EARLY RULE OF KHALIFA ABDULLAHI.
Success of Khaled's Stratagem to entrap Darho--Execution of
Darho--Sieges of Sennar and Kassala--Fall of Ahmed Wad
Suleiman--The Khalifa and the Black Troops--Execution of the
Mudir of Kassala--My Journey to Abu Haraz--My Plans of Escape
impracticable--The Khalifa presents me with a Wife--Mutiny of
Black Soldiers at El Obeid--Death of the Emir Mahmud--Abu Anga
seizes Khaled and throws him into Chains--Campaign in the Nuba
Mountains--Lupton in Difficulties--He works in the Khartum
Dockyard--Revolt of the Kababish--Difficulties begin with
Abyssinia--Death of Klootz--Organisation of the Beit el Mal--The
Khalifa's System of Jurisdiction.
From the date of the Mahdi's departure from Rahad, up to the time of his
death, nothing of importance had happened in the various provinces of
the Sudan which could be calculated to change the course of events.
Mohammed Khaled had settled in El Fasher, and had despatched his Emirs
in various directions. Instead of meeting with resistance, they were
received everywhere with open arms by the deluded inhabitants, who vied
with one another in their anxiety to become subjects of the Mahdi. The
western districts of Dar Gimr, Massalit, and Dar Tama, as far as the
frontier of Wadai, all sent in their submission, and a number of
valuable presents; Saleh Donkusa too, and his friends the Bedeyat, also
anxious not to expose themselves to new dangers, sent in a deputation
conveying their salutations and gifts. Mohammed Khaled had also sent one
of his friends, a merchant named Hajji Karar, from Kobbé, with presents
to Sultan Yusef, of Wadai. On his arrival, Sultan Yusef had received him
kindly, and had sent him back to Khaled with a present of several horses
and female slaves, and with the assurance that he might consider him an
adherent of the Mahdi, whose rules and ordinances he was at all times
ready to obey.
Abdullahi Dudbenga, on the other hand, Sultan Harun's successor in Jebel
Marra, paid no heed to the summons calling him to El Fasher; he had a
personal quarrel with Khaled, and had no desire to put himself within
his reach. However, finally, when he received an ultimatum to either
come at once, or to risk a war, he submitted and came in; but a few days
later fled, fearing that he was about to be placed in chains, and his
money and property confiscated. Instead, however, of returning to the
Jebel Marra, he proceeded to Omdurman, where he was well received by
Khalifa Abdullahi, who gave orders that his family and effects should be
brought from Darfur to Omdurman. Meanwhile, Khaled, furious at his
flight, had him pursued as far as the Kordofan frontier, and ordered
that all villages which gave refuge to the fugitive should become the
property of the Government, and that the village Sheikhs should be shot.
He also despatched Omar Wad Darho with a considerable force to Jebel
Marra, with instructions to announce to the inhabitants that, having
hitherto failed to make their submission, or to give presents, they
should in consequence be considered "Ghanima" (booty). Omar Wad Darho,
anticipating quantities of loot, proceeded to his destination; whilst
Khaled thought the present occasion a fitting one to send some of his
best horses and his fairest women to the Mahdi and his Khalifas. Darho
met with little resistance in Jebel Marra. The villagers fled to the
hills; but, having procured good guides, he pursued them into the most
inaccessible places, and succeeded in putting numbers of them to the
sword. Their women and children he divided up amongst his men, selecting
and sending to Khaled all the best. His men, however, unused to this
continual hill marching, became exhausted, and his horses were, for the
most part, without shoes; nevertheless he succeeded in collecting a
quantity of loot, and returned to El Fasher on the actual day that the
terrible and unexpected news of the Mahdi's death had arrived there.
Darho, anticipating important changes owing to this untoward event, did
not hesitate to take advantage of the situation; and, proceeding
forthwith to Kobbé, he declared himself independent, stating he would no
longer serve under Khaled's orders; indeed, he made preparations to
fight him, and make himself eventually ruler of Darfur. He went so far
as to propose to the Emirs who had accompanied him to Jebel Marra, that
he would divide amongst them the lands of Darfur; but the latter,
deeming Darho's action ill-considered, argued that they were not likely
to get more from him than they did from Khaled. They therefore urged him
to desist, declaring that in the event of his refusal, they would make
full report of the circumstances to Khaled. Darho's party daily
diminished in numbers; and it was not long before he recognised the
rashness of his act. Meanwhile, Khaled, alarmed by Darho's pluck and
resolution, determined to entrap his old friend by stratagem: he
despatched his acquaintance Ali Bey Khabir to him with a message to the
effect that he solemnly swore to do Darho no harm, should he return, and
that he would at once forget the matter which, after all, would never
have happened had it not been for the perfectly comprehensible
excitement occasioned by the Mahdi's sudden death. In order, however, to
satisfy public opinion, he enjoined that Darho should come to El Fasher
as a penitent, and publicly acknowledge his error, promising that
henceforth he would faithfully serve the Mahdi's successor.
Ali Khabir succeeded in convincing Darho of Khaled's sincerity. At this
time the hostile party consisted only of a few soldiers, the Shaigia,
and some local tribesmen, and was quite incapable of any sustained
resistance; accompanied therefore by these, he proceeded to El Fasher,
and, before entering the town, they placed iron chains about their
necks, and followed Khabir to the meeting place designated by Khaled. On
their way, they were insulted by the populace, who had collected in
crowds to jeer at them; Darho was infuriated, and, on reaching Khaled's
presence, cried out that had he had any notion he was to be received in
this insulting manner, he would never have come. Khaled, seizing on
Darho's words as a pretext, instantly ordered him and his officers to be
arrested and thrown into chains; Darho, now losing all control of
himself, insulted Khaled in the most open manner, and, in consequence,
they were hurried off to the prison, their numbers being increased by
three former officials, _viz_., Ibrahim Seian and Hassan Sharkassi, both
Egyptian officers, and Yakub Ramzi, chief clerk of the Court of Justice,
who were accused of having been in secret correspondence with Darho.
These latter, pleading that they had been former Government officials,
and had not now sufficient to live upon, admitted that they had written
a letter to Darho, though only regarding the death of the Mahdi; but it
was affirmed that they had instigated him to revolt. In spite of their
undoubted innocence, Khaled ordered them, as well as Darho and his
friends, to be shot dead at sunrise the following morning; but this
sentence was not allowed to be publicly known. Khabir Ali, however,
learning what was intended, rushed to Khaled's house, and endeavoured to
dissuade him from his purpose; but this was not till the following
morning, and on his way he stumbled across the bodies of his decapitated
friends. Raising his voice, he declared before the bystanders that, had
he thought for a moment such measures would have been taken, nothing
would have induced him to act as a mediator; and he deplored most
bitterly the death of his old friends who had been slain in so
treacherous a manner.
Abu Anga was now in Kordofan. This province had submitted entirely to
the Mahdi, with the exception of the southern mountainous regions, the
inhabitants of which were looked upon as slaves who had objected to pay
tribute, and who were consequently ordered to emigrate to Omdurman. As
they had refused to comply with these demands, Abu Anga had been
despatched south, with injunctions not only to enforce their subjection,
but also to quarter his enormous force of Jehadia on them, and to
procure plenty of slaves. After losing a considerable number of men, and
a quantity of ammunition, he succeeded in carrying out these orders to
some extent; but a large proportion of the inhabitants still continued
to defend themselves most bravely in their mountain fastnesses, and
remained independent. Thus, with the exception of this small proportion
of the natives, the entire Western Sudan, from the banks of the White
Nile to the frontiers of Wadai, acknowledged the sway of the Mahdi.
