THE SECOND PART

I confess, when I went into arms at the beginning of this war, I never

troubled myself to examine sides: I was glad to hear the drums beat

for soldiers, as if I had been a mere Swiss, that had not cared which

side went up or down, so I had my pay. I went as eagerly and blindly

about my business, as the meanest wretch that 'listed in the army; nor

had I the least compassionate thought for the miseries of my native

country, till after the fight at Edgehill. I had known as much, and

perhaps more than most in the army, what it was to have an enemy

ranging in the bowels of a kingdom; I had seen the most flourishing

provinces of Germany reduced to perfect deserts, and the voracious

Crabats, with inhuman barbarity, quenching the fires of the plundered

villages with the blood of the inhabitants. Whether this had hardened

me against the natural tenderness which I afterwards found return upon

me, or not, I cannot tell; but I reflected upon myself afterwards with

a great deal of trouble, for the unconcernedness of my temper at the

approaching ruin of my native country.

I was in the first army at York, as I have already noted, and, I must

confess, had the least diversion there that ever I found in an army in

my life. For when I was in Germany with the King of Sweden, we used

to see the king with the general officers every morning on horseback

viewing his men, his artillery, his horses, and always something going

forward. Here we saw nothing but courtiers and clergymen, bishops and

parsons, as busy as if the direction of the war had been in them. The

king was seldom seen among us, and never without some of them always

about him.

Those few of us that had seen the wars, and would have made a short

end of this for him, began to be very uneasy; and particularly a

certain nobleman took the freedom to tell the king that the clergy

would certainly ruin the expedition. The case was this: he would

have had the king have immediately marched into Scotland, and put the

matter to the trial of a battle; and he urged it every day. And the

king finding his reasons very good, would often be of his opinion; but

next morning he would be of another mind.

This gentleman was a man of conduct enough, and of unquestioned

courage, and afterwards lost his life for the king. He saw we had an

army of young stout fellows numerous enough; and though they had not

yet seen much service, he was for bringing them to action, that the

Scots might not have time to strengthen themselves, nor they have

time by idleness and sotting, the bane of soldiers, to make themselves

unfit for anything.

I was one morning in company with this gentleman; and as he was a warm

man, and eager in his discourse, "A pox of these priests," says he,

"'tis for them the king has raised this army, and put his friends to a

vast charge; and now we are come, they won't let us fight."

But I was afterwards convinced the clergy saw further into the matter

than we did. They saw the Scots had a better army than we had--bold

and ready, commanded by brave officers--and they foresaw that if we

fought we should be beaten, and if beaten, they were undone. And 'twas

very true, we had all been ruined if we had engaged.

It is true when we came to the pacification which followed, I confess

I was of the same mind the gentleman had been of; for we had better

have fought and been beaten than have made so dishonourable a treaty

without striking a stroke. This pacification seems to me to have laid

the scheme of all the blood and confusion which followed in the Civil

War. For whatever the king and his friends might pretend to do by

talking big, the Scots saw he was to be bullied into anything, and

that when it came to the push the courtiers never cared to bring it to

blows.

I have little or nothing to say as to action in this mock expedition.

The king was persuaded at last to march to Berwick; and, as I have

said already, a party of horse went out to learn news of the Scots,

and as soon as they saw them, ran away from them bravely.

This made the Scots so insolent that, whereas before they lay encamped

behind a river, and never showed themselves, in a sort of modest

deference to their king, which was the pretence of not being

aggressors or invaders, only arming in their own defence, now, having

been invaded by the English troops entering Scotland, they had what

they wanted. And to show it was not fear that retained them before,

but policy, now they came up in parties to our very gates, braving and

facing us every day.

I had, with more curiosity than discretion, put myself as a volunteer

at the head of one of our parties of horse, under my Lord Holland,

when they went out to discover the enemy; they went, they said, to see

what the Scots were a-doing.

We had not marched far, but our scouts brought word they had

discovered some horse, but could not come up to them, because a river

parted them. At the heels of these came another party of our men upon

the spur to us, and said the enemy was behind, which might be true for

aught we knew; but it was so far behind that nobody could see them,

and yet the country was plain and open for above a mile before us.

