DISSENSION AND DISCORD.
The Revolt of the Ashraf--Flight of Father Ohrwalder and the Two
Sisters--The Khalifa revenges himself on the Ashraf--The Seizure
and Execution of the Mahdi's Uncles--Zeki Tummal's return to
Omdurman laden with Booty--Khalifa Sherif Arrested--"Where there
is no Fire, there is no Smoke"--I change my Quarters--Sad News
from Austria--The Khalifa falls Ill--The Story of the
Bird-messenger--The Fall of Zeki Tummal--The Battle of
Agordat--The Capture of Kassala--The Fate of Kadi Ahmed--The
Congo Free State in Equatoria and Bahr el Ghazal--I refuse to
marry the Khalifa's Cousin.
The Khalifa Mohammed Sherif, in conjunction with two of the Mahdi's
sons, who were scarcely twenty years of age, and many of his relatives,
now agreed amongst themselves to shake off the hated yoke of Khalifa
Abdullahi and seize the reins of government. They secretly elaborated
their plans in Omdurman, and gradually took into their confidence
several of their friends and fellow-tribesmen. They also despatched
letters to the Danagla living in the Gezira, whom they invited to come
to Omdurman and join them; but one of the Jaalin Emirs betrayed them. He
had been bound over by an oath to tell only his brother or best friends;
and he at once informed the Khalifa, saying that he considered him his
best friend. Apprised of the conspiracy, Abdullahi at once made counter
arrangements; but the Ashraf, warned by their spies of the Khalifa's
secret orders and doings, realised that their plot had been discovered,
and immediately collected in that part of the town just north of the
Khalifa's house, prepared for the fray. All the Ashraf and Danagla in
Omdurman assembled in the houses in the vicinity of the Mahdi's tomb;
and the sailors and most of the boats' crews joined them, saying that
they were ready to fight and conquer for the sake of the religion which
the Khalifa had abused. The arms which had been secretly hidden were now
brought out and distributed. They numbered scarcely a hundred Remington
rifles, a small quantity of ammunition, and a few elephant guns. Ahmed
Wad Suleiman behaved like one demented. He declared that he had seen the
Prophet and the Mahdi, who assured him of the victory of his party; and
he urged forward the commencement of hostilities. Even the Mahdi's
widows, who, after his death, had been kept strictly locked up in their
houses by the Khalifa, were not allowed to see any one, and were given
scarcely sufficient food to keep them alive, longed for the conflict,
hoping that their position would be ameliorated. Indeed the Um el
Muminin (The Mother of the Believers), the Mahdi's principal widow,
girded a sword round her waist, with the intention of taking a part in
this Holy War. Whilst all this was going on at night, and within
scarcely a hundred yards of the Khalifa's house, he himself was quietly
taking his precautions.
It was on a Monday evening, after prayers, that the Khalifa summoned his
special mulazemin, and, in a few words, informed us of the intentions of
the Ashraf. He instructed us to arm ourselves as best we could, and on
no account to quit our posts in front of the gate. Ammunition was served
out to the Black mulazemin Jehadia, and they were ordered to take up
positions in the streets leading to the houses of the rebels, and cut
off any reinforcements which might attempt to join them. Upwards of a
thousand rifles were distributed amongst the Taaisha Arabs, who were
posted in the open space between the Mahdi's tomb and the Khalifa's
house, and also along the enclosure of the latter. The Black troops,
under the command of Ahmed Fedil, took up a position in the middle of
the mosque, and there awaited further orders; and here also were posted
the infantry spearmen and cavalry under the command of Yakub. Khalifa
Ali, whose people were suspected of sympathising with the rebels, was
ordered to occupy the northern portion of the city, and cut off all
communication in that direction.
When the sun arose, the mutineers were completely surrounded; and they
had now to choose between fighting and surrendering. Before, however,
any blows were exchanged, the Khalifa despatched his Kadi, accompanied
by Sayed Mekki, to Khalifa Sherif and the Mahdi's sons, reminding them
of their late father's proclamation, and of the words he had spoken
before his death. At the same time, he instructed the Kadi to inquire
into their grievances, which he promised to rectify, if it was possible
for him to do so. The curt answer to the Khalifa was that they preferred
to fight. Abdullahi had given strict injunctions to all his Emirs to
abstain, as far as possible, from blows, and only to defend themselves
in the event of a sudden attack. He was most anxious to quell the
insurrection by conciliatory measures, as he fully realised that, if a
fight ensued in which there was little doubt he would be victorious,
Omdurman would almost certainly be sacked and ruined. He was well aware
that the western Arab tribes would gladly seize the occasion to satisfy
their ruling passion for murder and plunder; their one desire would be
to obtain all the loot they could, and to this end to spare neither
friend nor foe, with the result that, in all probability, they would
fight amongst themselves, and then go off to their own country, which
they had quitted with considerable reluctance. Once more he sent the
Kadi to the insurgents, who returned with a similar reply.
Personally, I longed for the fight, for I had only my life to lose, and
that was in daily peril. I had before me the example of Ibrahim Adlan;
and I knew that Abdullahi had no regard for the lives of his best and
truest friends. Internal fighting must result in the weakening of my
enemies, and that alone would have been a source of satisfaction to me;
moreover, in the confusion which must arise, I might find an occasion to
regain my liberty, and possibly I might be able to exercise some
influence over the former Government troops, who I knew were much
dissatisfied with their present treatment. Under such abnormal
circumstances, it was impossible to frame any distinct plan of action.
My desire was that a fight should take place, and that I should make as
much capital out of it as I could for my own personal benefit.
Some of the most excited of the mutineers now began firing, and some of
those on our side, contrary to orders, replied; but it was by no means a
fight,--merely a few stray shots. The insurgents did not seem to know
what they wanted; their party was undecided, their weapons were bad and
out of repair, and so also was the courage of the Ashraf and their
followers. After a short time, the firing ceased, and on our side the
total loss was five killed. Again the Khalifa sent out a proclamation,
which was borne this time by Khalifa Ali Wad Helu, and to this summons
the reply was more favourable; they wished to know, they said, the
conditions of reconciliation; and they were then told to name their
proposals. The negotiations continued all that day and far into the
night. They began again the following day, and, to my great regret, a
clear understanding was arrived at, and was agreed to by the Khalifa
under a solemn oath: he promised complete forgiveness to all who had
taken part in the insurrection, to give to Khalifa Mohammed Sherif a
position worthy of his dignity, and a seat in Council, to allow him to
again take possession of the standards which, after Nejumi's death, had
been laid aside, and to collect volunteers under them, and promised
pecuniary support from the Beit el Mal to the Mahdi's relatives, in
accordance with Sherif's proposals. In return for these concessions, the
insurgents agreed to give up all their arms, and submit unconditionally
to the Khalifa's orders. The agreement was now ratified, and the terms
of peace concluded by the delegates on both sides; but somehow no one
seemed in any hurry to execute them. On the following Friday morning,
the leaders of the insurgents came themselves before the Khalifa, and
obtained a renewal of the promises he had made, in return for which they
gave fresh attestations of loyalty; and, on the same afternoon, Khalifa
Sherif and the Mahdi's sons approached Abdullahi. Peace was now fully
concluded, and the cavalry and infantry, which had been with us day and
night since the disturbances began, were permitted to leave the mosque
and return to their quarters; but, as the arms had not yet been handed
over, the jehadia and mulazemin were ordered to remain at their posts.
