EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN.
Karamalla's Expedition to the Bahr el Ghazal--Madibbo's Quarrel
with Karamalla--Affairs in Darfur--Execution of Madibbo--Defeat
and Death of Sheikh Saleh el Kabbashi--Capture of Charles
Neufeld--My Interview with Him--Arrival of Abu Anga's Army in
Omdurman--Destruction of the Gehéna Tribe--The Conspiracy of
"Saidna Isa"--Abu Anga's Campaign in Abyssinia--Sack of
Gondar--Terrible Fate of the Captives--Osman Wad Adam's Campaign
in Darfur--Death of Sultan Yusef--Instances of the Khalifa's
Tyranny--Building of the Mahdi's Tomb--Letters from Home--Death
of my Mother--Death of Lupton--Nejumi ordered to invade Egypt.
Mohammed Khaled had left Sultan Yusef, the son of Sultan Ibrahim, and
the legitimate successor, as chief Emir of Darfur. He was quite a young
man, and endeavoured to strengthen his position by soliciting the
good-will of Abu Anga and his assistant, Osman Wad Adam, who then
resided at El Obeid. Every now and then he sent them quantities of
horses and slaves; and they, in their turn, sent what they thought
advisable to the Khalifa. Khaled, on leaving Darfur, had taken with him
almost all the Mahdists who were inhabitants of the Nile valley; Yusef,
therefore, found himself governing the land of his forefathers
principally by means of his own subjects; and the latter, in their turn,
assuming that his government would be mild, fully appreciated the
change.
Shortly after the Mahdi's death, the Khalifa had sent messengers to
Karamalla, in the Bahr el Ghazal, instructing him to leave the country,
and come, with all his troops, to Shakka. Karamalla, after Lupton had
surrendered the country, had taken possession of the province, and had
proceeded to Suda, and forced the mutinous Sultan Zemio to quit his
residence, which he had fortified under the directions of Dr. Junker.
Zemio had barely escaped with his life, and, taking with him some of his
wives, had left most of his treasures of ivory in Karamalla's hands.
After this success, Karamalla had moved in a southeasterly direction
into the Equatorial Provinces, which were then under the rule of Emin
Pasha, and was just approaching the Nile, when he received the orders to
turn back.
Had it not been that he had the full support of his own countrymen,
Karamalla could not have obeyed the Khalifa's command; for it was an
operation of great difficulty to induce the Bazingers to leave their own
homes and go to Shakka. However, after the evacuation of the Bahr el
Ghazal, several of the Gellabas had hurried from Darfur and Kordofan to
join Karamalla, and procure ivory and slaves for themselves. In
consequence, the riverain element, consisting principally of Jaalin and
Danagla, represented a considerable portion of the force, and it was
impossible for the Bazingers to refuse to return. Thus, partly of his
own free-will, and partly from stress of circumstances, Karamalla
returned, bringing with him an immense number of female slaves, whom he
had kidnapped from the districts through which he passed. In spite of
all his precautions, several of his Bazingers managed to escape on the
march with their arms; but he had still at his disposal over three
thousand rifles on his arrival at Shakka, where he sold his enormous
quantities of male and female slaves to the dealers, who paid him in
ready money.
Like a sensible man, he sent some of the money and the pick of the
slaves, by his brother Suleiman, to the Khalifa; and the latter, much
pleased with his present, ordered him to remain at Shakka. Both Abu
Anga, and Osman Wad Adam also came in for a fair share of the spoil.
At Shakka, however, Karamalla conducted himself as if he were ruler of
the whole country, and perpetrated every description of tyranny and
extortion. Madibbo, the Emir and ruler of this part of these districts,
reproached him bitterly; but Karamalla, who had seized a number of
horses and slaves from the Rizighat Arabs, told him to mind his own
business. Several of the malcontents now rallied round Madibbo, and this
was exactly what Karamalla wanted. He sought an excuse for a quarrel;
and when Madibbo, who had been ordered to appear before him, refused to
obey the summons, he proceeded against him as a rebel. A fight took
place; Madibbo was defeated, and fled towards Darfur; while Karamalla
followed him up through Dara as far as the neighbourhood of El Fasher,
and had thus an opportunity of seeing for himself the richness of the
country. He now requested Sultan Yusef to follow up and capture Madibbo;
whilst he himself returned to Dara, where he settled down, much to the
annoyance and disgust of Sultan Yusef's officials. Madibbo was captured
by Zaguna at about two days' distance from Fasher, and was handed over
to Sultan Yusef; and the latter sent him, under escort, to Abu Anga in
Kordofan, and at the same time took occasion to complain of Karamalla's
conduct. The latter, however, had written direct to the Khalifa in
Omdurman, informing him that the Furs were trying to revive the dynasty,
and that Sultan Yusef was only a Mahdist in outward appearance. Abu Anga
had also forwarded the letters he had received from Sultan Yusef; and
now the Khalifa had to choose between Karamalla and Yusef; but, with his
usual astuteness, he did neither.