In the eastern districts, however, the Governors of Sennar and Kassala
continued to defend their posts. Whilst Khartum was being besieged,
steamers had been sent under Subhi Pasha to Sennar, and, after
replenishing the posts, had returned to the capital. But when the local
tribes had been summoned by the Mahdi to join in the holy war, they,
collecting under their head Sheikh, Merdi Abu Rof of the Gehéna tribe,
laid siege to the town. Surrounded for several months, the brave but
famishing garrison at length made a sortie, drove off the besiegers, and
captured in their camp a quantity of stores and grain which lasted them
for some time. The Mahdi, believing that the local tribes were somewhat
lukewarm in their efforts, reinforced them by his cousin Abdel Kerim,
with a considerable force from Khartum. The latter, learning that the
garrison was now suffering severely from famine, determined to take the
town by storm; but he was forced back, and the garrison, making a
counter attack, drove him out of his position. In spite of this victory,
however, the condition of Sennar became hopeless; constant fighting,
famine, and the impossibility of relief began to tell at last.
Meanwhile, Kassala had been closely besieged; and, although the garrison
had made several successful sorties, they had gained no really decisive
victory, and had not been able to replenish their store of provisions.
The Egyptian Government, learning the critical situation of the
garrisons in the Eastern Sudan, now appealed to King John of Abyssinia
to co-operate in relieving the posts of Gallabat, Gira, Senhit, and
Kassala, and bring their garrisons to Massawa. The Governor of Kassala,
however, declared that as the garrison of the town was composed for the
most part of local people, he could not induce them to leave the
country. The Mahdi now sent Idris Wad Abder Rahim and El Hussein Wad
Sahra with reinforcements to hasten the fall of the town. Meanwhile,
King John had succeeded in relieving the garrisons of Senhit, Gira, and
Gallabat, and removing them to Massawa; thus all the Arab tribes lying
within the Suakin-Berber-Kassala triangle became fanatical adherents of
the Mahdi. Osman Digna had already been appointed Emir of this district;
whilst Mohammed Kheir was ordered to proceed from Berber with
instructions to occupy Dongola with the Jaalin and Barabra, after the
retirement of the British army.
Such was briefly the situation in the Sudan when Khalifa Abdullahi
became its ruler. It was not, therefore, without reason that he summoned
the western Arab tribes to unite together, and seriously called their
attention to the fact that they were strangers and foreigners in the
Nile valley. It can be readily understood that the Aulad-Belad, or local
population, more especially the Barabra, Jaalin, and the inhabitants of
the Gezira, did not appreciate the advent of the Khalifa and his western
Arabs, from whom they entirely differed in ideas and character; they saw
with dread the new ruler seizing the reins of government, and relying
entirely for the execution of his orders on his western compatriots. One
of the Khalifa's first steps was to expel from his position Ahmed Wad
Suleiman, whom he detested, and whom he knew to have given a large share
of the booty to the Ashraf (Mahdi's relatives), who looked on him with
no friendly eye. The unfortunate Ahmed was ordered to give an account of
the funds which had passed through his hands during the previous year;
Abdullahi well knew that the Mahdi had trusted Ahmed entirely, and had
never called on him to keep full and accurate accounts, because the
money he issued was almost invariably given under the Mahdi's verbal
orders, and he held no receipts. It was, of course, impossible for Ahmed
to produce the account; and his expulsion from the Beit el Mal, and the
confiscation of his property, and that of several of his assistants, was
looked upon by the populace as an act of justice. The Khalifa appointed
in his place Ibrahim Wad Adlan, who was of the Kawahla tribe located on
the Blue Nile, but had spent many years of his life as a merchant in
Kordofan, and was in favour with the Khalifa.
Adlan was now ordered to open ledgers showing the revenue and
expenditure, and to keep his books in such a manner that at any moment,
on the demand of the Khalifa, he should be able to give an exact
statement of the financial situation. He also ordered him to keep a
careful list of those to whom money was issued, or who were in receipt
of pensions.
Almost simultaneously with the death of the Mahdi, came the news of the
failure of the attack on Sennar, and of the repulse of Abdel Kerim. The
Khalifa, therefore, at once despatched Abderrahman en Nejumi to take
supreme command; and, in August, 1885, the garrison surrendered to that
redoubtable warrior. As usual, the fall of the town was the signal for a
series of brutal atrocities and cruelties. A number of the inhabitants
were sent to the Khalifa, amongst them, all the good-looking young
girls, and the daughters of the former Government officials, of whom the
Khalifa kept some for himself, and distributed the remainder amongst his
Emirs.
Abdullahi entertained a particular aversion for the Mahdi's cousin Abdel
Kerim, and he now summoned him and his followers to Omdurman. Abdel
Kerim, being Khalifa Sherif's assistant, had taken with him when he went
to Sennar the Black soldiers of Sherif's flag; it was rumoured at the
time, that he had said that, if supported by his own adherents, as well
as by those of Khalifa Sherif, he would be sufficiently powerful to
force Khalifa Abdullahi to hand over his authority to Sherif, who, being
a relative of the Mahdi, and a Khalifa, had every right to succeed. It
was not known if Abdel Kerim was really serious in his intentions, or if
these were mere idle tales; but Abdullahi prepared himself, and all his
relatives, and directed his brother Yakub to hold his men in readiness
when Abdel Kerim came. On the same day that he arrived in Khartum, his
men were ordered to be transferred to Omdurman, and he himself received
instructions to parade for the Khalifa's inspection. Accordingly, on the
following day, at the head of six hundred men, he took up his position
by the flag; and Abdullahi arrived accompanied by the force prepared by
his brother, and by several thousands of others. He heartily greeted
Abdel Kerim and his troops, praised them for their courage in the siege
of Sennar, and then dismissed them. On his return to his house, he
ordered the two Khalifas and all the Mahdi's relatives to come to his
residence immediately after evening prayers.
At sunset, we mulazemin were ordered to hold ourselves in readiness to
introduce the expected visitors to the Khalifa. On their arrival, they
were taken to the inner part of the house, and directed to seat
themselves on the ground; the two Khalifas only were given sheepskins to
sit upon, while Abdullahi seated himself on a small angareb. From his
elevated position, the Khalifa now ordered his secretary to read the
document which had been written by the late Mahdi in his favour. This
done, he informed the assembled people that Abdel Kerim was unfaithful.
The latter of course denied it; nevertheless, he was found guilty, and
Khalifa Ali Wad Helu seized the occasion to declare, in the most
vehement terms, that he was a most faithful adherent of the Mahdi, and
Khalifa Abdullahi's slave. He based this declaration on the contents of
the statement just read, and on the Mahdi's last words as he lay on his
death-bed. Abdullahi, not wishing to appear too much concerned about
Abdel Kerim's conduct, gave him a full pardon, but ordered that his
Black soldiers should be at once handed over. Khalifa Sherif and his
relatives were obliged to accept this condition; and Ali Wad Helu, on a
wink from Abdullahi, suggested that they should all renew the oath of
allegiance. The proposal was accepted; the Holy Kuran was brought in;
and those present, placing their hands on the sacred volume, swore that
it was their duty to hand over to the Khalifa all their Black soldiers
and arms. By way of encouragement, Khalifa Ali was the first to swear,
and in this respect aided and abetted his master at a critical moment to
no inconsiderable extent. Khalifa Sherif and his relatives, however,
swore very unwillingly; and, after Abdullahi himself had administered
the oath, they were permitted to leave. This was the Khalifa's first
blow to his antagonists; and he thus crippled their power, and reduced
them to a harmless position.