On Sunday afternoon, I had sent one of my servants to the Missionary
Father, Joseph Ohrwalder, to inquire after him, and he had found his
door closed; I had thoughtlessly made inquiries about him of his
neighbours, the Greeks and some of the former merchants who, as my
servant told me, had made a most careful search for him, but had been
unable to trace him or the Missionary Sisters who had been with him. It
at once flashed through my mind that possibly, during the disturbances,
he might have found some trusty persons who had undertaken to effect his
escape; and so it eventually transpired. Before evening prayer, the Emir
of the Muslemania (Europeans who had been forcibly made to adopt
Mohammedanism), and the Syrian George Stambuli anxiously came and asked
to be taken before the Khalifa, as they had something of considerable
importance to tell him. The Khalifa, fully occupied with matters which
he considered of great importance, ordered them to wait at the mosque;
and, after night prayers, he asked them what they wanted. With trembling
voices, they informed him that Yusef el Gasis (Joseph the Priest) was
missing since yesterday, also the women who were with him. Very much
annoyed, the Khalifa at once summoned Nur el Gereifawi, the Emin Beit el
Mal, and Mohammed Wahbi, the Prefect of the Police, and commanded them
to do all in their power to overtake the fugitives and bring them back
to Omdurman, dead or alive. It was fortunate for the poor Greeks that
the Khalifa was so much occupied with other matters or he would--as
Ohrwalder had lived amongst them--have arrested many and confiscated
their property. Luckily, however, on the day of the outbreak, all the
camels had been sent into the districts in order to bring in the troops;
and Gereifawi and Wahbi could only procure three camels for the pursuit
of Ohrwalder, who knew that the success of his flight depended on its
rapidity. From the depth of my heart I hoped he might succeed. He had
suffered a great deal, and had borne it with Christian fortitude and
patience. I now felt completely deserted; he was the only man with whom
I was intellectually on a par, and with whom I could--though very
rarely--talk a few words in my mother tongue.
The following day, I was summoned before the Khalifa, who angrily
reproached me for Ohrwalder's flight. "He is one of your own race, and
is in communication with you; why did you not draw my attention to its
possibility, so that I might have taken precautions? I am positive you
knew of his intention to escape," said he. "Sire, pardon me!" said I;
"how could I know of his intention to escape, and how could I tell you
that he had done so? Since the outbreak of the revolt attempted by your
God-forsaken enemies, and which, thanks to the Almighty, you have now
defeated by your wisdom, I have not moved day or night from my post. Had
I known that he was a traitor, I should have at once told you of it." To
this he angrily replied, "No doubt your Consul arranged for him to be
taken away from here."
Amongst the last letters which I had received, was one written in Arabic
from the Austro-Hungarian Consul-General, Von Rosty, to the Khalifa, in
which he thanked him for the kind treatment of the members of the former
Catholic Mission, and, at the same time, asked his permission to send
them a messenger, for whom he begged a free pass, as they were under
Austrian protection, and as His Majesty the Emperor had a special regard
for them. The Khalifa had shown me the letter, which he had left
unanswered; but from that day he had looked upon the members of the
Mission as my compatriots, and was now convinced that they had been
assisted to escape by the aid of the Consul-General. I now remarked to
the Khalifa that possibly merchants belonging to the frontier tribes,
and who often came to Omdurman, might have taken advantage of the
disturbances in order to help Ohrwalder and the Sisters to escape, so as
to obtain some pecuniary reward for themselves. Abdullahi, who was still
much pre-occupied with the revolt, came round to my opinion; and, after
admonishing me to remain perfectly loyal, he dismissed me.
In spite of the reluctance of the Ashraf to surrender their arms, they
were gradually obliged to give them all up; and, having achieved this
much, the Khalifa now set to work to mature his scheme of revenge.
Twenty days perhaps had passed since the beginning of the outbreak, but
we were still kept in constant readiness, watching day and night over
our master. He now summoned the two Khalifas, the Kadis, and the chiefs
of the Ashraf and Danagla to a meeting. He reproached the latter
severely, saying, that in spite of his previous pardon, they had shown
great reluctance in obeying his orders, they seldom attended prayers,
and were scarcely ever present at the Friday morning parades; he also
had the Mahdi's proclamation read out to them. Then, true to the system
adopted by his predecessor, of acting entirely in accordance with
prophetic inspiration, he announced to the meeting that the Prophet had
appeared to him, and had commanded him to mete out punishment to the
disobedient, whom he had mentioned by name. Thirteen persons in all were
included in this category: Ahmed Wad Suleiman, whom he detested, headed
the list; then followed Shenudi, one of the Khalifa's secretaries, a
Dongolawi who was under suspicion of sympathising with the rebels and
giving them information of the Khalifa's plans. One by one, as each name
was called, the unfortunate wretches had their hands tied behind their
backs, were carried off to the prison, and thrown into chains; a few
days later, the Khalifa sent them by boat, under a strong escort, to
Fashoda, where Zeki Tummal had them closely confined for eight days in a
zariba with scarcely any food or water, giving them only just
sufficient to keep them alive; then, in accordance with the secret
instructions he had received, he had them beaten to death with freshly
cut sticks from thorny trees. The execution took place in front of the
whole army, and, before this cruel operation began, their clothing was
ruthlessly torn from their emaciated bodies.
Immediately the insurrection was over, the Khalifa despatched two of his
relatives, Ibrahim Wad Melek and Saleh Hamedo,--the former to the Blue
and the latter to the White Nile,--to arrest all the followers and
relatives of the Ashraf, who, being absent, were not included in the
general amnesty. In compliance with these orders, upwards of a thousand
men were sent in shebas to Omdurman, where they were accused by the
Khalifa of having taken part in the conspiracy. For many days, they were
kept in close confinement, huddled together in the prison-yard, and in
hourly dread of execution; but at length the Khalifa pardoned them, on
condition that they should share all they possessed with him; and of
course the poor wretches had to agree to these conditions. Orders were
issued to carry out the distribution in accordance with the curious
arithmetical rules instituted by the Khalifa, who, of course, received
the lion's share; on their return to their villages, they found
themselves divested of almost everything they possessed. Those who had
been well off were left with a mere pittance; and the poorer members had
nothing, whilst they found their daughters had been dishonoured, and
their wives abused. Deprived of all their arms, they had to submit to
the inevitable; but in their hearts they longed for some opportunity of
revenge. The Khalifa, after having taken all he required of their
property for himself and his brother, distributed the remainder amongst
the western Arabs, and of these, the Jubarat section, to which he
belonged, was given the largest share. This roused the discontent of the
other tribes, to whom the Taaisha had for some considerable time been a
constant source of annoyance; not only were they given the preference in
almost every case; but they were over-bearingly insolent, and whenever
complaints were made to the Khalifa or Yakub, the petitioners were
invariably sharply rebuked. During all these disturbances, the natives
in the provinces and the various garrisons had remained quiet; and their
commanders had received secret instructions to gradually disarm the
Danagla, of whose disloyalty there was no longer any doubt.
Abdullahi now turned his attention to the Mahdi's two uncles, Mohammed
Abdel Kerim and Abdel Kader Wad Sati Ali. He affirmed he had received
information that they were indignant about his actions, and had been
guilty of instigating others against him; they utterly denied the
charge, but were sentenced by Kadi Ali to imprisonment. The Khalifa
ordered them to be put in chains, and sent on to Zeki Tummal, who, as
usual, was provided with secret instructions.