Abdullahi rightly concluded that Yusef, being the direct descendant of
the old dynasty, would, if permitted to remain, endeavour to strengthen
his own position to such an extent that he might eventually struggle to
regain his independence. On the other hand, Karamalla, being a
Dongolawi, and a relative of the Mahdi, was undoubtedly a partisan of
Khalifa Sherif; moreover, most of the Bazingers belonged either to the
Danagla or Jaalin, and it was not to the interest of the Khalifa to
strengthen either of these parties, although they were at present openly
disposed towards him. He therefore wrote to Sultan Yusef that he was
lord of the country, that he did not entertain the slightest doubt as to
his fidelity, and many similar phrases; but instead of instructing
Karamalla to quit Dara, he sent orders for Abu Anga to officially occupy
the district. Yusef, imagining that the Khalifa had fully confirmed him
in his position, and finding that Karamalla was now in occupation of
Hillet Shieria and Toweisha, as well as Dara, determined to drive him
out of the country; an army was collected. His chief, Magdum Said Bros,
attacked the posts of Shieria and Toweisha, which were completely
destroyed; and Karamalla, after suffering very heavy losses, was forced
to retire on Shakka. In this engagement, Karamalla lost most of his best
fighting Sheikhs, amongst them Hassan Abu Taher, Ali Mohammed, and
others--all Danagla--who had fought under Yusef Shellali and Gessi Pasha
in the Bahr el Ghazal; but the Khalifa had so many enemies the less.
Madibbo was brought to Kordofan, and handed over to Abu Anga, who had an
old account to settle with him. When serving under Suleiman Wad Zubeir,
he fell, on one occasion, into the hands of Madibbo, who was very
hostile to him, and forced him to carry a huge box of ammunition on his
head during several days' march, and, when he complained about it,
mercilessly flogged and abused him. When Madibbo was brought before Abu
Anga, he had little hope of his life; but he determined to try and
obtain justice, affirming that he had not fought against the Mahdi, but
had been forced to take up arms by Karamalla. But of what use were all
his excuses and proofs of innocence, or his fidelity?--the only answer
he received from Abu Anga was: "And yet I will kill you." Madibbo, now
convinced of the uselessness of his pleading, resigned himself to his
fate, and, despairing of his life, said, "It is not you who will kill
me, but God. I have not asked for mercy, but for justice; however, a
slave like you can never become noble. The traces of the lashes of my
whip, which may still be seen on your back, were well deserved. In
whatever form death may come upon me, it will always find me calm and a
man. I am Madibbo, and the tribes know me." Abu Anga ordered him to be
sent back to prison, but forbore to have him flogged; and, the
following morning, he had him executed in front of his whole army.
Madibbo was true to his word. Standing in an open space, with a chain
round his neck, he sneered at the soldiers who galloped up to him,
shaking their lances over his head. When told to kneel down to receive
the death-blow, he called on the people who stood round to report
faithfully after his death how he had borne himself; a moment afterwards
all was over. Thus ended Madibbo, one of the ablest Arab Sheikhs in the
Sudan.
When his head was brought into Omdurman, there was general mourning
amongst the Rizighat Arabs, who had years before quitted their country
as pilgrims. Even the Khalifa himself regretted his death; but as the
deed had been done, he would not blame his greatest Emir. He therefore
concealed his indignation; but to me he remarked that had Abu Anga not
killed him, Madibbo might have done him many a valuable service.
Yunes was now apparently quite happy. He had gone from Abu Haraz to
Gedaref and Gallabat, where he had settled down; and, as his authority
was an extended one, and the people over whom he ruled were turbulent,
he asked the Khalifa's permission to undertake a campaign against the
Abyssinians, and Abdullahi, having received no answer from King John to
his peaceful letters, gave his consent. His troops, under Arabi Dafalla,
now attacked the villages along the frontier, destroyed several of them,
killing the men and carrying off their wives and children as captives.