Now Mohammed Khaled alone was left; and, being one of the Mahdi's near
relatives, he had for long been a thorn in Abdullahi's side.
That evening, I happened to be alone with the Khalifa, and he talked
over the events of the day, remarking that, "A regent cannot share
authority;" by this he inferred that the action of the two other
Khalifas had placed him in the position of an absolute ruler.
On the following morning, Abdel Kerim and Ahmed Wad Suleiman,
representing Khalifa Sherif, handed over all their Black soldiers, arms,
and ammunition to the Khalifa's brother Yakub, who received them in the
open space in front of his house. Khalifa Ali also made over the
soldiers in his charge; and the united force of Blacks was now placed
under the command of Abu Anga's brother, Fadl el Maula, who, in order to
exercise control, took up his residence temporarily in the barracks. Not
content with these measures, Abdullahi now sent for the war-drums in
charge of the other Khalifas; and they were at once handed over, without
further ado, to his deputy. Still not satisfied, he ordered the flags,
which hitherto were always planted in front of the residences of the
respective Khalifas, to be collected and placed all together in front
of Yakub's residence. The previous day he had, by kind words, won over
Khalifa Ali to his side; and now the latter was the first to plant his
flags in their new positions. Khalifa Sherif was powerless to do
anything; all his Black soldiers, his flags, and his war-drums, which
are always known as signs of authority in the Sudan, were safely
deposited in Yakub's hands; and the populace were not slow to recognise
that Abdullahi meant to be the one and only ruler, and was resolved to
have his commands obeyed.
Whilst all these important matters were transpiring in the capital, the
news arrived that Kassala had surrendered, and that Osman Digna was
fighting against the Abyssinians under the leadership of Ras Alula.
Although the Abyssinians had been victorious, and had driven Digna back
to Kassala, they did not pursue him, but returned to their own country.
Osman Digna now accused the former Governor, Ahmed Bey Effat, of having
incited the Abyssinians to take up arms against him, and of having been
in communication with them. There were no grounds for this suspicion;
but, nevertheless, he and six former officials of Kassala had their
hands tied behind their backs like criminals, and were shot dead.
Idris Wad Ibrahim, who, it will be remembered, had been despatched to
Kassala, was now ordered to return to Omdurman with all his men,
ammunition, loot, and women that he had captured, and to leave the
country in the hands of Osman Digna.
Abdullahi fully realised that his action in regard to the other Khalifas
would naturally rouse the ire of the Mahdi's relatives, with whom he was
already on bad terms; but this was a matter of little concern to him. He
was determined, by all the means in his power, and, if necessary, by
recourse to violence, to enforce his commands, whatever they might be.
But, on the other hand, he did not wish to entirely alienate public
opinion, nor to give grounds to the numerous Mahdists, who, owing to
their love for the Mahdi, entertained a certain affection for his
relatives, for bringing against him accusations of injustice or
hostility; he therefore presented them with numbers of female slaves,
and to Khalifa Sherif he gave some very fine horses and mules, and
distributed quantities of slaves amongst his retainers. He took good
care to make these gifts widely known; and the populace, in their turn,
praised him for his magnanimity, and went so far as to extol his justice
and liberality in songs. Still bent on improving his position, he
despatched his relative and my friend, Yunes Wad ed Dekeim, and his
cousin Osman Wad Adam to Kordofan, and, in order to remove from Omdurman
the Black troops he had taken away from the Khalifas, he despatched them
also to the west. Yunes was instructed to bring into subjection the
Gimeh tribe, which was both rich and strong, but which had shown some
lukewarmness in obeying the Khalifa's summons to immigrate to Omdurman.
Osman Wad Adam was ordered to join Abu Anga, and await further
instructions. To both, however, he gave strict injunctions to collect as
many male and female slaves as possible, and instruct the former in the
use of fire-arms. Previous to the arrival of Yunes in Gimeh, the head
Sheikh, Asaker Wad Abu Kalam, had already been summoned to Omdurman, and
had been imprisoned there; but his cousin, unwilling to submit to the
rule of Yunes, had, while endeavouring to escape, been overtaken and
killed, while his tribe was now deprived of the greater part of its
property, and forced to proceed to Omdurman. Yunes, having crossed the
river at Goz Abu Guma, had established a settlement there, and now
returned to the Khalifa for further orders. He had already despatched
thousands of cattle to Khartum, and, in consequence, received a very
warm welcome. The Khalifa now instructed him to remove the tribe to Wad
el Abbas, opposite Sennar, where he would send him further orders. Yunes
had a considerable attachment for me, and asked the Khalifa's permission
to take me with him, in order to assist in the transport arrangements,
as the Gimeh people were peculiarly unmanageable. At first, the Khalifa
refused the request, but eventually acceded to Yunes's pressing demand.
I had already taken possession of my new quarters the previous month,
and my servant, with his three wives, who had been detained at El Obeid
when on his way from Darfur, was now brought here by the Khalifa's
orders. Three other male servants and their wives also arrived; but as
they did not appear anxious to remain in my service, I handed them over
to Fadl el Maula, who, in accordance with the Khalifa's orders, took
them into the ranks. My household now consisted of four male servants
with their wives; and I asked the Khalifa's permission to take three of
them with me to Sennar. "There is no necessity for you to take any of
your servants with you," said the Khalifa. "Leave them here, and I will
see that they are looked after; while Yunes will be responsible for your
comfort during the journey. I hope you will justify my confidence in
you. Carry out the orders of Yunes, and you will regain my regard; go
now to him, and tell him that I permit you to accompany him on his
journey."
Yunes, delighted at the Khalifa's permission, said that he would do all
he could to make my journey pleasant, and talked so quickly and
incessantly that I scarcely understood half of what he said. I was
delighted at the thought of leaving Omdurman, and being away from the
tyrant whom I was obliged to serve day and night; I secretly cherished a
hope that during the journey I might find some occasion to escape from
the hands of my tormentors.
One of the mulazemin now summoned me again to the Khalifa's presence.
"Did you inform Yunes," said he, "that you are going to accompany him?"
and when I replied in the affirmative, he ordered me to sit down, and
again began to give me the benefit of his advice. "I urge you," said he,
"to serve me faithfully; I look upon you as my son and my heart is
inclined toward you. God's holy word, the Kuran, promises rewards to the
faithful, but threatens the traitor with the Divine wrath. Yunes is your
well-wisher, and will attend to what you may say to him. Should he
attempt to undertake anything which is not likely to lead to his
advantage, you should warn him, for he is your master; but I have told
him that I look upon you as my son, and he will take heed of what you
say." "I will always endeavour," said I, "to act in accordance with your
instructions; but Yunes is my master, and will naturally do what he
thinks right. Do not therefore attribute ill-will to me; and I beg you
will not make me responsible for anything which may happen contrary to
your wishes."
"You are only in a position to offer an opinion," said he; "but you have
no power to act. Should he pay heed to you, well and good; if not, it
will be his own lookout if matters go wrong." He then turned the
conversation to affairs in Darfur, and told me that he had written some
time ago to Mahmud Sherif to return with all available troops to
Kordofan, leaving in Darfur a commander who, in his opinion, would be
equal to the position. He had replied that amongst his relatives there
was no one capable of representing their interests; and he recommended
the selection of some one who could not only see after the public
affairs of the province, but also his private business as well. In
reply, the Khalifa had assured him of his favour, urged him not to
listen to intriguers, but to come as soon as possible to Kordofan, and
thence to Omdurman. The last news he had received was to the effect that
Mahmud was on the point of coming with all his forces, and that he was
already on the road. "Do you think," said the Khalifa, "that he will
comply implicitly with my orders, and will come? You know him better
than the others."