Zeki's forces had dispersed all the Shilluk gatherings throughout the
country, and destroyed their villages; but, an epidemic of typhus having
broken out amongst the men, the Khalifa ordered him to quit Fashoda and
come with his entire army to Omdurman, but, before doing so, to raid the
Dinka tribe, who had already made their submission without fighting,
seize their cattle and enslave their wives and children. These
unsuspecting Blacks were summoned together under the pretext of a great
feast; and, when all had assembled, they were massacred almost to a man,
and their wives, children, and cattle carried off. Whilst on this
expedition he met, near Gebel Ahmed Agha, the boat conveying the Mahdi's
uncles; and, having perused the letters from Omdurman, he ordered the
prisoners to be landed after sunset. The wretched captives, knowing the
fate that was in store for them, besought pardon, but were only jeered
at by Zeki Tummal; they were taken inland, and their heads were split
open with the small axes which are used in the Sudan for lopping off
branches of trees.
Zeki Tummal now returned to Omdurman laden with booty; he brought with
him thousands of female slaves, and immense herds of cattle, the sale
of which brought in a large sum of ready money. Most of Zeki's Emirs
indignantly complained of his tyranny, and even asserted to the Khalifa
that, if he could obtain sufficient followers, he would not hesitate to
make himself independent; but the latter, by making rich presents of
female slaves, money, and cattle to the Khalifa and his brother,
succeeded in remaining in their good graces.
Whilst Zeki Tummal was in Omdurman, the Khalifa carried out a series of
manoeuvres between his forces and those quartered in Omdurman, and
personally took the command; but as he had absolutely no idea of
military science, and as the thirty thousand troops of whom he disposed
were entirely without discipline, the manoeuvres resulted in the most
hopeless confusion and disorder; and the blame for this invariably fell
on my devoted head, for the Khalifa employed me as a sort of
aide-de-camp, and when he became inextricably muddled up he hurled abuse
at me, and said I had purposely perverted his orders to make mischief.
Of course, I did not dare remonstrate with him, and quietly continued to
carry out his orders. At length he declared the exercises over, ordered
Zeki Tummal off to Gallabat, and, as was usually the case, commended me
for my services, and presented me with two Black young ladies as a proof
of his good-will.
Meanwhile, Khalifa Sherif had heard of the murder of his two relatives,
and openly protested against this tyrannical proceeding; thus giving
Abdullahi an opportunity of taking the revenge for which he had so
patiently waited. He declared him to be guilty of disobedience to the
instructions which the Mahdi had so strictly enforced, and of
inattention to the Divine inspiration of the Prophet. He therefore
ordered Khalifa Ali and the Kadis to take him to task for the manner in
which he had expressed himself, and to point out to him that the
entirely false impression he had of his own rights as Khalifa had
brought about the death of his own relatives and followers. Promptly
assembling all the Kadis and principal Emirs, they decided that Khalifa
Sherif should be immediately arrested; on the following day, the
mulazemin being formed up in square on the open space between
Abdullahi's house and the Mahdi's tomb, they went in a body to him,
informed him that he was to be arrested, counselled submission, and
advised him to come with them of his own free-will. Too late, he now
realised what he had brought upon himself by his careless and
ill-considered talking. Going outside, he was received by the mulazemin
under the command of Arabi Dafalla; when he asked for his shoes, they
were refused him; and, on coming out of the mosque, he was driven and
pushed along at such a rate that he twice fell to the ground from pure
exhaustion, arriving at length at the Saier in a deplorable condition.
Here six irons were hammered on to his legs, so that he could scarcely
move; and a small straw hut was allotted to him as his abode. Cut off
from all intercourse with his fellow-creatures, and with only the bare
ground to lie upon, he had ample time to realise that the sacred
promises given by a Khalifa were of no avail when it was a question of
upholding his authority, or satisfying his thirst for vengeance. The
Mahdi's two young sons were sent to their grandfather, Ahmed Sharfi, who
was ordered to keep them closely locked up in his house, and allow no
one to see them. This Ahmed was an old man, and had made an immense
fortune by robbery; fearing to lose it, he was as submissive as a slave
to the Khalifa, and had thus to some extent gained his affection.
Soon after this occurrence, I passed through a period of considerable
excitement. Yunes had sent on a man from Dongola to the Khalifa; he had
come from Cairo, and was charged with important information from the
Government. He was received personally by the Khalifa in the presence of
all the Kadis. I had a foreboding that the man's arrival was somehow
connected with me, and I endeavoured to discover from one of the Kadis,
who was a friend of mine, what had happened; he hurriedly told me that I
had nothing to fear, and advised me not to show the slightest interest
in the matter, lest I might be suspected. After prayers, the Kadis and
the messenger were again summoned before the Khalifa, and, to my great
relief, I saw the man soon afterwards tied hand and foot and carried off
to prison. My comrades were quarrelling amongst themselves as to the
cause of the man's imprisonment; but, mindful of the advice I had
received, I was careful to abstain from any interference. The following
day, when I had gone to my house for a short time, I was suddenly
summoned by the Khalifa, and found several of the Kadis with him. In
compliance with his orders, I seated myself down with them, and he began
to speak. Turning to the assembly, he informed them that he had
continually urged me to be loyal, that he cared for me as a father cared
for his son, and that he had steadily refused to believe the numerous
accusations which were, from time to time, brought up against me; and
then, turning to me, he completed his speech with the Arabic proverb,
"Where there is no fire, there is no smoke," adding, "but with you there
is a great deal of smoke. The messenger said yesterday that you are a
Government spy, and that your monthly salary is paid to your
representative in Cairo, who forwards it to you here. He affirms that he
has seen your signature in the Government office in Egypt, and that you
assisted Yusef el Gasis to escape; he adds, moreover, that you are
pledged to the English, in the event of an attack on Omdurman, to seize
the powder and ammunition stores, which they know are situated opposite
to your house. We have at once had the man imprisoned, for he formerly
escaped from here; what have you to say in your defence?"
"Sire!" I replied, "God is merciful, and you are just. I am no spy: I
have never had any communication with the Government; and it is
absolutely untrue that I receive a salary which is forwarded to me here.
My brothers, your mulazemin, who go in and out of my house, know that I
am often in the greatest want, and it is only my deep respect for you
which prevents me from complaining; but if he states that he has seen my
signature, then he is guilty of a second lie, for I am certain that he
is quite unable to read any European language. I will, if you wish,
write on a paper several names, and amongst them my own; if he can
discover it, then it will be a proof that he can read our language; but
that will not necessarily prove that I am a spy." "And what else have
you against the man?" asked the Khalifa. "What service has the man
rendered to Government," I continued; "that, supposing I am a spy, I
should trust this fugitive with my secrets. As far as Yusef el Gasis is
concerned, you, my master, well know that he escaped at a time when it
was absolutely impossible for me to have any communication with him. I,
who am always near you, have no intercourse with people who assist
others to fly; and even supposing I had, and that I were a traitor, it
would certainly be much more natural that I should have escaped myself.
It is quite possible the English may know that my house is opposite to
the powder magazine; for the man who, with your kind permission, brought
me the letters from my brothers and sisters knew it, and, in all
probability, told them about it. It is also possible that my relatives
with whom, at your express command, I have ceased to have any
communication, should make inquiries about my welfare through the
Government clerks and merchants who sometimes go from here to Cairo, and
who probably know the position of my house; but the assertion that, in
case of war, I had engaged myself to seize your ammunition stores, is
quite ridiculous. As far as I can judge, the Government would never dare
to attack you, who are the ever victorious and unconquerable Khalifa, in
your own country; and if this well-nigh impossible event should take
place, how do I know that I shall be in my present house at that time?