By the rapidity of their movements, committing wholesale robberies one
day, and making murderous raids twenty miles distant the next, they had
become a perfect scourge to the Abyssinians; but, in spite of all this,
the latter still continued their commercial relations with Yunes, who,
by his amicable treatment of them in Gallabat, had induced them to come
in larger numbers to sell the produce of their country, such as coffee,
honey, wax, tomatoes, ostriches, etc., as well as horses, mules, and
slaves. The market-place lay just beyond the town; and when one day an
exceptionally large caravan of merchants, consisting of Gebertas
(Abyssinian Moslems) and Makada (Abyssinian Christians) arrived at
Gallabat, the rapacity of Yunes could not be controlled, and, on the
pretext that they had come as spies of Ras Adal, he threw them into
chains, and seized all their goods. They were then sent under escort to
Omdurman, where the ignorant mob imagined them to be the spoil of a
great victory; while the Khalifa, ever ready to increase his and his
people's prestige, publicly dubbed Yunes "Afrit el Mushrikin" (The Devil
of the Polytheists), and Mismar ed Din (The Nail of the Faith). Yunes
had been careful to send him all the prettiest of the Abyssinian girls
taken in the various raids, as well as a number of horses and mules;
thus, greedy of more victories, he decided to unite the army of Yunes
and Abu Anga, and attack King John, who, by not answering his letters,
had mortally offended him. In the meantime Yunes was instructed to
remain strictly on the defensive.
Abu Anga now received instructions to despatch fifteen hundred of his
men, all armed with Remington rifles, to Osman Wad Adam, who had been
appointed Emir of Kordofan and Darfur; but he himself was ordered to
come to Omdurman with the remainder of his troops.
Latterly, Sheikh Saleh el Kabbashi had been left undisturbed at the
wells of Om Badr; but, knowing that he would be attacked sooner or
later, he despatched to Wadi Halfa fifty of his most faithful slaves
with letters begging the support of the Egyptian Government; and the
faithful Saleh's agent obtained two hundred Remington rifles, forty
boxes of ammunition, £200 in cash, and some beautifully embossed
revolvers.
At this time, there resided at Assuan a German merchant named Charles
Neufeld, who had previously made the acquaintance of Dafalla Egail, a
brother of Elias Pasha who had recently escaped from the Sudan; from him
he learnt that in Northern Kordofan there was a large quantity of gum
which the merchants had been unable to dispose of, in consequence of the
rebellion, and which could easily be brought to Wadi Halfa with the
assistance of Sheikh Saleh. Enticed by this pleasant prospect of making
money, and filled with a love of adventure, he resolved to join Saleh's
people, in order to travel with them to their Sheikh. He had apparently
no difficulty in obtaining permission from the Government to proceed on
his journey, promising that he would send detailed accounts of the
situation in the Sudan; and, early in April, 1887, he left Wadi Halfa
with the caravan.
Nejumi, who had full information of the departure of the caravan, now
had all the roads carefully watched; and, to add to their misfortunes,
their guide lost his way, and the caravan suffered considerably from
thirst. When, at length, they approached some wells near El Kab, they
found them in possession of a party of Dervishes who were on the lookout
for them. A fight ensued in which Saleh's people, exhausted and thirsty,
were utterly defeated; most of them were killed by rifle fire, and the
remainder, Neufeld amongst them, were captured. At the beginning of the
action, Neufeld had seized a rifle, and, with his Abyssinian female
attendant, had taken up a position a short distance from the caravan;
and here, on some rising ground, he had determined to sell his life
dearly; but he was not attacked. When the fighting was over, they
offered him pardon, which he accepted, and was then taken off to Nejumi
in Dongola. The latter had all the captives beheaded, with the exception
of Neufeld, who was spared in order that he might be sent to Omdurman. I
had heard privately that an European captive was about to arrive; and,
consequently, I was not surprised when, one day in May, 1887, I saw a
crowd of people approaching the Khalifa's house, and, in their midst,
under escort, rode an European on a camel. It was generally rumoured
that he was the Pasha of Wadi Halfa. At that period, the buildings in
Omdurman were not very far advanced, and between the wall of the
Khalifa's house and the wall of the mosque was a large rekuba built of
straw, which served as a house for the mulazemin; and into this
Neufeld, after dismounting, was ushered. I held aloof, as I well
understood the nature of my master and his spies; and I pretended to be
quite indifferent to what was going on. The Khalifa, on Neufeld's
arrival, had sent for the two Khalifas and the Kadis, Taher el Magzub,
the Emir Bekhit, and Nur Angara, who had just arrived in Omdurman from
Kordofan, where he had been fighting under Abu Anga; Yakub had also been
summoned. As they entered, I whispered to Nur Angara, "Do your utmost to
save the man." To my delight, the Khalifa now summoned me, and ordered
me to sit with his advisers. He informed us that the man had been
brought in as an English spy; and he instructed Sheik el Taher Magzub to
question him. I at once asked to be allowed to speak to him in European
language; and, the request being granted, I went with Taher into the
rekuba.