Hereupon we made a halt, and, indeed, I was afraid it would have been

an odd sort of a halt, for our men began to look one upon another,

as they do in like cases, when they are going to break; and when the

scouts came galloping in the men were in such disorder, that had but

one man broke away, I am satisfied they had all run for it.

I found my Lord Holland did not perceive it; but after the first

surprise was a little over I told my lord what I had observed, and

that unless some course was immediately taken they would all run at

the first sight of the enemy. I found he was much concerned at it, and

began to consult what course to take to prevent it. I confess 'tis a

hard question how to make men stand and face an enemy, when fear has

possessed their minds with an inclination to run away. But I'll give

that honour to the memory of that noble gentleman, who, though his

experience in matters of war was small, having never been in much

service, yet his courage made amends for it; for I daresay he would

not have turned his horse from an army of enemies, nor have saved his

life at the price of running away for it.

My lord soon saw, as well as I, the fright the men were in, after I

had given him a hint of it; and to encourage them, rode through their

ranks and spoke cheerfully to them, and used what arguments he thought

proper to settle their minds. I remembered a saying which I heard old

Marshal Gustavus Horn speak in Germany, "If you find your men falter,

or in doubt, never suffer them to halt, but keep them advancing; for

while they are going forward, it keeps up their courage."

As soon as I could get opportunity to speak to him, I gave him this

as my opinion. "That's very well," says my lord, "but I am studying,"

says he, "to post them so as that they can't run if they would; and if

they stand but once to face the enemy, I don't fear them afterwards."

While we were discoursing thus, word was brought that several parties

of the enemies were seen on the farther side of the river, upon which

my lord gave the word to march; and as we were marching on, my lord

calls out a lieutenant who had been an old soldier, with only five

troopers whom he had most confidence in, and having given him his

lesson, he sends him away. In a quarter of an hour one of the

five troopers comes back galloping and hallooing, and tells us his

lieutenant had, with his small party, beaten a party of twenty of the

enemy's horse over the river, and had secured the pass, and desired my

lord would march up to him immediately.

Tis a strange thing that men's spirits should be subjected to such

sudden changes, and capable of so much alteration from shadows of

things. They were for running before they saw the enemy, now they are

in haste to be led on, and but that in raw men we are obliged to bear

with anything, the disorder in both was intolerable.

The story was a premeditated sham, and not a word of truth in it,

invented to raise their spirits, and cheat them out of their cowardly

phlegmatic apprehensions, and my lord had his end in it; for they

were all on fire to fall on. And I am persuaded, had they been led

immediately into a battle begun to their hands, they would have laid

about them like furies; for there is nothing like victory to flush a

young soldier. Thus, while the humour was high, and the fermentation

lasted, away we marched, and, passing one of their great commons,

which they call moors, we came to the river, as he called it, where

our lieutenant was posted with his four men; 'twas a little brook

fordable with ease, and, leaving a guard at the pass, we advanced to

the top of a small ascent, from whence we had a fair view of the Scots

army, as they lay behind another river larger than the former.

Our men were posted well enough, behind a small enclosure, with a

narrow lane in their front. And my lord had caused his dragoons to be

placed in the front to line the hedges; and in this posture he stood

viewing the enemy at a distance. The Scots, who had some intelligence

of our coming, drew out three small parties, and sent them by

different ways to observe our number; and, forming a fourth party,

which I guessed to be about 600 horse, advanced to the top of the

plain, and drew up to face us, but never offered to attack us.

One of the small parties, making about 100 men, one third foot,

passes upon our flank in view, but out of reach; and, as they marched,

shouted at us, which our men, better pleased with that work than with

fighting, readily enough answered, and would fain have fired at them

for the pleasure of making a noise, for they were too far off to hit

them.

I observed that these parties had always some foot with them; and yet

if the horse galloped, or pushed on ever so forward, the foot were as

forward as they, which was an extraordinary advantage.