Moreover, at such a critical period, my hope and desire is to stand in
the front rank of your victorious troops, and there seek an opportunity
of proving my loyalty and devotion by shedding my blood in your cause.
Sire, I rely upon your justice, which is well known to all; will you
sacrifice one who has been for so many years your devoted servant, to
the whim of a Dongolawi who is one of your enemies?" "How do you know
that the man who has given evidence against you is a Dongolawi?" asked
the Khalifa, quickly. "Some time ago I saw the man at your gate with
Abderrahman Wad en Nejumi esh Shahid ("the martyr," as he was called
after his death),[16] and owing to his forwardness and impudence I had
to call on your mulazemin to remove him by main force; no doubt he now
wishes to revenge himself, and at the same time curry favour with you,
by casting suspicion on me. You to whom God has given wisdom to govern
your subjects, will also judge me righteously and fairly."
"I have summoned you here," said the Khalifa, after a long pause, "not
to judge you, but to show you that, in spite of the frequent attempts to
cast suspicion on you, I have in no way withdrawn my confidence in you.
Had I believed what the man said, I should not have imprisoned him; no
doubt you have enemies here, and there are probably envious people who
are jealous of your being near me. But beware! where there is no fire,
there is no smoke." He then signed to me to withdraw, and soon
afterwards the assembly broke up.
That night I asked one of my comrades whom I knew I could trust, to tell
me what the Khalifa had said after I had left. He told me that Abdullahi
admitted the man was a liar, but that there might be some truth in his
statement; he had also said I might possibly have enemies in Cairo who
were intriguing against me. This had also occurred to me whilst I was
speaking, but I did not mention it, as I hesitated to throw down all my
cards; now that he had thought of it himself, my silence had stood me in
good stead, for I could bring forward this argument in my defence,
should some fresh accusation be brought against me. But how long was I
to continue in this wretched position? How long was I to keep up this
constant strain of always standing on the defensive; how much longer
could my present relations with the Khalifa last? I knew he was only
waiting for an opportunity to make me harmless, for he was perfectly
well aware that I was at heart his enemy; but in truth I thanked God
most fervently that he treated me with greater leniency than he did the
rest. How difficult it was to carry out Madibbo's advice; but how true
it was that he who lives long sees much!
The following morning, after prayers, as I was on my way home, I was
overtaken by Gereifawi, who had succeeded Adlan and was on friendly
terms with me. "You are a rare visitor," said I, shaking hands with him;
"please God you have good reasons for it!" "Yes," said he; "but I am
come to disturb you. I require your house; and I must ask you to leave
it to-day. I will give you one in place of it which lies to the
southeast of the mosque, and in which the Khalifa's guests are usually
housed; it is somewhat smaller than your own, but you have only the road
between it and the mosque, and this will thoroughly suit a pious man
like you!" "All right," said I; "but tell me privately who sent you
here, the Khalifa or Yakub?" "Ah, that is a secret!" said he, laughing;
"but after your conversation yesterday with the Khalifa, you can surely
understand the reason; probably," he continued ironically, "our master,
out of his great love for you, wishes to have you in close proximity to
himself; your house is scarcely two hundred paces from his own. When may
I come and take over your old house?" "I shall have finished moving by
the evening," said I; "it will take me some little time to remove the
fodder for my horse and mule. Is the house I am to have uninhabited?"
"Of course it is. I have given orders for it to be cleaned, and will now
return to make the necessary arrangements; but you had better begin
moving at once, and I hope your new house will bring better luck than
your old one," said Gereifawi, leaving me.
Undoubtedly this was a very clear case of want of confidence in me on
the Khalifa's part. He was anxious to remove me from the neighbourhood
of the ammunition stores and powder magazine, which, in case of war, I
was supposed to seize. I now called together my household, and told them
to begin moving at once. They cursed the Khalifa freely, and called down
all the punishments of Heaven on his head. Little by little, year by
year, they had gone on building. They had dug wells fifty feet deep, had
planted lemon and pomegranate trees, which were just about to bear
fruit, and had, so to speak, made themselves comfortable. For me, the
move was quite immaterial. How I had prayed to leave this house, though
not in this way! However, as Gereifawi had said, perhaps the new house
would bring me better luck; and I was by no means the only man who had
been turned out of his abode at short notice. The whole portion of the
city lying north of the Khalifa's house had been vacated at a moment's
notice by the Ashraf and their relatives; and they had not even been
allowed to remove their furniture, nor had they received the smallest
compensation. They had been given a patch of stony ground to the west of
the town, where they had been ordered to build fresh houses. After all,
I was better off than they. Recent events had depressed me considerably,
and I saw that the situation was now becoming almost unbearable; but
more trouble was in store for me which was to throw completely into the
background that of which I now complained.
One of my acquaintances, a Darfur merchant who had frequently travelled
backwards and forwards to Egypt, Alexandria, and Syria, and who had
gradually understood the various nationalities, realised that I was an
Austrian. He had surmised correctly that, although a captive for many
years, and shut off from all communication with my own people, I still
took an intense interest in all that concerned my native land. He spoke
to me in the mosque, told me hurriedly about affairs in Egypt, and then
handed me an Egyptian newspaper of old date which, he said, had
accidentally come into his hands in Alexandria, and which contained an
article about Austrian affairs. Hurrying home, I opened the paper, and
found, to my dismay, the news of the death of our Crown Prince Rudolf. I
cannot describe the distress which this news caused me. I had served in
his regiment; and I had never given up hope that some day I should
return home, and have the pleasure of assuring him that, under all the
strange and sad circumstances of my eventful life, I had always
endeavoured to uphold the honour of an officer belonging to the Imperial
regiment. But what were the trials and troubles of one obscure
individual in comparison with this great national calamity,--nothing!
Again and again my mind turned to the grief of our beloved Emperor, to
whom we Austrians look up as to a father. What must he have felt and
suffered!
Here in the midst of this unsympathetic crowd my mind was filled with
these sad thoughts; but I did not dare show that I was affected. It
required all my self-control to hide from the rude gaze of the Mahdists
the expressions of distress which came over my face when I thought of my
beloved home; and, in the internal struggle which was going on almost
continuously, I sometimes longed for the time when an end should be put
to my wretched existence. To-day all the old sores had broken out
afresh. The man would have done me a far greater service had he kept
back the newspaper. It had only brought fresh trouble upon me, and
depressed me more than ever. My comrades at the Khalifa's door--ignorant
of the real cause of my sorrow--advised me to appear as cheerful as
possible, and to show no displeasure about my enforced removal to
another house, as the Khalifa was sure to have instructed his spies to
watch me carefully, and see how I took his unwelcome order. I therefore
tried to look as unconcerned as possible, and, to account for my
depression, I pretended to be unwell,--what a life of dissimulation!
