did not relish with
me at all. The prince lay a long time before a little fort called
Schenkenschanz, which the Spaniard took by surprise, and I thought he
might have taken it much sooner. Perhaps it might be my mistake, but
I fancied my hero, the King of Sweden, would have carried it sword in
hand, in half the time.
However it was, I did not like it; so in the latter end of the year I
came to the Hague, and took shipping for England, where I arrived, to
the great satisfaction of my father and all my friends.
My father was then in London, and carried me to kiss the king's hand.
His Majesty was pleased to receive me very well, and to say a great
many very obliging things to my father upon my account.
I spent my time very retired from court, for I was almost wholly in
the country; and it being so much different from my genius, which
hankered after a warmer sport than hunting among our Welsh mountains,
I could not but be peeping in all the foreign accounts from Germany,
to see who and who was together. There I could never hear of a battle,
and the Germans being beaten, but I began to wish myself there.
But when an account came of the progress of John Baner, the Swedish
general in Saxony, and of the constant victories he had there over the
Saxons, I could no longer contain myself, but told my father this life
was very disagreeable to me; that I lost my time here, and might to
much more advantage go into Germany, where I was sure I might make my
fortune upon my own terms; that, as young as I was, I might have been
a general officer by this time, if I had not laid down my commission;
that General Baner, or the Marshal Horn, had either of them so much
respect for me, that I was sure I might have anything of them; and
that if he pleased to give me leave, I would go for Germany again. My
father was very unwilling to let me go, but seeing me uneasy, told
me that, if I was resolved, he would oblige me to stay no longer in
England than the next spring, and I should have his consent.
The winter following began to look very unpleasant upon us in England,
and my father used often to sigh at it; and would tell me sometimes
he was afraid we should have no need to send Englishmen to fight in
Germany.
The cloud that seemed to threaten most was from Scotland. My father,
who had made himself master of the arguments on both sides, used to be
often saying he feared there was some about the king who exasperated
him too much against the Scots, and drove things too high. For my
part, I confess I did not much trouble my head with the cause; but all
my fear was they would not fall out, and we should have no fighting.
I have often reflected since, that I ought to have known better, that
had seen how the most flourishing provinces of Germany were reduced to
the most miserable condition that ever any country in the world was,
by the ravagings of soldiers, and the calamities of war.
How much soever I was to blame, yet so it was, I had a secret joy
at the news of the king's raising an army, and nothing could have
withheld me from appearing in it; but my eagerness was anticipated
by an express the king sent to my father, to know if his son was in
England; and my father having ordered me to carry the answer myself, I
waited upon his Majesty with the messenger. The king received me with
his usual kindness, and asked me if I was willing to serve him against
the Scots?
I answered, I was ready to serve him against any that his Majesty
thought fit to account his enemies, and should count it an honour to
receive his commands. Hereupon his Majesty offered me a commission. I
told him, I supposed there would not be much time for raising of men;
that if his Majesty pleased I would be at the rendezvous with as many
gentlemen as I could get together, to serve his Majesty as volunteers.
The truth is, I found all the regiments of horse the king designed to
raise were but two as regiments; the rest of the horse were such as
the nobility raised in their several countries, and commanded them
themselves; and, as I had commanded a regiment of horse abroad, it
looked a little odd to serve with a single troop at home; and the king
took the thing presently. "Indeed 'twill be a volunteer war," said the
king, "for the Northern gentry have sent me an account of above 4000
horse they have already." I bowed, and told his Majesty I was glad to
hear his subjects were forward to serve him. So taking his Majesty's
orders to be at York by the end of March, I returned to my father.
My father was very glad I had not taken a commission, for I know not
from what kind of emulation between the western and northern gentry.
The gentlemen of our side were not very forward in the service; their
loyalty to the king in the succeeding times made it appear it was not
for any disaffection to his Majesty's interest or person, or to the
cause; but this, however, made it difficult for me when I came home
to get any gentlemen of quality to serve with me, so that I presented
myself to his Majesty only as a volunteer, with eight gentlemen and
about thirty-six countrymen well mounted and armed.
And as it proved, these were enough, for this expedition ended in an
accommodation with the Scots; and they not advancing so much as to
their own borders, we never came to any action. But the armies lay
in the counties of Northumberland and Durham, ate up the country,
and spent the king a vast sum of money; and so this war ended, a
pacification was made, and both sides returned.
The truth is, I never saw such a despicable appearance of men in arms
to begin a war in my life; whether it was that I had seen so many
braver armies abroad that prejudiced me against them, or that it
really was so; for to me they seemed little better than a rabble met
together to devour, rather than fight for their king and country.
There was indeed a great appearance of gentlemen, and those of
extraordinary quality; but their garb, their equipages, and their
mien, did not look like war; their troops were filled with footmen
and servants, and wretchedly armed, God wot. I believe I might say,
without vanity, one regiment of Finland horse would have made sport
at beating them all. There were such crowds of parsons (for this was
a Church war in particular) that the camp and court was full of them;
and the king was so eternally besieged with clergymen of one sort or
another, that it gave offence to the chief of the nobility.
As was the appearance, so was the service. The army marched to the
borders, and the headquarter was at Berwick-upon-Tweed; but the Scots
never appeared, no, not so much as their scouts; whereupon the king
called a council of war, and there it was resolved to send the Earl of
Holland with a party of horse into Scotland, to learn some news of the
enemy. And truly the first news he brought us was, that finding their
army encamped about Coldingham, fifteen miles from Berwick, as soon as
he appeared, the Scots drew out a party to charge him, upon which
most of his men halted--I don't say run away, but 'twas next door to
it--for they could not be persuaded to fire their pistols, and wheel
of like soldiers, but retreated in such a disorderly and shameful
manner, that had the enemy but had either the courage or conduct to
have followed them, it must have certainly ended in the ruin of the
whole party.
[Footnote 1: Upon the breach of the match between the King of England
and the Infanta of Spain; and particularly upon the old quarrel of the
King of Bohemia and the Palatinate.]