Gustavus Adolphus, that king of soldiers, was the first that I have

ever observed found the advantage of mixing small bodies of musketeers

among his horse; and, had he had such nimble strong fellows as these,

he would have prized them above all the rest of his men. These were

those they call Highlanders. They would run on foot with their arms

and all their accoutrements, and keep very good order too, and yet

keep pace with the horse, let them go at what rate they would. When I

saw the foot thus interlined among the horse, together with the way of

ordering their flying parties, it presently occurred to my mind that

here was some of our old Scots come home out of Germany that had the

ordering of matters, and if so, I knew we were not a match for them.

Thus we stood facing the enemy till our scouts brought us word the

whole Scots army was in motion, and in full march to attack us; and,

though it was not true, and the fear of our men doubled every object,

yet 'twas thought convenient to make our retreat. The whole matter was

that the scouts having informed them what they could of our strength,

the 600 were ordered to march towards us, and three regiments of foot

were drawn out to support the horse.

I know not whether they would have ventured to attack us, at least

before their foot had come up; but whether they would have put it to

the hazard or no, we were resolved not to hazard the trial, so we

drew down to the pass. And, as retreating looks something like running

away, especially when an enemy is at hand, our men had much ado to

make their retreat pass for a march, and not a flight; and, by their

often looking behind them, anybody might know what they would have

done if they had been pressed.

I confess, I was heartily ashamed when the Scots, coming up to the

place where we had been posted, stood and shouted at us. I would have

persuaded my lord to have charged them, and he would have done it with

all his heart, but he saw it was not practicable; so we stood at gaze

with them above two hours, by which time their foot were come up to

them, and yet they did not offer to attack us. I never was so ashamed

of myself in my life; we were all dispirited. The Scots gentlemen

would come out single, within shot of our post, which in a time of war

is always accounted a challenge to any single gentleman, to come out

and exchange a pistol with them, and nobody would stir; at last our

old lieutenant rides out to meet a Scotchman that came pickeering on

his quarter. This lieutenant was a brave and a strong fellow, had been

a soldier in the Low Countries; and though he was not of any quality,

only a mere soldier, had his preferment for his conduct. He gallops

bravely up to his adversary, and exchanging their pistols, the

lieutenant's horse happened to be killed. The Scotchman very

generously dismounts, and engages him with his sword, and fairly

masters him, and carries him away prisoner; and I think this horse was

all the blood was shed in that war.

The lieutenant's name thus conquered was English, and as he was a very

stout old soldier, the disgrace of it broke his heart. The Scotchman,

indeed, used him very generously; for he treated him in the camp very

courteously, gave him another horse, and set him at liberty, gratis.

But the man laid it so to heart, that he never would appear in the

army, but went home to his own country and died.

I had enough of party-making, and was quite sick with indignation at

the cowardice of the men; and my lord was in as great a fret as I, but

there was no remedy. We durst not go about to retreat, for we should

have been in such confusion that the enemy must have discovered it; so

my lord resolved to keep the post, if possible, and send to the king

for some foot. Then were our men ready to fight with one another who

should be the messenger; and at last when a lieutenant with twenty

dragoons was despatched, he told us afterwards he found himself an

hundred strong before he was gotten a mile from the place.

In short, as soon as ever the day declined, and the dusk of the

evening began to shelter the designs of the men, they dropped away

from us one by one; and at last in such numbers, that if we had stayed

till the morning, we had not had fifty men left; out of 1200 horse and

dragoons.

When I saw how it was, consulting with some of the officers, we all

went to my Lord Holland, and pressed him to retreat, before the enemy

should discern the flight of our men; so he drew us off, and we came

to the camp the next morning, in the shamefullest condition that ever

poor men could do. And this was the end of the worst expedition ever I

made in my life.

To fight and be beaten is a casualty common to a soldier, and I have

since had enough of it; but to run away at the sight of an enemy,

and neither strike or be stricken, this is the very shame of the

profession, and no man that has done it ought to show his face

again in the field, unless disadvantages of place or number make it

tolerable, neither of which was our case.