Fortunately the Khalifa was busied with other matters. A letter had
reached him from Ahmed Wad Ali at Gallabat, complaining of the treatment
he received at the hands of his superior, Zeki Tummal; and, a few days
afterwards, he arrived, in order to make his complaint personally. He
said that in his own name, and in the name of all the other Emirs, he
refused to put up with the continual insults and arbitrary confiscation
of property on the part of Zeki, whom he also accused of conspiring to
make himself independent. The Khalifa knew perfectly well that most of
these complaints arose from Zeki's unpopularity with his assistants. He
therefore wrote to him to at once refund all the confiscated property,
and to accord to his Emirs the treatment to which their position
entitled them. At the same time, he instructed Ahmed Wad Ali to return
forthwith to Gallabat, and gave him secret orders to watch closely his
chief's movements, and personally report to him.
Abu Girga, who by this time had been recalled from Kassala, and had been
replaced there by Mussaid, being a Dongolawi, was considered by the
Khalifa to be a source of danger in Omdurman. Under the pretext,
therefore, of sending reinforcements to Reggaf, he despatched him with
two steamers up the White Nile, and, at the same time, Omar Saleh was
recalled to give a report of affairs in Equatoria. Abu Girga was
nominated Emir of the whole country, and commander of all the rifle and
spear men; but, at the same time, Mukhtar Wad Abaker, one of the
Khalifa's relatives, was appointed to superintend him.
A few days after the steamers had left, the Khalifa fell seriously ill
with an attack of typhus fever. All Omdurman watched the course of the
illness with the most intense anxiety, for his death would have been the
signal for a complete change in the administration of the country.
Khalifa Ali Wad Helu, who, according to Mahdist law, should be the
successor, watched the illness with almost breathless interest; and his
followers and tribe showed such deep concern that they fell under the
suspicion of wishing to seize the reins of government. The Khalifa's
powerful constitution, however, got the better of the malady; and it
seemed as if the wretched inhabitants of the Sudan had not been
sufficiently punished, and that God did not yet intend to remove from
them this terrible scourge. After an illness of about three weeks,
Abdullahi took the first possible opportunity of appearing before his
followers, who greeted him with frantic acclamations,--the outcome, in
the majority of cases, of a desire merely to make a noise. Only his own
relatives and some of the western Arabs really rejoiced at his recovery.
But the Khalifa had no delusions about the imaginary sentiment to which
his followers had given vent during his illness. He knew perfectly well
that in showing the preference to his own tribe, he had given umbrage to
many of the western Arabs, who, being strangers in the land, it was most
necessary to retain on his side. The inhabitants of the Nile valley and
of the Gezira, the majority of whom were Jaalin and Danagla, were his
enemies; but, disarmed, and their property confiscated, he had made them
powerless, and every now and then he sent considerable detachments of
them to reinforce Darfur, Gallabat, and Reggaf. He did not hide from
himself that Khalifa Ali and his followers were anxious to step into his
shoes; but he knew that they would never be foolish enough to attempt to
carry out their plans by main force, as the Ashraf had done.
Now that I had my abode close to him, he was more suspicious than ever
of me. He continually inquired of my comrades if this strict supervision
did not make me indignant, and he did all he could to find fault with my
conduct; but, fortunately, the mulazemin were on friendly terms with me,
and always reported favourably of me. At the same time, they secretly
warned me that the Khalifa's dislike of me was increasing, and that I
must be most careful.
One day, in the month of December, 1892, when I had just left the
Khalifa's door to take a short rest, one of the mulazemin summoned me to
the Khalifa's presence. I found him in the reception room, surrounded by
his Kadis, and the threats and reprimands which I had received on the
occasion of Taib Haj Ali's calumny were still fresh in my mind. I was
therefore considerably dismayed when the Khalifa, without returning my
salute, ordered me to take my seat amongst the judges. "Take this
thing," said he, after a short pause, and in a very severe tone, "and
see what it contains." I at once arose and took in both hands the object
he gave me, and then sat down again. It consisted of a brass ring of
about four centimetres in diameter, attached to which was a small metal
case about the size and shape of a revolver cartridge. An attempt had
been made to open it, and I could plainly see that it contained a paper.
This was indeed an anxious moment for me. Could it be a letter from my
relations, or from the Egyptian Government; and had the messenger who
brought it been captured? Whilst I was engaged in opening the case with
the knife which had been given me, I turned over in my mind how I should
act, and what I should say; and, as good luck would have it, I had not
on this occasion to have recourse to dissimulation. Pulling out two
small papers, and opening them, I found inscribed on them, in minute but
legible handwriting, in German, French, English, and Russian languages
the following:--
This crane has been bred and brought up on my estate at Ascania
Nova, in the Province of Tauride, in South Russia. Whoever
catches or kills this bird is requested to communicate with me,
and inform me where it occurred.
(Signed) F. R. FALZ-FEIN.
September, 1892.
I now raised my head, which hitherto I had kept closely bent down; and
the Khalifa asked, "Well, what do the papers contain?" "Sire," I
replied, "this case must have been fastened to the neck of a bird which
has been killed. Its owner, who lives in Europe, has requested that any
one who finds the bird should let him know where it was caught or
killed." "You have spoken the truth," said the Khalifa, in a somewhat
more amiable tone; "the bird was killed by a Shaigi near Dongola, and
the cartridge case was found attached to its neck. He took it to the
Emir Yunes, whose secretary was unable to decipher the writing of the
Christian, and he therefore forwarded it to me. Tell me now what is
written on the paper?" I translated the message, word for word, and, at
the Khalifa's command also tried to describe the geographical position
of the country from which the bird had come, and the distance it had
travelled before it was killed. "This is one of the many devilries of
those unbelievers," he said, at last, "who waste their time in such
useless nonsense. A Mohammedan would never have attempted to do such a
thing."
He then ordered me to hand over the case to his secretary, and signed to
me to withdraw; but I managed to take one more hurried glance at the
paper,--Ascania Nova, Tauride, South Russia, I repeated over and over
again to imprint it on my memory. The mulazemin at the door anxiously
awaited my return; and when I came out from the presence of my
tyrannical master with a placid countenance, they seemed greatly
pleased. On my way to my house, I continued to repeat to myself the name
of the writer and his residence, and determined, that should Providence
ever grant me my freedom, I should not fail to let him know what had
happened to his bird.
In accordance with orders, Mahmud Ahmed now returned to Omdurman with
all his available troops (about five thousand) from Darfur, leaving
there only sufficient men for the garrison. He pitched his camp at Dem
Yunes on the south side of the city.
Once more I underwent a period of considerable trial. The Khalifa again
instituted a series of military manoeuvres for all the troops in
Omdurman; and, as usual, they resulted in the wildest confusion. I had
to perform the duties of aide-de-camp, and invariably had to bear the
blame for everything that went wrong; but all things come to an end, and
at last Mahmud Ahmed was ordered back to Gallabat, after his troops had
renewed their oath of allegiance, in return for which they received some
new jibbas.
The Khalifa now turned his attention to the Equatorial regions, where
Abu Girga resided as nominal Governor, and despatched two steamers with
three hundred men, under the command of his relative Arabi Dafalla, to
Reggaf with instructions to depose Abu Girga, and throw him into chains.
It was abundantly clear that the latter had only been sent to Reggaf to
get him out of the way. Dafalla's departure was also taken advantage of
to exile Khaled, who had been lying heavily chained in the Saier.