When my name was mentioned, Neufeld shook my hand with great delight. I
at once drew his attention to the fact that he must address himself to
Sheikh Taher, who was the principal personage to judge him, and that he
should behave as submissively as possible. He spoke Arabic very well;
and his extreme readiness to talk made a bad impression on those
present, who ordered me to take him before the Khalifa, their general
opinion being, "He is a spy, and should be killed." Once in the presence
of the Khalifa, the latter said to me, "And what is your opinion?" "All
I know is," I replied, "that he is a German, and, consequently, belongs
to a nation which takes no interest in Egypt." I could see the Khalifa
watching me very carefully as he handed me some papers, and ordered me
to look through them: they included a list of medicines written in
German, and a letter to Neufeld in English, regarding news received in
the Sudan; also a long letter from General Stephenson, in which he was
granted permission to proceed to the Sudan with the caravan, and, at the
same time, requested to give the fullest accounts of the state of
affairs in the country. I translated this letter, but omitted the
general's request for information. "Sire," I said, "this letter shows
that he has asked permission of the Government to make this journey, and
that he is a merchant, as he told Sheikh Taher." Again the Khalifa
looked suspiciously at me, and then ordered us to withdraw and await his
further commands outside the house. An immense crowd had by this time
collected near the rekuba to see the English Pasha; and, in a few
moments, some of the Black mulazemin whom the Khalifa had summoned, came
out, and, having tied his wrists together, ordered Neufeld to leave the
rekuba. The Kadi, Nur Angara, and I had climbed up on a heap of bricks,
and from this position could see exactly what was going on. Neufeld, who
evidently thought his last hour had come, raised his eyes to heaven, and
knelt down, without having received any order to do so, and was at once
ordered to get up. Meanwhile, a man arrived, carrying an ombeÿa, and
began to make its melancholy notes resound over Neufeld's head; I was
delighted to see that this did not appear to disturb him in the least;
his poor servant, in her devotion to her master, now rushed out of the
rekuba, and begged to be killed with him; but she was at once driven
back. The Kadi and I quite realised that the Khalifa was playing with
Neufeld, just as a cat plays with a mouse; and, as sentence had not yet
been given, I endeavoured to signal to him; but he did not appear to
quite understand me. In a few moments, we were again summoned before the
Khalifa. "Then you are for having the man killed?" said the Khalifa to
Sheikh Taher, who replied in the affirmative. "And you?" he said,
turning to Nur Angara, who, in a few brief words, recalled Neufeld's
bravery, and begged to have him pardoned. "And now, Abdel Kader, what
have you to say?" he said, turning to me. "Sire," I replied, "the man
deserves to be killed, and any other ruler but yourself would have had
him killed; but, of your magnanimity and mercy, you will spare him; for
he says he has turned Mohammedan, and your mercy will strengthen his
faith." Kadi Ahmed was also for pardoning him; and now the Khalifa,
who, I saw from the first moment, had no intention of killing Neufeld,
ordered his fetters to be removed, and that he should be taken back to
the rekuba; but, that afternoon, he said to the Kadi, "Let him be shown
to the crowd beneath the scaffold, and then imprison him till further
orders; and as for you," he said, turning to me, "you will have no more
intercourse with him." We now all withdrew, but took occasion to tell
Neufeld that, although he had been pardoned, he was to be shown to the
populace that afternoon under the scaffold. The Kadi carried out his
instructions; and, to the delight of the mob, Neufeld's head was placed
in the noose by the saier.
The following day, the Khalifa summoned me before him, and informed me
that Nejumi had reported that Neufeld had been induced by the Government
to go and join Sheikh Saleh el Kabbashi, and assist him in fighting the
Mahdists. I explained that this could not possibly be true, and that
Neufeld's papers were all in order. Moreover, I said that the Government
would never have taken upon itself to do such a thing. For the time
being, I think he credited my explanation; but he revenged himself by
showing the most marked mistrust and contempt for me for some time.
A few days afterwards, the Khalifa held a great review; and Neufeld,
whose feet were in irons, was mounted on a camel, and taken to see it.
The Khalifa asked him what he thought of his troops; and he replied
that, although they were very numerous, they were not well trained, and
that the discipline in the Egyptian army was much better. The Khalifa,
who did not appreciate candid speaking, at once had him sent back to
prison.