"Undoubtedly he will come," I replied; "for he does not dare to act
contrary to your instructions." "I hope that this is so," replied he; "a
timid subject is always more easy to rule than one who is not afraid to
act disobediently."
The conversation had already lasted some time; and I was about to ask
permission to retire, when he beckoned to one of his eunuchs who was
standing close by, and whispered a few words in his ear. I knew my
master well, and had a foreboding of ill.
"I have already instructed you," said he, "to leave behind all the
members of your household; for, having only just arrived from a long
journey, they must be fatigued, and I do not wish to expose them
further. Yunes will give you a servant; but I am giving you a wife, so
that, in case of indisposition or illness, you may have some one to
attend on you. She is pretty, and not plain like the one Ahmed Wad
Suleiman sent you," he said with a smile; and now beckoning to the woman
who had just entered, to come nearer, the latter approached and threw
off her veil. I glanced at her, and, in spite of her dark colour, she
really was very pretty. "She was my wife," added the Khalifa; "she is
very good, and patient; but I have so many, I therefore gave her her
freedom; but you may now call her your own."
I was much embarrassed, and all the time had been casting over in my
mind how I could refuse this gift without offending the giver.
"Sir, allow me to speak candidly," said I.
"Certainly," said he, "here you are at home. Speak!"
"I am at home where I need fear nothing," I began, hastily; "this woman
was your wife, and has in consequence a right to be treated with
consideration for your sake; this of course is an easy matter. But,
sire, how can I, your servant, take your own wife for myself? Moreover,
you said yourself that you look upon me as your son." Having said this,
I dropped my head, and fixed my eyes on the ground, continuing, "I
cannot accept this gift;" and then I awaited his answer with anxiety.
"Your words are good, and I pardon you," said he, signing to the woman,
who was standing near us, to withdraw. "Almas!" said he, to the eunuch,
"bring my white jibba!" and when the servant brought it, he handed it to
me, saying, "Take this jibba, which I have often worn myself, and which
was specially blessed by the Mahdi for me.[15] Hundreds and thousands
of people will envy you this; guard it carefully, for it will bring you
blessings."
I was delighted with this present, and fervently kissed his hand, which
he extended to me; but inwardly I rejoiced to be rid of the woman, who
would have been a useless encumbrance to me, besides an additional
expense; and I thought the jibba an excellent exchange. I then begged
leave to withdraw, and carried off with me my valuable present.
Yunes had fixed his departure for that day; but, before leaving, I was
summoned once more to the Khalifa, who, in the presence of Yunes, again
reminded me to be faithful and submissive.
That evening, we left Omdurman on board the steamer "Bordein," which had
been floated off the place where it had gone aground; and, on the second
day, we reached Goz Abu Guma. In accordance with the Khalifa's
instructions, we were to hurry on the Gimeh people to Wad el Abbas as
quickly as possible; and we called on the Beni Hussein tribe to supply
us with camels to carry the water-skins. Yunes was specially kind and
considerate to me; he gave me one of his horses and three female slaves,
and instructed two old soldiers to wait on me as servants. His total
force numbered ten thousand combatants, of whom seven thousand belonged
to the Gimeh tribe, who were encumbered with a mass of women and
children. I distributed the camels and water-skins amongst them; and we
now prepared for the journey. Our road led through Sekedi Moya, across a
plain which, as I remarked before, had been named Tibki Teskut (You weep
and are silent); and as I crossed it, I recalled all the bloodshed and
fighting which had taken place in the Sudan. In the houses which lay
close to the track, we saw innumerable skeletons of the rebels who had
been driven away from the wells by Saleh, and had succumbed to thirst.
On the third day, we reached the banks of the Blue Nile, and saw Sennar
in the distance; the Khalifa had issued strict orders that we should on
no account proceed to this city, which was now lying half ruined, and
which, as it had held out until after the Mahdi's death, the Khalifa
said, would bring us no luck. We found several boats in readiness, and
in them crossed the Blue Nile, which is here about four hundred yards
broad; but this operation took us several days. Just north of Wad el
Abbas, there is a strip of high sandy ground; and this was selected as
the position of the camp, because the land in the vicinity is low-lying,
and unfit for habitation during the rainy season. All my thoughts were
now bent on flight; but, as most of the people entirely sympathised with
the Khalifa's government, it required the greatest care on my part to
select any one in whom to place confidence. Very soon after our arrival
at Wad el Abbas, I received a letter from the Khalifa, which ran as
follows:--
"In the name of God, the All-bountiful and Merciful, from the
noble Sayed Abdullahi Ibn Sayed Mahmud, by the grace of God,
Khalifat el Mahdi, on whom be peace, to our brother in God,
Abdel Kader Saladin.
"After this greeting of peace, this is to inform you that I have
not received any letter from you since your departure; but I
hope that, by the grace of God, you are in good health. You know
my instructions, and you have drunk from the river of my
eloquence; I have urged you to remain faithful, and I know that
you will uphold your promise. This day, I received a letter from
one of the Mahdi's friends, who tells me that your wife, coming
from the land of the unbelievers, has reached Korosko, and is at
this moment endeavouring to bribe people to induce them to fly
with you, in order to bring you to her; and I have been told
that you know all about this. I therefore again urge you to
adhere steadfastly to the faith of the Prophet, and to perform
with honesty the duties upon which you have entered; but I wish
to add that no doubt has entered into my heart of your fidelity.
I only wish you peace, and I greet you."
At the same time, a letter arrived for Yunes to the effect--so his
secretary told me in confidence--that news had come from Berber, and
that a very strict watch was to be kept over me. Under these
circumstances, I could not conceive why the Khalifa had written to me.
Yunes did not tell me that he had received these instructions, and,
outwardly, was more friendly than ever with me; but I was guarded very
closely both by day and night, and when, a few days later, some hundreds
of the Gimeh Arabs were, in accordance with the Khalifa's orders,
embarked on a steamer to proceed to Omdurman, Yunes instructed me to
return with them in order, he said, to give the Khalifa a verbal account
of the situation. I perfectly understood what was meant, and realised
that he wished to avoid the responsibility of having me with him.
When all the people were embarked, I went to say good-bye to Yunes, who
gave me orders to inform the Khalifa on a number of points. I said that
when this duty was over, I presumed I should return to him, to which he
replied, "Perhaps you wish to remain with our master the Khalifa, or
possibly he may require your presence in Omdurman. Had I better send the
horse I gave you after you, or shall I keep it here?" I assured him that
I looked upon the horse as his, and not mine; for I was well aware that
once back in Omdurman, I should again have to walk barefoot. As a token
of his friendship, Yunes gave me a hundred hides, and a letter of
recommendation to the Khalifa. The second day after leaving Wad el
Abbas, I reached Omdurman, handed over the Gimeh under my charge to
Yakub, and was then received by the Khalifa. He affected great surprise
at seeing me, saying that he thought I should have some difficulty in
leaving Yunes even for an hour. These were of course mere empty words;
for I knew perfectly well that this was a plan arranged between them to
get me back without my suspecting it. Meanwhile, he gave me permission
to go and visit my household, after which I was to return to him for
further orders.