Dafalla was instructed to extend the Mahdist territory as far as
possible in all directions, and to send back to Omdurman as many slaves
and as much ivory as he could obtain. Whilst the expedition was being
got ready, the Khalifa, under the pretext of giving Zeki Tummal special
verbal instructions regarding an intended campaign against the Italians,
recalled him to Omdurman. Ahmed Wad Ali had faithfully carried out his
secret instructions, which had resulted in the recall of his chief. A
few days after the steamers had left, Zeki arrived at Omdurman
accompanied by some of the Emirs whom he looked upon as friendly. During
his absence, he had nominated Ahmed Wad Ali as his representative, and
had ordered him to await his return at Gedaref. The Khalifa, to all
outward appearance, received Zeki in the most friendly manner possible;
and, a few days after his arrival, in spite of their orders, Ahmed Wad
Ali and the other Emirs arrived at Omdurman, and were frequently
received in secret audience by Abdullahi. They brought proofs of Zeki's
duplicity and disobedience to the Khalifa's commands in not restoring
the property which he had confiscated; and they showed how he had
subverted his instructions by inducing his men to become participators
in a conspiracy by which he should become independent. The Khalifa and
his brother Yakub took counsel together, and agreed to make him harmless
once and for all. They thought that if they merely removed him from his
position, dissensions might arise amongst his men. On the following
morning, therefore, the unsuspecting Zeki, relying on the former
services he had rendered, and anticipating merely a reprimand, was
enticed into Yakub's house, where he was immediately seized from behind
by four men, his sword wrenched from him, and his hands tied behind his
back. He had frequently spoken disrespectfully of Yakub and Kadi Ahmed,
saying that, in comparison with a brave warrior like himself, they were
little better than women, and were only happy in receiving presents and
leading comfortable and voluptuous lives. Disarmed and bound, he was now
brought, a miserable captive, before his master, who awaited him in an
adjoining court.
"Well, my fine hero, where is your courage now?" said Yakub. "You owed
your promotion to me," said Kadi Ahmed, who, when Zeki had been
nominated to the supreme command, had conveyed the news to him in
Gallabat; "and now you have to thank me for your present humiliation.
Praise be to God, who has preserved me to this day in order that I may
see you standing thus before me."
Livid with rage, and grinding his teeth, Zeki answered, "I have been
surprised and betrayed. Were I in an open field, not a hundred men like
you would terrify me. I know I am lost; but after my death you will try
to find men like me to take my place, and you will not find them." At a
signal from Yakub, he was hurried off to the general prison, where his
body was covered with as much weight of iron as it could possibly bear.
He was then removed to a small detached stone hut, deprived of all
communication with others, and not even allowed sufficient bread and
water to sustain life, and consequently, after an imprisonment of twenty
days, he succumbed to hunger and thirst.
On his arrest, his house was sequestrated, and in it were found fifty
thousand Maria Theresa and Medjidi dollars, and quantities of gold rings
and other jewellery looted from the Abyssinians. Some of the Black
soldiers who were devoted to him, and had accompanied him from Gallabat,
were also thrown into chains and died of starvation.
Ahmed Wad Ali now succeeded Zeki in the supreme command, and at once
returned to Gedaref, whither, in the meantime, the entire army had moved
from Gallabat. In accordance with the Khalifa's instructions, he
confiscated the whole of his predecessor's property, consisting of
horses, camels, cattle, and slaves, which he despatched, together with
all his wives (numbering one hundred and sixty-four), and twenty-seven
children, to Omdurman. The Khalifa kept the cattle and slaves for
himself, and distributed the childless widows amongst his followers; but
he married the mothers to his slaves, so that the children, whose father
had been a slave, should be brought up as slaves. Seven of Zeki's
brothers and near relatives were cruelly murdered by Ahmed Wad Ali; and
one of his sisters was flogged to death on the pretext that she had
concealed money.
Wad Ali, now in supreme command, was anxious to refute any idea of
timidity, and sought to gain military renown. He obtained the Khalifa's
permission to undertake operations against the Arab tribes living
between Kassala and the Red Sea, who were subject to the Italians; but
he received distinct orders not to attack any troops quartered in forts.
He was allowed to utilise the services of the Kassala garrison under
Mussaid Gaidum, and now made all preparations for a campaign. Leaving
Gedaref with his army, early in November, 1893, he joined the Kassala
troops, and his force numbered in all some four thousand five hundred
riflemen, four thousand spearmen, and two hundred and fifty horsemen,
and advanced against the eastern Arab tribes,--the Beni Amer, Hadendoa,
and others. The latter, apprised of his intention, drove off their
cattle and retired before him; but at Agordat he came up with the
Italian troops, who were in an entrenched position. As they were in such
small numbers, he resolved, in spite of the Khalifa's instructions, to
attack them; but he was heavily defeated, and himself killed, together
with his two principal leaders, Abdalla Wad Ibrahim and Abder Rasul, and
a number of Emirs. The loss in killed and missing was estimated at
about two thousand, and these belonged, almost without exception, to the
Gedaref force, because Mussaid and the Kassala troops did not come to
Ahmed Wad Ali's assistance. Had the Italian troops been in a position to
pursue the Mahdists, who were retreating in wild disorder on Kassala,
there is little doubt the latter would have been almost entirely
annihilated.
The news of the defeat and death of Ahmed Wad Ali caused the greatest
consternation in Omdurman, though in public the Khalifa tried to appear
unconcerned. He affirmed that the losses sustained by the Italians were
infinitely greater than those suffered by his troops, and that he
thanked God, Ahmed Wad Ali and some of his leaders had died the death of
martyrs on the field of battle, fighting against the cursed Christians.
In reality, however, he spent many sleepless nights; for he feared that
the Italians, encouraged by their victory, would be induced to advance
on Kassala, and he fully realised that, in view of the panic which
prevailed, they would have no difficulty in seizing and occupying it. It
was not till some days had elapsed, and he had received news that the
enemy had not quitted its position, that he calmed down somewhat, and
began to consider whom he should nominate as Wad Ali's successor. The
army of the latter had been dispersed throughout the Gedaref districts;
and it was necessary to despatch reinforcements without delay. The
inhabitants of Omdurman, however, saw in the defeat of Wad Ali, Heaven's
just retribution for the death of Zeki Tummal, who, though he had been
guilty of cruelty and oppression, had been the victim of intrigue and
false evidence. They were justly enraged against the Khalifa, who in his
vengeance had not been satisfied with Zeki Tummal's murder, but had also
massacred his relatives and seized his women and children.
The Khalifa now nominated his cousin Ahmed Fedil as commander of the
Gedaref army, and gave him strict injunctions to remain entirely on the
defensive. He proceeded to his post by way of Kassala, in order to
collect the scattered troops, who, after the defeat at Agordat, had
forced themselves on the villagers, and were harrying the country for
food. Once again the Khalifa's equanimity was upset by a rumour that the
Italians now intended advancing on Kassala; but this news was followed
soon afterwards by a contradiction, and he became pacified. Indeed, he
had publicly announced his intention of avenging Ahmed Wad Ali's defeat,
though in reality he had not the slightest idea of doing so; but, in his
ignorance, he believed that these false threats would prevent his
enemies from assuming the offensive. He also sent small detachments of
horse and spear men to Gedaref.
A few months had elapsed since this catastrophe, when one day, just
after morning prayers, three men presented themselves at the door of the
Khalifa's house, and urgently demanded to be taken before him. I at once
recognised them as Baggara Emirs, who had been stationed at Kassala, and
from the expression of their faces I could see that the news they
brought would not be welcome to the Khalifa. In a few minutes, they were
admitted, and soon afterwards a considerable disturbance took place
round the Khalifa's door. Khalifa Ali Wad Helu, Yakub, as well as all
the Kadis, received a sudden summons to attend at a council. The
Khalifa's suspicions had been verified, and Kassala, after a short
fight, had been captured by the Italians.