Osman Wad Adam, who had received the Khalifa's orders either to capture
or kill Saleh Kabbashi, now sent an expedition under Fadlalla Aglan; and
Greger, Sheikh of the Hamada Arabs, was given to him as a guide. The
latter was well known to be Saleh's mortal enemy. The Kababish had
quitted the wells of the Hamada, and had moved eastward into the desert,
in order to await the arrival of the caravan sent to Wadi Halfa; and
now, when the disaster which had overtaken it became known, several of
the tribesmen whom Saleh had collected dispersed, and many returned to
Omdurman. Saleh, now deprived of all hope of assistance from his own
countrymen, was no longer able to make any determined opposition. He
therefore fled, with his family and near relatives, but was overtaken at
a well and killed. On the approach of his enemies, he bowed to his
destiny; and, seated on a sheepskin which had been spread on the ground
for him by his slaves, he patiently awaited death. His enemy, Greger,
jumping off his horse, approached him, and blew out his brains with his
pistol. Thus ended the last of the Sheikhs faithful to Government.
About the middle of June, news arrived that Abu Anga had reached the
Nile at Tura el Hadra with an army of between nine and ten thousand men,
all armed with rifles, and about an equal number of cavalry. It was
expected that he would be at Omdurman about the end of the month. The
Khalifa used frequently to ride out to the lines near Tabia Regeb Bey,
and employ himself pointing out the limits which the camp should occupy;
and, on these occasions, I used to accompany him on foot. During one of
these excursions, I cut my foot when walking by the Khalifa's side, and
could scarcely proceed. Seeing me limping, and my foot bleeding
profusely, he dismounted at Fadl el Maula's house, and called me up
before him, praised me for my perseverance, and gave me the horse which
Fadl el Maula himself had presented to him, telling me that in any
future rides I could mount it, and, as usual, remain near him.
Towards the end of June, Abu Anga arrived, and, when about two hours
distant from Omdurman, pitched his camp. That night, the Khalifa
received him alone in his house, no witnesses being present. The
conference lasted till long past midnight; and then Abu Anga returned
to his camp. At dawn the next morning, the beating of war-drums and the
sound of the ombeÿa proclaimed that the Khalifa intended to be present
on the entry of Abu Anga's army into Omdurman. Just after sunrise, he
rode out, accompanied by all his Emirs and an immense crowd, to the
parade ground, at the east end of which a tent had been pitched. Khalifa
Abdullahi, the other Khalifas, and the Kadis now entered this tent; and,
soon after, the approach of Abu Anga and his army was heralded by the
sound of trumpets and drums. The entire force passed the Khalifa twice
in review; and he was delighted with the immense number of the troops.
Summoning the Emirs before him, he called down God's blessing on their
heads, and then ordered them to take their troops to the allotted
camping ground. Now followed a period of the wildest debauchery, in
which his soldiers and subjects squandered the booty taken in Kordofan
at weddings and banquets; in so doing, they deviated widely from the
stringent orders of the Mahdi in such matters; but this did not seem to
displease the Khalifa.
Abu Anga himself, who had brought considerable sums of money, as well as
quantities of male and female slaves, for his master and his brother
Yakub, now distributed presents freely amongst his friends and
acquaintances. He sent me my old servant and his wife; but he did not
return my other servants, horses, and effects which had been taken from
me during my imprisonment.
A few weeks afterwards, the Khalifa celebrated the Feast of Bairam on
the largest scale I have ever seen. Hundreds of thousands of the
faithful repeated prayers with the Khalifa on the parade ground; and he
then returned in state to his house, under the thunder of guns and the
wildest acclamations of his subjects, who crowded through the streets in
such numbers that several were killed and trampled under foot by the
horses.
The Emir Merdi Abu Rof, of the Gehéna tribe, now received instructions
to come with all his tribe and cattle to Omdurman; but, having refused
to obey the summons, it was decided that he should be punished, and
made an example to others. A large portion of Abu Anga's army, under the
orders of Zeki Tummal, Abdalla Wad Ibrahim, and Ismail Delendok, was
ordered to march against them and destroy them. The Gehéna tribe,
generally called by the Arabs the Abu Rof, and celebrated for their
thoroughbred horses and camels, were also known to possess very fine
male and female slaves. The well known proverb, "Gehéna el Ol--Ashra fi
Sol" (There are ten Gehéna children to every man), faithfully
represented the tribe. In the fighting which ensued, their Emirs, Merdi
Abu Rof and Mohammed Wad Melek, fell, as well as their former Sheikh,
and the greater part of the tribe was annihilated. The finest of the
young women and children captured were selected and sent as presents to
the Khalifa; but the remainder were brought to Omdurman, where they eked
out a miserable existence by becoming water-carriers, or makers of straw
mats. Their great herds of cattle went for almost nothing in the
bazaars; and the price of an ox or a camel, which formerly varied
between forty and sixty dollars, fell to two or three dollars.