In the evening, we were once more alone, and he began to talk of the
letter which had come from Berber. I assured him that if the letter had
really come, it must have been written with an intention to do me harm,
or that there was some mistake; and, in proof of this, I told him that I
had never been married, and that, in consequence, there could be no
pining wife to come and look for me. Should any one, however, come to
Omdurman and try to induce me to fly, my first step would be at once to
inform the Khalifa. He assured me that he did not believe the rumour,
and then asked me if I preferred to stay with him or return to Yunes.
Guessing his intention, I told him that nothing in the world would
induce me to leave him again, and that I considered the time spent with
him as the happiest in my life. Although pleased at my flattering words,
he took occasion to remind me, in a very serious tone of voice, to be
faithful and true, and to have nothing whatever to do with people other
than his own household; and he then ordered me to take my place as usual
before the gate.
On withdrawing from his presence, and thinking the matter over, I had no
doubt now that his suspicions against me had not only taken root, but
had begun to grow.
At this time the force in El Obeid included about two hundred Blacks,
mostly old soldiers, whose numbers had been increased by the arrival of
a portion of the former garrison of Dara. Many of them were inhabitants
of Jebel Daïr, who were in constant enmity with the Mahdists, and who
had been captured by them and utilised as slaves to build their huts.
Indignant at this treatment, they resolved to regain freedom by force.
Fadl el Maula Bekhit, one of my servants who had been detained in El
Obeid, and Beshir, a former lieutenant, were the ringleaders of this
conspiracy; and it is always a wonder to me that the Mahdists did not
succeed in discovering the plot. Sayed Mahmud, it will be remembered,
had been summoned to Omdurman; and the mutineers now thought the
favourable moment had arrived to put their plans into execution.
Suddenly, at midday, the inhabitants of El Obeid were startled by the
firing of rifles; the soldiers had seized the isolated building which
was used as a storehouse for the arms and ammunition, and were firing on
the Dervishes, who had attacked them in this position. The latter were
driven back; and the former then succeeded in collecting their wives and
children. The Dervishes, having only a few fire-arms, had retreated to
the Government buildings, and had barricaded the doors. The soldiers,
encouraged by their success, now attempted to take these buildings by
storm; but were forced to retire. In this attack, Abder Rahman el
Borusi, formerly one of my best and bravest subalterns, was killed;
while the Dervishes lost Abdel Hashmi, Sayed Mahmud's representative,
who was greatly detested by the soldiers on account of his overbearing
ways. If the soldiers had only had a good leader, El Obeid would
certainly have fallen into their hands; but, under the circumstances,
they had no special desire to take this post, and were merely bent on
regaining their freedom. That night they spent in the powder magazine,
where they were joined by quantities of male and female slaves, who took
this opportunity to run away from their masters. Early the next morning,
the inhabitants and the Dervishes attempted an attack on the soldiers,
but were utterly defeated, and lost a large number in killed and
wounded. The soldiers, longing for freedom, now left El Obeid, and
marched in a southerly direction towards the Nuba mountains; but, before
leaving, they plundered a number of houses, and, seizing the women they
found there, made them their slaves. The Dervishes now attempted to
pursue them; but the soldiers, elated by their freedom, again utterly
routed them. Unfortunately, the Emir of the soldiers, a certain Wad
Abdulla, a native of Wad Medina, and who had also been one of my
officers at Dara, knew of the plot, but did not join in time, fearing
it might fail; he was now seized by the Gellabas, and, in spite of his
innocence, was beheaded.
The news of this mutiny was at once sent to Sayed Mahmud in Omdurman;
and the Khalifa, no longer requiring his services there, permitted him
to return to El Obeid, with instructions to come back as soon as
possible to Omdurman with his family, and with all the other relatives
of the late Mahdi, but forbade him to pursue the mutineers. When,
however, he arrived at El Obeid, moved either by feelings of revenge, or
thinking perhaps that by killing the mutineers he should obtain favour,
he disregarded the Khalifa's orders, and, collecting all the able-bodied
inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood, advanced against the
soldiers. The latter had taken up a strong position in the Golfan and
Naïma hills, and had established there a sort of military republic,
nominating as their chief Beshir, who was formerly a sergeant. He gave
careful instructions that the ammunition was not to be wasted; and he
forbade the mention of the name of the Mahdi under pain of punishment.
They acknowledged the Khedive as their master, and swore in his name;
and the neighbourhood supplied them with abundant food.
Sayed Mahmud, on his arrival at El Obeid, had despatched secret agents
to assure the mutineers that he loved them as his own children, and that
he would give them a full and free pardon should they submit to him. The
soldiers jeeringly replied, that he should first of all convince himself
of their affection for him. Thereupon, Mahmud resolved to storm the
mountain, and, carrying his own banner at the head of his troops, he was
shot dead while leading the assault. Several of his adherents who
attempted to recover his body met with a like fate, whilst the remainder
of his following dispersed, and fled in all directions, pursued by the
Nuba mountaineers, who inflicted heavy loss on them.
Hamdan Abu Anga, who at this time was only a few days distant from the
scene of operations, at once reported this occurrence to the Khalifa,
and asked to be allowed to punish the victorious mutineers; but he was
instructed to take no further action, as his master had more important
duties for him to perform; he had now to deal with Mohammed Khaled.
In Omdurman, however, the Khalifa declared publicly, that Sayed Mahmud
had been justly punished by God for his disobedience; and that instead
of coming to him as ordered, he had sought fame and revenge, in
attacking the rebels contrary to his wishes.
For some time back, Khaled had received letters from the Khalifa, asking
him to come to Omdurman, and offering him a high position and honours.
The latter had made all preparations for his departure, and was on the
point of starting, when the news came of the action taken by the Khalifa
in regard to Khalifa Sherif, and the relatives of the late Mahdi. Khaled
now received further letters from Abdullahi, telling him how the action
of these relatives had forced him to take this unfortunate step; he
begged him, in consequence, to come with all speed, as he had no doubt
that his practical common sense would assist him in bringing about a
reconciliation with all parties. Khaled, believing in these assurances,
and anxious to be of assistance to his relative, hastened his journey
and camped at Bara. He had under his command a very considerable force,
which was augmented by a large number of the local population of Darfur
who had been unwillingly compelled to immigrate. He had at his disposal
upwards of a thousand cavalry, and three thousand rifles, whilst his
followers could not have numbered less than twenty thousand persons.
Previous, however, to Khaled's arrival, Abu Anga, who had with him over
five thousand rifles, had received secret instructions to move to Bara,
and now advanced thither by forced marches. At sunrise one morning,
Khaled found his camp completely encircled by Abu Anga's troops, who
were prepared to carry out his instructions, should the slightest
opposition be made. Abu Anga now summoned Khaled to appear before him;
and the order was at once obeyed. On his arrival the Khalifa's
instructions were handed to him, which were to the effect that, as a
token of his submission and fidelity, he should at once make over to Abu
Anga all his soldiers and cavalry, as the latter was considered
commander-in-chief of the army; Khaled complied with this order without
demur, and, being detained by Abu Anga, who obliged him to give the
necessary instructions, in a short time the whole of the Darfur troops
were placed under the command of subordinates nominated by Abu Anga.
This over, Abu Anga now summoned all the Emirs who accompanied him from
Darfur, and read out to them a very flattering document from the
Khalifa, in which they were given the option of remaining with him, or
returning to Omdurman.