My Lord Holland made another march a few days after, in hopes to

retrieve this miscarriage; but I had enough of it, so I kept in my

quarters. And though his men did not desert him as before, yet upon

the appearance of the enemy they did not think fit to fight, and came

off with but little more honour than they did before.

There was no need to go out to seek the enemy after this, for they

came, as I have noted, and pitched in sight of us, and their parties

came up every day to the very out-works of Berwick, but nobody

cared to meddle with them. And in this posture things stood when the

pacification was agreed on by both parties, which, like a short truce,

only gave both sides breath to prepare for a new war more ridiculously

managed than the former. When the treaty was so near a conclusion

as that conversation was admitted on both sides, I went over to the

Scotch camp to satisfy my curiosity, as many of our English officers

did also.

I confess the soldiers made a very uncouth figure, especially the

Highlanders. The oddness and barbarity of their garb and arms seemed

to have something in it remarkable.

They were generally tall swinging fellows; their swords were

extravagantly, and, I think, insignificantly broad, and they carried

great wooden targets, large enough to cover the upper part of their

bodies. Their dress was as antique as the rest; a cap on their heads,

called by them a bonnet, long hanging sleeves behind, and their

doublet, breeches, and stockings of a stuff they called plaid, striped

across red and yellow, with short cloaks of the same. These fellows

looked, when drawn out, like a regiment of merry-andrews, ready for

Bartholomew Fair. They are in companies all of a name, and therefore

call one another only by their Christian names, as Jemmy, Jocky, that

is, John, and Sawny, that is, Alexander, and the like. And they scorn

to be commanded but by one of their own clan or family. They are all

gentlemen, and proud enough to be kings. The meanest fellow among them

is as tenacious of his honour as the best nobleman in the country,

and they will fight and cut one another's throats for every trifling

affront.

But to their own clans or lairds, they are the willingest and most

obedient fellows in nature. Give them their due, were their skill in

exercises and discipline proportioned to their courage, they would

make the bravest soldiers in the world. They are large bodies, and

prodigiously strong; and two qualities they have above other nations,

viz., hardy to endure hunger, cold, and hardships, and wonderfully

swift of foot. The latter is such an advantage in the field that I

know none like it; for if they conquer, no enemy can escape them, and

if they run, even the horse can hardly overtake them. These were some

of them, who, as I observed before, went out in parties with their

horse.

There were three or four thousand of these in the Scots army, armed

only with swords and targets; and in their belts some of them had a

pistol, but no muskets at that time among them.

But there were also a great many regiments of disciplined men, who,

by their carrying their arms, looked as if they understood their

business, and by their faces, that they durst see an enemy.

I had not been half-an-hour in their camp after the ceremony of giving

our names, and passing their out-guards and main-guard was over, but

I was saluted by several of my acquaintance; and in particular, by one

who led the Scotch volunteers at the taking the castle of Oppenheim,

of which I have given an account. They used me with all the respect

they thought due to me, on account of old affairs, gave me the word,

and a sergeant waited upon me whenever I pleased to go abroad.

I continued twelve or fourteen days among them, till the pacification

was concluded; and they were ordered to march home. They spoke very

respectfully of the king, but I found were exasperated to the last

degree at Archbishop Laud and the English bishops, for endeavouring to

impose the Common Prayer Book upon them; and they always talked with

the utmost contempt of our soldiers and army. I always waived the

discourse about the clergy, and the occasion of the war, but I could

not but be too sensible what they said of our men was true; and by

this I perceived they had an universal intelligence from among us,

both of what we were doing, and what sort of people we were that were

doing it; and they were mighty desirous of coming to blows with us. I

had an invitation from their general, but I declined it, lest I should

give offence. I found they accepted the pacification as a thing not

likely to hold, or that they did not design should hold; and that

they were resolved to keep their forces on foot, notwithstanding the

agreement. Their whole army was full of brave officers, men of as

much experience and conduct as any in the world; and all men who know

anything of the war, know good officers presently make a good army.

Things being thus huddled up, the English came back to York, where

the army separated, and the Scots went home to increase theirs; for I

easily foresaw that peace was the farthest thing from their thoughts.