After the destruction of this tribe, Abu Anga received orders to proceed
from Omdurman to Gallabat, and take the command of the troops there.
Collecting the forces from the southern districts at Abu Haraz, he
proceeded to his destination, and arrived just in time to save Yunes.
One of Yunes's postmen had asserted that he was Saidna Isa (Jesus
Christ), and obtained a numerous following; many really believed in him,
whilst others were extremely dissatisfied with Yunes, who had become so
mercenary that he began to rob even his own people. Eleven of the
principal Emirs, amongst them the keeper of the ammunition stores, now
sided with Isa, and made a plot to assassinate Yunes; the day for
carrying it into execution had been actually arranged, when Abu Anga
suddenly arrived. His generous nature had given him many friends; and,
in a few days, he was fully informed of the whole affair, and instantly
arrested the conspirators. Yunes, utterly ignorant that any plot was
hatching, complained to Abu Anga about the arrest of his Emirs, and
asked for an explanation of his proceedings. "Because they intended to
murder you," was Abu Anga's simple reply. When the assassins were
brought before the Kadi, they did not deny their intentions; and their
leader declared most firmly that he was Jesus Christ, and that, in a
short time, this fact would be revealed to the world.
Abu Anga now despatched a special messenger to Omdurman for orders; and
the Khalifa, greatly alarmed, wished to keep the whole matter secret. He
summoned Yakub and Kadi Ahmed to consult with him; and it was agreed
that all the conspirators should be executed. I heard all about the
matter from Mohammed Wad esh Shertier, who had been forbidden the
Khalifa's house, and had orders to leave the same day for Gallabat. The
following day, however, the Khalifa changed his mind, having realised
that of the eleven Emirs, ten belonged to the powerful western tribes;
and not only would their loss to him be considerable, but he feared
their relatives and friends might turn against him. He therefore sent
camel-men, in hot haste, with a reprieve, and with orders that the
prisoners should be brought to Omdurman under escort. The camel-men,
however, failed to overtake Shertier who had had two days' start; and
they arrived in Gallabat to find the eleven bodies hanging on the
scaffold; all had died faithful to their Jesus Christ. Yunes, being a
relative of the Khalifa, only submitted to Abu Anga owing to his
superior force, but always looked upon him as his slave, though, as a
matter of fact, he was infinitely braver and more courageous. Yunes now
reproached him for having been precipitate, and from this episode arose
an estrangement between the two men, which ended in Yunes being recalled
to Omdurman, where he was commanded to perform his devotions daily in
the front row in the mosque.
[Illustration: An Abyssinian Scout.]
Abu Anga now collected all his forces, in order to revenge the defeat
of Wad Arbab. He had at his disposal the largest force which had ever
been collected by Khalifa Abdullahi: according to the rolls brought in,
he had upwards of fifteen thousand rifles, forty-five thousand spearmen,
and eight hundred cavalry; and quitting Gallabat with this force, he
marched through the Mintik (pass) towards Ras Adal. Up to this day, I
have failed to understand why the Abyssinians did not attack their enemy
whilst crossing the narrow passes and deep valleys, in which it would
have been most difficult to use fire-arms with effect; if they had not
succeeded in checking the advance in this manner, they would have at
least inflicted very heavy losses on the Dervishes. I can only conceive
that the Abyssinians made certain of their ultimate success, and
purposely enticed their enemies far into the country, with the object of
cutting off their retreat, and utterly annihilating them. Fighting began
on the plain of Debra Sin. Ras Adal had about two thousand rifles, and
had taken up a position threatening Abu Anga's left; but the latter had
sufficient time to clear the hills, and arrange his troops in battle
array. Attacked over and over again by the Abyssinians, the Dervishes
drove them off with frightful loss; and Abu Anga, taking the offensive,
succeeded in gaining a complete victory. So sure were the Abyssinians of
gaining the day, that they had taken up a position in front of a river;
and now many of them, in their flight, were drowned while attempting to
cross it. For a short time, the Abyssinian cavalry was to some extent
successful; but, after suffering considerable loss, they fled with Ras
Adal. The entire Abyssinian camp, consisting of quantities of tents,
fell into the hands of Abu Anga, who captured Ras Adal's wife and
grown-up daughter, and in this victory practically conquered the whole
of the Amhara Province. He advanced without delay on Gondar, where he
expected to find great treasures, but was disappointed; for, with the
exception of some goods belonging to the Geberta, and some large stores
of coffee, honey, and wax, which were of no value to him, as he had no
means of transport, he got practically nothing. In the large and lofty
stone building said to have been erected by the Portuguese, they found
one poor old Coptic priest, who was thrown out of the highest story into
the street below. Staying here only one day, Abu Anga ordered the town
to be fired, and, on his way back, attacked and looted villages right
and left, killing the men and seizing the women and children as
captives; the Geberta, and some little boys alone, were spared and
carried off as booty. In this manner thousands of Abyssinian women and
girls were driven in front of the army, urged on by the lash. On arrival
at Gallabat, a fifth of the loot was sent to the Khalifa, and several
hundred women were despatched to the Beit el Mal in Omdurman, where they
were sold to the highest bidders. The road between Gallabat and Abu
Haraz was strewn with corpses, and amongst them the daughter and young
son of Ras Adal.