Khaled and his relatives, however, were arrested; their property
confiscated; and all the treasure accumulated in the Beit el Mal was
taken possession of by Abu Anga. Said Bey Guma, who, for a considerable
time, had acted as chief of Abu Anga's artillery, also reaped
considerable benefit from this episode, by obtaining permission to
re-annex all his slaves, wives, and property which had been confiscated
in Darfur, and which Khaled had brought along with him.
Khaled himself was placed in irons, and sent to El Obeid; where he had
leisure to think over the Khalifa's letter, and to recognise that there
is a wide difference between making a promise, and carrying that promise
into effect.
The Khalifa, however, was completely satisfied with the result of his
plan. Once more he had inflicted a crushing blow on his opponents, who
had counted greatly on Khaled's return, but who now saw Abu Anga's army
augmented by the very men they had thought to utilise for their own
purposes. Abu Anga's force now numbered several thousands; he soon
acquired an influence over the Darfur Emirs and their subjects, whom he
considered his compatriots, and several of them proceeded to Omdurman,
where they were received by the Khalifa with the highest honours. Thus
were the fears of the inhabitants of the Nile valley increased, owing to
the growing prestige and power acquired by the western Arabs; and they
realised that for them a reign of despotic tyranny was approaching.
Abu Anga now received instructions to attack and destroy the rebels in
the Golfan mountains, who, after the death of Mahmud, considered
themselves masters of the situation, and began to treat the inhabitants
of the district tyrannically, the result being that internal dissensions
arose amongst the various tribes, and they began to scatter and return
to their own homes. On the approach of Abu Anga, my old servant with his
wife, feeling that he could not count on success, went over to him,
saying he was tired of fighting, and was ready to submit to such
punishment as his crime merited, all he begged was permission to defend
himself. He represented that he had been my servant in Darfur, and that
he, with several others, had been forcibly prevented by Mahmud from
continuing his journey, that owing to the constant insults he had
received, he had become angry and disgusted, had joined the mutineers,
and had taken an active part in the fighting; but that now he had come
to beg forgiveness, and ask permission to join me, or suffer the
punishment to which he was justly entitled. Abu Anga, whose father had
been a slave, and who always had compassion on his own tribesmen, and
detested the Gellabas (a name which the western Arabs used generally for
all inhabitants of the Nile valley), knew perfectly well that the
soldiers had been driven into revolt by the unjust treatment they had
received, and, consequently, generously pardoned my servant for the
sake, he said, of his old friendship for me, and to do me honour in my
position as mulazem of the Khalifa. He thereupon gave him a letter to
me, announcing that he had great pleasure in returning to me my old
servant, and that he rejoiced we were again united.
Beshir, who had refused the offer of submission, was attacked by Abu
Anga's troops the following day, and, after making a magnificent stand,
was killed, together with Fadl el Maula, and several soldiers who had
remained true to him to the end. On the night previous to this action,
several of his men had deserted secretly, and had hidden themselves in
various parts of the country; but one after the other they were forced
to surrender and accept the pardon offered them. Abu Anga himself,
however, took advantage of his success only in so far as to requisition
the inhabitants to supply his army with food, and to acquire male and
female slaves; whilst he left his cousin Osman Wad Adam as his
representative in El Obeid. An order now arrived that the latter should
take over the command of Darfur, where Sultan Yusef, a son of Sultan
Ibrahim, who had been killed in Zubeir's time, was in revolt.
I ascertained, from a merchant who had recently arrived from Kordofan,
that my friend Joseph Ohrwalder had quitted El Obeid, and would shortly
arrive in Omdurman. Although I knew that I should have considerable
difficulty in meeting him, I rejoiced to think that one of my old
countrymen would be near me. I sat at my master's gate, ready at all
times to obey his orders. Occasionally, I was spoken to kindly, and
commanded to dine with him; at other times, without rhyme or reason as
far as I knew, I was taken no notice of for days, receiving from my
master only the blackest and most disdainful looks; but this was due to
the extraordinary changeability of his character, and I knew I must put
up with it. I suppose this was part of my education. To my comrades, I
showed myself absolutely callous to everything that happened in the
country, so that they should have no reason to increase the distrust
felt by the Khalifa, who, I knew, frequently inquired as to my conduct.
As a matter of fact, however, I watched all the occurrences as closely
as my position would allow, and endeavoured to impress them on my mind;
for I was, of course, prohibited from writing a single line. The Khalifa
contributed very little towards the support of my household, and only
occasionally gave orders for me to be supplied with a few ardebs of
dhurra, or a sheep, or a cow.
Ibrahim Adlan, whom I had known in the time of the Government, used to
send me monthly from ten to twenty dollars; and a few of the officials
and merchants who were in better circumstances than myself, used
secretly to send me small sums of money. Thus, though by no means well
off, I did not lack the absolute necessaries of life, and only
occasionally felt the actual pinch of want; anyhow I was better off than
my friend Lupton, whom the Khalifa had promised to assist, but paid
absolutely no attention to his wants. Lupton, it is true, enjoyed a
certain amount of freedom: he was allowed to wander about in Omdurman,
and to talk to the people; nor was he obliged to attend the five prayers
daily at the mosque; but, in spite of this, life to him was full of
trouble and sorrow. I begged Ibrahim Adlan to interest himself in
Lupton, and to give a kind thought to him occasionally, by helping him
with small sums of money; but this was not sufficient to keep him, and,
though ignorant of any trade, he had perforce to earn a livelihood by
mending old arms. Having been an officer in the English merchant
service, I thought he might know something about machinery. Meeting him
one day in the mosque, he complained bitterly of his wretched position;
and I suggested to him that if he could secure an appointment in the
Khartum dock-yard, it might improve his condition. He jumped at the
idea; and I promised that I would do my best to help him. A few days
later, it happened that the Khalifa was in a good temper, and showed a
friendly disposition towards me, as Abu Anga had sent him a present of a
young horse, some money, and some of Khaled's slaves. I was commanded to
dine with him; and, in the course of conversation, succeeded in turning
the subject to the steamers and their machinery, which, up to that day,
had been an absolute mystery to him. "The steamers," said I, "require
competent men to look after them and repair damages. As most of the
workmen in the dock-yard were killed during the siege of Khartum, I
suppose you have had some difficulty in replacing them?"
"But what is to be done?" said the Khalifa. "These steamers are of the
greatest value to me; and I must do all I can to preserve them."
"Abdullahi Lupton," said I, "was formerly engineer on a steamer; if he
received a good monthly salary from the Beit el Mal, I believe he would
be really useful for this work."
"Then will you speak to him," said he, apparently much pleased; "if he
undertook this work of his own free-will and accord, without being
forced into it, I believe he would be of some use in these matters, of
which, I admit, I know absolutely nothing. I will order Ibrahim Adlan to
pay him well."
"I do not even know his whereabouts," said I. "I have not seen him for a
long time; but I will make inquiries. I feel confident that he will be
only too glad to serve you."
The following day, I sent for Lupton, told him of the conversation, but
begged him to do as little as he possibly could for our enemies.
He assured me that the steamers, of the machinery of which he had only a
superficial knowledge, would, under his charge, grow worse instead of
better, and that it was only his unfortunate circumstances which obliged
him to accept the position. The Khalifa had also spoken to Ibrahim
Adlan; and that evening, Lupton sent me word that he was now appointed
an employé in the arsenal, with pay at the rate of forty dollars a
month, which would be just sufficient to save him from absolute want.