[Illustration: The Khalifa inciting his troops to attack Kassala.]
It was impossible to withhold this news from the public. The ombeija
was sounded, the great war-drums were beaten, the horses were saddled,
and the Khalifa, accompanied by all his mulazemin and an immense number
of horse and spear men, solemnly rode down to the banks of the Nile.
Arrived here, he forced his horse into the river till the water reached
its knees; and, drawing out his sword, and pointing towards the east, he
shouted out in a loud voice, "Allahu akbar! Allahu akbar!" (God is most
great!). Each time the cry was taken up by the immense crowd; but the
majority were inwardly rejoicing at the Khalifa's discomfiture. They
longed for him to receive fresh humiliation, thinking thereby to lighten
the terrible yoke they bore. After this display, the Khalifa turned his
horse about, came back to the river bank, dismounted, and sat down on
his sheepskin. A great crowd now collected round him; and he informed
them of the fall of Kassala, declaring that his followers had been taken
unawares by enormous numbers of the enemy, just after morning prayers,
and had been forced to retire. He stated, however, that all the war
material, women, and children had been saved, that the losses had been
insignificant, whilst the enemy had suffered so heavily that they now
bitterly regretted having taken the town. Even his most devoted
adherents well knew that these words were a mere pretext for covering a
disgraceful defeat. Almost immediately after the three Emirs had arrived
in Omdurman, it was known far and wide that the garrison had been
surprised, that partly from fear, and partly owing to the unpopularity
of Mussaid, they had refused to fight; and, almost without offering any
resistance, they had retired towards Goz Regeb. The Khalifa now realised
that his capital was more fully exposed than ever to a successful
advance on the part of his enemies; but he had not yet learnt all; and
when it eventually came to his ears that his faithful followers, instead
of gladly laying down their lives for the cause, had lost the fanatical
spirit which had for so many years made them the terror of their
enemies, he understood that not only in Kassala had public opinion
changed, but that throughout the whole country his popularity had waned.
He now took occasion to announce publicly that Kassala was merely a
minor position of no special importance; but that in a short time he
meant to retake it, as well as the entire country up to the shores of
the Red Sea. He returned home late that evening, and held a council with
his brother Yakub and the Kadis, regarding the precautions which should
now be taken. He must have bitterly regretted the absence of his chief
Kadi, Ahmed Wad Ali, who, though he neither sought nor took his advice,
had been his faithful friend and servant for the last ten years. As
chief judge, he had acquired an immense influence in the country; and,
considering the circumstances, he had during that time collected very
considerable wealth. Upwards of a thousand slaves worked on his immense
estates. He employed merchants to take the produce, such as India-rubber
and ostrich feathers, to Egypt. He possessed immense herds of cattle,
and quantities of camels and magnificent horses; but his most coveted
possession was his harem, in which were collected a large number of
lovely women and female slaves. All this had roused the cupidity of
Yakub and of the Khalifa's young son. The former was intensely irritated
against Ahmed, as he seldom paid the smallest attention to his opinions
or proposals. Even the Khalifa had become jealous of his influence, and
lent a willing ear to Yakub's insinuations that he abused his power, and
made use of his position to increase his own wealth. Under the pretext
that Ahmed had acted contrary to the instructions which the Khalifa had
specially laid down, he himself, as President of the Court of Kadis, had
sentenced him to perpetual imprisonment. Thus a just retribution had at
length fallen on the head of this unscrupulous judge, who had ruthlessly
condemned numbers of innocent persons, had robbed them of all they
possessed, had turned wives and children into widows and orphans, and
had perpetrated every description of injustice. He had been seized by
the Black soldiers, thrown into prison, and lost all his wealth, whilst
the Khalifa, his son, and his brother Yakub had rifled his harem of the
best and prettiest women, and distributed the remainder amongst their
followers.
The Khalifa knew perfectly well the difficulties of re-capturing
Kassala; but, in order to make a show of doing something, he sent
instructions to Osman Digna, who was at Adarama on the Atbara, some
three days' march from Berber, to join Mussaid at Goz Regeb with all his
available forces. At the same time, he ordered Ahmed Fedil to make a
military post of a thousand rifles at El Fasher on the Atbara, about one
and a half days' journey from Kassala. He also sent detachments of
troops from Omdurman to Asubri on the Atbara, midway between El Fasher
and Goz Regeb. He continued to assert most resolutely that he intended
shortly to advance on Kassala; but all these arrangements were made
entirely with a view to establishing a series of defensive posts along
the line of the Atbara, whilst the troops he was constantly collecting
were intended to oppose the advance of the enemy towards Omdurman.
In the midst of all this disturbance and excitement, the satisfactory
news arrived that a messenger sent by Arabi from Reggaf had arrived at
Omdurman from Katena, a town on the White Nile. Two steamers soon
followed, bringing cargoes of ivory and slaves; and, in a day or two,
four hundred male slaves were marched with great pomp and ceremony
through the city, as proof of Dafalla's successes in the Equatorial
regions. As a matter of fact, the latter had attacked and defeated a
detachment of Emin Pasha's troops who had separated from the main body,
and had been living independently, and at their own risk, in a track of
country governed by Fadl el Maula, one of Emin's subalterns. On the
Pasha's departure, this man had entered into communication with the
advanced agents of the Congo Free State, and had agreed with them that,
if they should assist him to re-occupy the Equatorial Province, he would
enter their service. His real intentions, however, were to remain
independent, and though nominally a servant of the Congo Free State, to
derive from them as much profit as he could for his own personal
benefit. Misled by false information, Fadl el Maula had ventured close
to the station of Reggaf, which he believed to be only lightly held by
the Mahdists; but he discovered his mistake too late. He beat a rapid
retreat, but was followed up and overtaken, after several days' march,
by Arabi Dafalla, who surprised his camp whilst most of the men were out
on a foray. Fadl el Maula himself was killed, with most of the men in
camp, whilst defending their wives and children; and Arabi captured a
quantity of loot, all the women and children, and a number of rifles.
Amongst the trophies he sent to Omdurman were four Congo Free State
flags made of blue bunting, with a five-pointed yellow star in the
centre, also two suits of black uniform with buttons, on which the words
"Travail et Progrès" were engraved. This was the first time I had seen
the badge of the Congo Free State, of the existence of which I had
heard; but I had no notion of its size or the extent of its boundaries.
Several European letters had also been found in Fadl el Maula's camp;
but the Khalifa did not show them to me. He preferred to remain in
ignorance of their contents, rather than that I should gain some insight
into affairs in those regions. The brilliance of this last success of
his arms was, however, considerably dimmed by the news which came soon
afterwards, that Christian agents from the south and west were advancing
towards the Equatorial Provinces. Arabi had received information that a
force was in Uganda, and that Christian troops were advancing from the
western districts of Central Africa; and he appealed for instructions as
to how to act. A reinforcement of four hundred men was at once
despatched to Reggaf; and orders were sent to him to withdraw all
outlying posts, should he be threatened, but under no circumstances to
abandon Reggaf.
When the expedition had been sent against Emin Pasha, it was the
Khalifa's intention not to acquire more territory in this direction, but
to make a station from which raids could be made on the Black countries,
in order to procure ivory and slaves.