Abu Anga, in accordance with the Khalifa's instructions, now began to
put Gallabat into a state of defence; for, in spite of the success just
gained, they knew that the Abyssinians would seek revenge. But he did
not long survive his victory; although only fifty-two years of age, he
suffered from constant illness, and was always trying to cure himself.
He had grown immensely stout, owing to the good living in which he
indulged, which contrasted greatly with what he had been formerly
accustomed to; he suffered much from indigestion, and used to treat
himself with a poisonous root which came from Dar Fertit. One day,
however, he took an overdose, and in the morning was found dead in his
bed. In him, the Khalifa lost his best Emir, who, though by descent a
slave, had, through his liberality and kindness, gained the affection of
all who knew him, as well as the esteem and regard of his subjects, who
admired his personal courage and sense of justice. He was mourned by his
entire force,--by Arabs as well as by Blacks,--who recognised in him a
strict though just master, and one who, though he punished very severely
any offences against his orders, was ever ready to help those in need.
He was buried in his red-brick house; and many of his servants and
slaves worshipped him as a saint.
At the same time that Abu Anga had left Omdurman for Gallabat, Osman Wad
Adam had received instructions to move with his whole force towards
Shakka and Darfur. At this time, a garrison was not required in
Kordofan: for Sheikh Saleh had been killed, and the land of the Gimeh
was deserted; the Gowama had been ordered to immigrate to Omdurman; and
the resistance of the southern mountains had been broken down by Abu
Anga. Karamalla, after having been driven back to Shakka, had
persistently demanded tribute from the Rizighat Arabs, who, however,
recognising that he was not all-powerful, rose as one man in mutiny
against him, and with such success that at length both Kerkesawi and
Karamalla, who were in want of ammunition, were practically besieged at
Shakka and Injileila. They now begged the Khalifa's help; and though the
latter had originally intended not to assist them, he was by no means
anxious to lose all his armed slaves. This was the reason for Osman Wad
Adam's despatch to Shakka. On arrival, he wrote letters to the Rizighat,
who were fighting rather personally against Karamalla than against the
Mahdist rule, ordering them to suspend hostilities, and promising that
he would give them justice. Fearful of Osman's power, they reluctantly
complied; but Karamalla, under the pretext of making peace negotiations,
enticed their Sheikh into his zariba, and there executed him. Osman now
moved forward by forced marches, not only on account of Karamalla, but
in fear of a mutiny on the part of Sultan Yusef, who, for a long time,
had sent no consignments of horses and slaves, and was evidently
beginning to feel himself sufficiently powerful to overturn the
Khalifa's authority.