The next year the flame broke out again. The king draws his forces

down into the north, as before, and expresses were sent to all the

gentlemen that had commands to be at the place by the 15th of July. As

I had accepted of no command in the army, so I had no inclination at

all to go, for I foresaw there would be nothing but disgrace attend

it. My father, observing such an alteration in my usual forwardness,

asked me one day what was the matter, that I who used to be so forward

to go into the army, and so eager to run abroad to fight, now showed

no inclination to appear when the service of the king and country

called me to it? I told him I had as much zeal as ever for the king's

service, and for the country too: but he knew a soldier could not

abide to be beaten; and being from thence a little more inquisitive, I

told him the observations I had made in the Scots army, and the people

I had conversed with there. "And, sir," says I, "assure yourself, if

the king offers to fight them, he will be beaten; and I don't love to

engage when my judgment tells me beforehand I shall be worsted."

And as I had foreseen, it came to pass; for the Scots resolving to

proceed, never stood upon the ceremony of aggression, as before, but

on the 20th of August they entered England with their army.

However, as my father desired, I went to the king's army, which was

then at York, but not gotten all together. The king himself was at

London, but upon this news takes post for the army, and advancing a

part of his forces, he posted the Lord Conway and Sir Jacob Astley,

with a brigade of foot and some horse, at Newburn, upon the river

Tyne, to keep the Scots from passing that river.

The Scots could have passed the Tyne without fighting; but to let us

see that they were able to force their passage, they fall upon his

body of men and notwithstanding all the advantages of the place, they

beat them from the post, took their baggage and two pieces of cannon,

with some prisoners. Sir Jacob Astley made what resistance he could,

but the Scots charged with so much fury, and being also overpowered,

he was soon put into confusion. Immediately the Scots made themselves

masters of Newcastle, and the next day of Durham, and laid those two

counties under intolerable contributions.

Now was the king absolutely ruined; for among his own people the

discontents before were so plain, that had the clergy had any

forecast, they would never have embroiled him with the Scots, till he

had fully brought matters to an understanding at home. But the

case was thus: the king, by the good husbandry of Bishop Juxon, his

treasurer, had a million of ready money in his treasury, and upon that

account, having no need of a Parliament, had not called one in twelve

years; and perhaps had never called another, if he had not by this

unhappy circumstance been reduced to a necessity of it; for now

this ready money was spent in two foolish expeditions, and his army

appeared in a condition not fit to engage the Scots. The detachment

under Sir Jacob Astley, which were of the flower of his men, had

been routed at Newburn, and the enemy had possession of two entire

counties.

All men blamed Laud for prompting the king to provoke the Scots, a

headstrong nation, and zealous for their own way of worship; and Laud

himself found too late the consequences of it, both to the whole cause

and to himself; for the Scots, whose native temper is not easily to

forgive an injury, pursued him by their party in England, and never

gave it over till they laid his head on the block.

The ruined country now clamoured in his Majesty's ears with daily

petitions, and the gentry of other neighbouring counties cry out for

peace and Parliament. The king, embarrassed with these difficulties,

and quite empty of money, calls a great council of the nobility at

York, and demands their advice, which any one could have told him

before would be to call a Parliament.

I cannot, without regret, look back upon the misfortune of the king,

who, as he was one of the best princes in his personal conduct that

ever reigned in England, had yet some of the greatest unhappinesses in

his conduct as a king, that ever prince had, and the whole course of

his life demonstrated it.

1. An impolitic honesty. His enemies called it obstinacy; but as I was

perfectly acquainted with his temper, I cannot but think it was his

judgment, when he thought he was in the right, to adhere to it as a

duty though against his interest.

2. Too much compliance when he was complying. No man but himself would

have denied what at some times he denied, and have granted what at

other times he granted; and this uncertainty of counsel proceeded from

two things.

1. The heat of the clergy, to whom he was exceedingly devoted, and for

whom, indeed, he ruined himself.

Memoirs of a Cavalier A Military Journal of the Wars in Germany, and the Wars in England. From the Year 1632 to the Year 1648. · 第 15 / 20 题