The Khalifa took this occasion to dismiss from the arsenal a certain
Sayed Taher, an uncle of the Mahdi, by whom he had been appointed
director. He had been formerly a carpenter in Kordofan, was excessively
ignorant, but excelled in every description of dishonesty, and freely
sold iron and other material; he was replaced by an Egyptian who had
been born in London, and was of such a timorous nature that he did not
dare to be dishonest.
The Khalifa now found that the Kababish, who inhabited the northern
portion of Kordofan as far as Dongola, and whose herds pastured down to
Omdurman, were not sufficiently submissive for his purpose; he therefore
gave instructions to Ibrahim Adlan to confiscate everything they had,
under the pretext that they had been frequently ordered to undertake a
pilgrimage, and that they had refused to comply. Ibrahim Adlan
accordingly sent off a a party, who confiscated the Kababish flocks.
This tribe used to do all the carrying trade of gum from Kordofan, and
possessed considerable sums of money, which, in accordance with the
usual Arab custom, they buried in some out-of-the-way place in the
desert known only to themselves; they were now maltreated and tortured
in order to make them disgorge, with the result that large amounts
reached the Beit el Mal. The tribe as a whole submitted without much
fighting; but Saleh Bey, the head Sheikh, and a brother of Sheikh et
Tom, who had been beheaded by the Mahdi, collected his nearest
relatives, and, together with them, proceeded to the wells of Om Badr,
where nobody dared to follow them. The Khalifa thereupon despatched two
well-known Sheikhs, Wad Nubawi of the Beni Jerrar and Wad Atir of the
Maalia, to ask him to come to Omdurman, not only promising him full
pardon, but also his nomination as Emir of the Kababish. Saleh Bey
listened quietly to the proposition, and, to the astonishment of the
messengers, took some tobacco, which is detested by the Mahdists, and,
putting it into his mouth, said, "I have well understood what you have
said; the Khalifa forgives me entirely, and desires me to come to
Omdurman. Supposing now that on my arrival the Prophet should appear to
the Khalifa--for we all know that the Khalifa acts altogether on the
inspirations of the Prophet--and instructs him not to forgive me; what
then?" The messengers were not able to answer this question, and, each
having received a present of a camel, returned to the Khalifa and
related exactly what had occurred. Several of the Kababish who had been
deprived of their property, now deserted to Sheikh Saleh at Om Badr;
and, in a very short time, although not a very powerful enemy, he was
sufficiently so to prove of considerable annoyance to the Khalifa.
In Omdurman, the Kababish camels and sheep were sold by auction in the
Beit el Mal, and the price of meat fell considerably in consequence, but
the price of grain rose in proportion: the reason of this being that
Yunes permitted his men in the Gezira to do just as they liked. These
districts were the granary of Omdurman; and Yunes, having introduced
into them thousands of the Gimeh tribe, with their wives and children,
who had been deprived of all they possessed, these now organised
themselves into bands of brigands who not only seized all the grain they
could lay their hands on, but terrorised the inhabitants who cultivated
the land. Thus the store of grain diminished daily; whilst the army of
Yunes, to his great delight, grew in numbers, being augmented by runaway
slaves and a large supply of independent individuals. It was the
Khalifa's intention to weaken the power of the Gezira people, who
belonged, for the most part, to Khalifa Sherif's party; but now the
paucity of grain somewhat alarmed him, and he therefore sent orders to
Yunes to return to Omdurman with his entire force. In accordance with
these instructions, this great mass of people swept towards Omdurman,
seizing everything they could lay their hands on; and Yunes entered the
capital, as it were, at the head of a conquering army laden with loot of
every description. He was ordered to take up a position towards the
south end of the city, near the forts; and to this day the place is
known as Dem Yunes.
Shortly after his arrival, it was rumoured in Omdurman that the
Abyssinians intended attacking Gallabat. It was said that a certain
Hajji Ali Wad Salem, of the Kawahla, who resided in Gallabat, and who
had formerly had some trading transactions with the Abyssinians, was
travelling in their country, had been made an Emir of a portion of his
tribe, had invaded Abyssinian territory, and had destroyed the Church of
Gabta.
A certain Takruri named Saleh Shanga, who had resided at Gallabat, and
had held a position of some importance under Government, had quitted
that town on its evacuation by the Egyptian troops, and had settled down
in Abyssinia; but his cousin Ahmed Wad Arbab had been made Dervish Emir
of the district. Ras Adal, Governor of the province of Amhara, now
called on Arbab to deliver up Hajji Ali, who had been disturbing the
peace; and as this demand was refused, he had collected a considerable
force, and had invaded Gallabat. Meanwhile, Arbab, who had received
warning of Ras Adal's approach, now collected his followers, amounting
to some six thousand men, and awaited his arrival outside the town. The
rush of the Abyssinian force, which was ten times as strong as that of
Arbab, was terrible: in a few minutes, the Mahdi's forces were
completely surrounded; Arbab himself killed, and almost all his troops
massacred, only a very few escaping. The Abyssinians mutilated the
bodies of all, except that of Arbab, which, out of consideration for
Saleh Shanga, was untouched. The Dervishes had stored their spare
ammunition in an isolated house, and had placed it in charge of an
Egyptian, who, being called upon after the battle to surrender, refused
to do so; and on the Abyssinians attempting to storm it, he blew it up,
thus destroying himself and his enemies. The wives and children of those
who had been killed, were now carried off into captivity by the
Abyssinians. Gallabat itself was burnt to the ground; and, for a long
time, its site was little else than a great open cemetery, the abode of
nothing save hyenas.
When the news of the destruction of Wad Arbab's army reached the
Khalifa, he sent a letter to King John requesting him to release the
captive wives and children in exchange for a sum of money which he asked
him to fix; but, at the same time, he ordered Yunes to quit Omdurman
with his entire force, and proceed to Gallabat, where he was to await
further orders. On the departure of the army of Yunes, the Khalifa
himself, with a number of his followers, crossed to the west in a
steamer, and, after staying with them three days, he gave the warriors
his parting blessing, and then returned to Omdurman.
Some time since, Gustav Klootz, who had failed to make a living in
Omdurman, had disappeared, and I thought he must have escaped out of the
country; but I now learnt, from some merchants who had just arrived from
Gedaref, that he had reached that place, but had succumbed to the
fatigues of the journey, and had died just before the Abyssinian
invasion.
Nejumi and Abu Girga were now ordered, the former to Dongola, and the
latter to Kassala, with instructions to occupy the country with their
troops, whilst Osman Digna was appointed ruler of the Arab tribes
between Kassala and Suakin. The Khalifa, however, in order to keep
himself fully informed of the actions and intentions of Nejumi and Abu
Girga, who, with their men, originally belonged to the Nile valley, and
did not, in consequence, possess his entire confidence, nominated two of
his own relatives, Mussaid Wad Gaidum and Osman Wad Ali, as his
representatives, with instructions that they should on all occasions be
consulted. In this manner, not only did Mussaid and Ali obtain a certain
amount of control, but the arrangement also tended to give them a
species of authority amongst the Nile Arabs. Thus, gradually, he
extended his power over the entire Sudan, by lessening the authority of
the local inhabitants, and placing his own relatives and tribesmen in
positions of importance. He and his Emirs enlarged their households
almost daily, and their luxurious mode of life required the expenditure
of considerable sums of money; it was therefore necessary to acquire a
thorough hold over the revenues of the country. The number of his
personal followers, and especially his armed mulazemin, increased
rapidly, and it was necessary to arrange for their maintenance. Money
was required for them, as well as for those who were secretly hostile to
him, and whom he wished to gain over to his side without an open
rupture.