After the steamer had left with reinforcements, the Khalifa again turned
his attention to affairs in the east. He ordered all the Jaalin in
Omdurman to proceed to Asubri, and nominated Hamed Wad Ali, the brother
of Ahmed Wad Ali, to the command of this post. He subsequently
despatched thither the Danagla, as well as a number of Arab horsemen to
Gedaref; and the camel-owning Arabs were instructed to supply three
thousand camels, of which a thousand were incorporated with the mounted
corps at Gedaref, whilst the remainder were used to transport grain from
Rufaa and Abu Haraz on the Blue Nile to Asubri, which, having been
abandoned by its former inhabitants, was now left entirely uncultivated;
and in consequence the troops there were suffering great privations. By
these measures, the Khalifa imagined that he had turned the line of the
Atbara into a sort of wall, by which he hoped to block the enemy's
advance; but it seemed as if he were likely to have no rest this year.
Mahmud Ahmed now reported that Christians had entered the Bahr el Ghazal
districts, and were attempting to win over the native tribes, with whom
they had already made treaties. They had arrived, he said, at Hofret en
Nahas (the copper mines near Kalaka on the southwestern Darfur
frontier). This news was of the greatest importance; and the Khalifa had
every reason to feel alarmed and uneasy.
When Egypt governed the Sudan, it was from the Bahr el Ghazal Provinces
that they recruited the men for the Sudanese battalions, who had come
either of their own free-will or had been forcibly impressed. Owing to
the climate and plenteous rainfall, the country is more highly
cultivated than any portion of the Nile valley lying between Kowa and
Reggaf. Besides, the majority of the tribes who inhabit these districts
are, owing to internal dissensions, incapable of uniting, and would thus
rather facilitate than retard the advance of any foreign power wishing
to make itself master of the province. For the Khalifa, however, the
possession of this country is of vital importance. Its ruler, he knows,
virtually holds the Sudan in his hands. These various Black tribes have
no love for the Arab slave-hunters, and would aid any power which would
guarantee their protection. The recruitment of four or five thousand
local levies, possessing fighting qualities of a high order, would, for
such a power, be a matter of no difficulty; and in the space of four or
five years an army of from fifteen to twenty thousand men might be
raised, by which not only Darfur and Kordofan, but indeed the whole
Sudan, could be conquered.
Abdullahi, therefore, was not slow to realise the situation; and he at
once gave orders to Mahmud Ahmed to despatch a force from Southern
Darfur into these districts, and drive out the strangers who had dared
to penetrate the Bahr el Ghazal Province.
In compliance with these instructions, the Emir Khatem Musa, with a
considerable force, was sent south from Shakka into the northern Bahr el
Ghazal districts, and the Faroghé, Kâra, Bongo, and other frontier
tribes with whom the Europeans had made treaties, being left without
support, at once submitted to the Mahdists who occupied their countries.
One day, I was summoned before the Khalifa, who handed to me several
documents written in French, which he ordered me to translate. They
included two letters from Lieutenant de La Kéthulle to his assistants,
containing various orders and instructions. They had been originally in
the hands of the Sheikh of Faroghé, who had handed them over to Khatem
Musa. In addition to these, the Khalifa showed me a treaty which had
been drawn up between Sultan Hamed Wad Musa of the Faroghé and the
representative of the Congo Free State, which was to the effect that,--
1. Sultan Hamed Wad Musa, chief of the Faroghé tribe, acknowledged the
suzerainty of the Congo Free State, and placed himself under its
protection.
2. Sultan Hamed Wad Musa bound himself to enter into commercial
relations with the Congo Free State, and establish intercourse between
it and the Darfur frontier districts, and agreed to give protection to
all officials of that State travelling in his country.
3. The Congo Free State bound itself to assist Sultan Hamed Wad Musa in
all his undertakings, and uphold his authority in the country.
This treaty was signed in August, 1894, by Hamed Wad Musa and the
representative of the Congo Free State; and was witnessed by Sultan
Zemio and the Sultan of Tiga, the names of the two latter being written
in European characters.
I hurriedly translated these papers verbally to the Khalifa, and was
much interested in seeing how, on this occasion, his curiosity got the
better of his suspicions; though he did all he could to prevent me from
noticing this.
"I did not summon you," he said, "merely to translate these letters,
which, after all, are of not the smallest importance to me, though I
have instructed Mahmud Ahmed to drive out these Christians, who are only
travellers, and in small numbers, from the Bahr el Ghazal Province; but
I have also a proposal to make to you. I look upon you as one of us,--as
my friend and faithful adherent,--and I have decided to publicly make
known this fact by giving to you as a wife one of my cousins,--one of my
next of kin. What have you to say to this?" This offer did not greatly
surprise me; for he had several times hinted as much. I was perfectly
well aware that his object was not to publicly show appreciation of me,
but to have me carefully watched in my own house. He wished to place me
under surveillance in order to discover if I had any secret relations
with outside countries. Through trusty friends, I had ascertained that
he earnestly sought some plausible grounds for making me, as he called
it, "harmless;" but in doing so he wished to justify his action before
the public, by showing me more consideration as a foreigner than if I
had been a native. I knew too well, however, that a man of his
unscrupulous determination, who had not spared his best friends, such as
Ibrahim Adlan and Kadi Ahmed, would not hesitate to take full advantage
of the slightest proof of my disloyalty in order to rid himself of me.
"Sire," I replied, "may God bless you, and give you victory over all
your enemies. I feel highly honoured by your magnanimous offer; but hear
of me, I pray you, the truth. Your relative is not merely descended
from royalty, but from the Prophet himself. She therefore deserves to
be treated with every consideration. Unfortunately, I have a very quick
temper, and at times have great difficulty in controlling myself.
Domestic quarrels would undoubtedly arise, which might be the cause of
estrangement between you, my master, and myself. My only desire is to
remain in your greatest favour. I pray God this may ever be so; for I
dread the occurrence of anything which might cause me to fall into
disfavour."
"I have known you now intimately for ten years," said the Khalifa; "and
I have never known you to be thoughtless or quick-tempered. I have often
presented you with wives, and they have never complained to me of
domestic quarrels. It is true, however, that I have heard you have
either made presents of them to your servants, or have given them their
liberty. It seems to me that although you pretend to be one of us, you
really wish to adhere to the manners and customs of your tribe. [He did
not refer to religion, as I suppose he thought that might hurt my
feelings.] I mean that you wish to have only one wife."
"Sire," I replied, "you have often honoured me with presents of slaves;
but you surely do not wish me to be their slave. If I have married them
to my servants, or sent them away, it is because they have been
disobedient, or have behaved badly. You have been misinformed, if you
think that I wish to adhere to the custom of my country to have only one
wife; for I have already three."
"Very well," he said, "I believe you; and so you refuse to marry my
cousin?"
"Sire," I replied, "I do not refuse; but I merely inform you of my
uncertain temper, so that I may prevent unpleasantness in the future.
Indeed, I am highly honoured by your kind offer; and I beg you to try
and see if I am worthy of it." He understood perfectly well that what I
had said was tantamount to a refusal; and he closed the conversation by
making a sign to me to withdraw. This offer had placed me in a most
difficult position. I thoroughly understood the Khalifa. By not joyfully
accepting his offer, I had hurt his pride; and now I longed more than
ever for liberty. Some months before, I had sent a Sudanese merchant to
Cairo, and had begged the Austrian Consul-General to place, through him,
the necessary means at my disposal to effect my escape. But how often
had I attempted negotiations of this sort through merchants and others,
and how often had I been doomed to disappointment and failure.