Ibrahim Adlan was now called upon to regulate the finances. The revenues
consisted of fitra (poll-tax), which every living man was obliged to pay
at the end of the great fast of Ramadan; its payment was usually made in
grain,--approximately eight rotls,--but it might also be paid in cash.
No one was exempt from this obligation; and parents were compelled to
pay not only for their children under age, but even for their newly-born
babes. Another source of income was the zeka (or two-and-a-half-per-cent
"alms for the poor") which was paid in grain, cattle, or money in
accordance with the Moslem Law. The officials appointed to gather this
tax were nominated by Yakub and Ibrahim; and it was presented by them to
the Khalifa. They were obliged to keep a strict account of all receipts,
which they had to render to the Beit et Mal, supported by vouchers.
An attempt was also made to regulate the expenditure, that is to say,
Ibrahim Adlan was forbidden to pay away money as he thought proper. Of
course, certain persons,--such as the Kadi, his clerks, the chiefs of
the mulazemin, etc.,--whose services were absolutely necessary to the
Khalifa, were granted certain specified sums, which were paid monthly,
but which were so small that they were scarcely sufficient to provide
for the bare necessaries of life; for instance, the chief Kadi, who bore
the title of Kadi Islam, received only forty dollars a month; the
Khalifa's secretary, thirty; and so on. Khalifa Sherif and his relatives
received a certain sum in accordance with the Khalifa's special orders;
but Khalifa Ali Wad Helu, owing to his submission and obedience, was in
the Khalifa's favour, and obtained a somewhat larger amount. The
principal share, however, of the Sudan revenue was absorbed by the
Khalifa and his relatives; and he and his brother Yakub utilised it in
satisfying the demands of the western tribes, whose adherence to his
cause was most necessary, and who, having left their own country, were
occasionally in considerable straits.
Another means of increasing the revenue was by the hiring out of ferries
along the whole extent of the river; and Ibrahim Adlan also started a
soap-boiling establishment, which was made a Government monopoly. One
day, the Khalifa, riding through the city, entered a district which he
did not usually visit, and there his olfactory nerves were greeted with
an odour which he well knew; he at once ordered search to be made to
discover from whence it came, and, in a few minutes, a poor half-naked
individual was brought before him, holding in his hand a stewpan in
which he had been attempting to boil soap. The Khalifa at once gave
orders that he should be thrown into prison, and his property,
consisting of a stewpan and an angareb, should be confiscated.
An immense stock of silver trinkets, captured in the various campaigns,
lay stored up in the Beit el Mal; and quantities of these had been sold
for much below their value and had been secretly taken, from time to
time, by dealers to Egypt. In order to put a stop to this, the Khalifa
now decided to make his own coinage. After the fall of Khartum, Ahmed
Wad Suleiman had attempted to coin silver dollars and gold guineas; but,
on the Mahdi's express wish, he had abandoned it. Ibrahim Adlan,
however, now began to strike half, quarter, and whole dollars; and it
was arranged that the new dollar, which weighed eight drachms, should
consist of six drachms of silver and two of copper, but should have the
same value as the Medjidi dollar. The merchants, however, refused to
accept these; and, as a punishment, the Khalifa confiscated their goods
and closed their shops. This brought them to reason; and, on agreeing to
accept them at their whole value, their property was restored; but they
were warned that, if they made any further difficulties, they would be
punished by the loss of the right hand and left foot. The natural
outcome of these arbitrary measures was an immediate rise of prices to
compensate for the difference in value between the new and old dollars;
of course, all the Khalifa knew was that the dollar had been accepted,
and with that he was satisfied.
Another source of income realised by Ibrahim Adlan was the organisation
of the sale of slaves; it was now arranged that slaves of both sexes
should be sold at a certain specified place near the Beit el Mal. The
vendor was obliged to make out a bill, endorsed by the Beit el Mal,
admitting that the object of negotiation was absolutely and entirely the
property of the purchaser; and for this bill a tax was levied.
The Beit el Mal was now arranged in the most comfortable manner
possible; it was removed from the vicinity of the mosque, and located in
a large walled enclosure near the river. Adlan had special buildings
erected for his own clerk, for counting-houses, and for drug-stores
where the old medicines which had escaped destruction in the sack of
Khartum, were now deposited; he also erected large grain stores. In
fact, Ibrahim Adlan was ambitious enough to endeavour to make his
position rank next to that of the Khalifa in importance; and, while
doing all he could to remain in his good graces, he did not forget that
the latter was also to a large extent in the hands of the Kadis, or
religious judges, of whom the chief was Ahmed Wad Ali, Kadi of Islam.
All lawsuits and quarrels of a public or private nature, as well as
Government litigation, were brought before the Court of Kadis to be
decided; and, in accordance with the Khalifa's instructions, they were
supposed to execute judgment as laid down in the Sheria Mohammedia
(Religious Law), the Manshur el Mahdi (Instructions of the Mahdi), and
El Ishara (Signs and Commands of the Khalifa). The natural result of
this was, that, instead of upholding the law, they became the prime
abusers of it. It frequently happened that the "instructions" of the
Mahdi differed entirely with the religious law; and then, besides this,
the "signs and commands" of the Khalifa had also to be observed,--that
is to say, each case was judged in accordance with the Khalifa's wishes;
and it invariably happened that judgment was given in favour of the
Mahdi or Khalifa, even in private quarrels in which, in order to obtain
some personal advantage, the Khalifa frequently and most unjustifiably
interfered. In the Kadi el Islam, the Khalifa had a most faithful
servant, ever ready to obey his master's wishes to the letter, no matter
how grossly the law was misapplied. Human life was of no account; and
the Kadi and his colleagues would, without the smallest hesitation, give
a judgment utterly opposed to right and truth, and which would have the
most direful consequence on perfectly innocent persons. In order to
qualify the grossest miscarriages of justice, he would publicly announce
from his pulpit, that he himself would be perfectly prepared to submit
to this jurisdiction, and that should any one consider himself in the
smallest degree oppressed by the judgment just given, he had only to
appeal to the Court of Kadis. On one occasion, a dweller on the White
Nile, who had been recently, and very unjustly, dismissed from his
position as Emir, believing in the genuineness of the Khalifa's
statement, summoned him to appear before the Kadis. He complied with the
summons, and entered the mosque where the judges were sitting in an
attitude of complete submission; and, the news having got about that the
Khalifa had been invited to appear before a Court of Justice, an immense
crowd collected to hear the proceedings. The plaintiff, Abdel Minem,
stated that he had been wronged by the Khalifa, having been dismissed by
him from his position as Emir, which he had held during the whole period
of the Mahdi's rule, and that he was popular with his own tribe, who did
not wish him removed. The Khalifa, having dismissed him because he
suspected him of leanings to the party of Khalifa Sherif, defended
himself by saying that he had summoned him on several occasions, in
order to give him some important instructions, but that he was never to
be found either in his house or in a place of worship, which was a proof
that he was neglectful in matters of religion, and that it was on this
account he had dismissed him. Without the slightest hesitation, the
court gave judgment in favour of the Khalifa; and the plaintiff was
flogged until he bled, carried off to prison, and, on his way there, was
almost lynched by the mob.
The whole country, however, rang with the praises of the Khalifat el
Mahdi and representative of the Prophet, who, so great was his sense of
justice, did not fear to appear in the court, side by side with his own
subjects, and submissively await the judgment of the Kadis. But in order
to delude the public with the idea that he was of a most kind and
forgiving nature, he released his antagonist the following day, and
presented him with a new jibba and a wife.