Osman's arrival at Shakka relieved Karamalla and his garrison from a
very dangerous position; he then assured the Arabs, who were clamouring
for justice, that he would settle their case as soon as he had subdued
Darfur. His total force, including Karamalla's men, now numbered some
five thousand rifles, and with these he marched against Dara. He had
previously written to Sultan Yusef, ordering him to join him, and
informing him that in the event of his refusal, he would treat him as a
rebel. To this summons he received a reply that, as he had joined his
sworn enemy, Karamalla, it was impossible to come; at the same time,
news reached him that Sultan Yusef was concentrating his forces at
Fasher. On his arrival at Dara, Osman found the place deserted; but, on
the following day, he was attacked by Said Mudda, and only succeeded in
driving him off after a very closely contested fight. A week later, he
was again attacked by the Sultan's old vizir, Hussein Ibrahim, and Rahma
Gamo, who had collected Said Mudda's people, and had received
reinforcements as well; but these also were forced to retire. Osman now
marched on El Fasher. Had Sultan Yusef attacked him with his entire
force at Dara, he would in all probability have defeated him, and Darfur
would thus have been freed forever; but he had previously divided his
army, his vizirs were hated, and his own people had lost heart after
their recent defeats. A fight took place near Wad Berag, south of
Fasher; and Osman gained an easy victory. Sultan Yusef fled, but was
overtaken at Kebkebia and killed; whilst Fasher, in which all his wives
and relations had been collected, as well as a quantity of goods
belonging to Fezzan and Wadai merchants, also numbers of women and
children, fell into Osman's hands. Thus Darfur, which had been
practically lost to the Mahdists, was re-taken by them in the same month
(January, 1888), just at the time that Abu Anga had gained his great
victory over the Abyssinians. In this short campaign the Darfurians had
shown great fidelity to their native ruler; and Osman, fearing to expose
himself to continual difficulties by supporting their dynastic
sentiments, determined that all males of royal blood should either be
put in irons, executed, or sent to Omdurman, where they were placed
amongst the Khalifa's mulazemin, and treated as slaves.
All female members of the royal family were declared to be "Khums" (a
fifth of the booty), and put at the Khalifa's disposal. Some of these he
took into his own harem; and the remainder he distributed as "Suria"
(concubines) amongst his followers. He liberated, however, the two old
sisters of Sultan Ibrahim, namely, Miriam Isa Basi and Miriam Bakhita;
the latter was the wife of Kadi Ali, who was then in Omdurman.
Whilst these momentous events were transpiring in the east and west of
the Sudan Empire, the Khalifa governed the country at Omdurman in a most
tyrannical and despotic manner. He mistrusted every one. Numbers of
spies were employed by his brother Yakub; and their duty was to tell him
of everything that went on in the city. He was kept fully informed of
the general temper of the people; and should any persons express doubt
about the truth of the Mahdi's Divine mission, they were punished with
special severity. It happened, one day, that a sailor used some
irreverent expression regarding Mahdism, and was reported to the
Khalifa. The plaintiff, who was a fanatical Baggari, had, however, no
witnesses, those who were present at the time admitting to the Khalifa
that they were too far off to hear what passed; but the latter
determined to make an example. He therefore summoned the Kadi, and
ordered him to force a confession out of the accused, at the same time
advising him how to set about it. Two persons were then sent to the
prisoner, to apprise him that witnesses had been found; but that if he
made a confession of his own free-will, and admitted that he was sorry,
before the witnesses had been questioned, the Khalifa would mitigate his
sentence, and would probably pardon him. The poor man failed to see the
trap that had been laid for him, made a confession, and begged the
Khalifa's pardon. The confession was taken down in writing, and
submitted to Abdullahi, who ordered the sentence--which was
execution--to be carried out in accordance with the Mahdi's code. The
Khalifa, in giving sentence, said that had the insult been against his
own person, he would have forgiven him; but the prisoner, having sinned
against the Mahdi, he would be committing a crime if he mitigated it in
the slightest degree.
That afternoon, the Khalifa gave orders for the ombeÿa to be sounded,
while the dull beats of the great Mansura (war-drum) boomed through the
city, and he himself rode with an immense escort to the parade ground.
On his arrival, his sheepskin was spread on the ground; and on this he
sat, facing the east, whilst the Kadi and others stood behind him in a
semi-circle. He then ordered the accused to be brought before him.
Already his hands had been tied behind his back; but he showed not the
slightest signs of fear. When within a hundred paces of the Khalifa, he
was decapitated by Ahmed Dalia, the chief executioner.
Soon after this, a certain Fiki called Nur en Nebi (The Light of the
Prophet), who had collected a considerable number of disciples, preached
to them about the necessity for religious zeal, and urged them not to be
led away by innovations. Yakub reported this to the Khalifa, with the
result that the Fiki was at once arrested, and brought before the Kadi.
The necessary witnesses were procured; and the Fiki openly declared
before them that he was a good Mohammedan, but not a follower of the
Mahdi. By command of the Khalifa, the judges ordered him to be laden
with chains; his hands tied behind his back; and, under the deafening
shouts of the mob, he was dragged to the market-place, where he was
hanged on the scaffold erected there. I remember looking at the body,
whilst suspended from the gallows, and was struck by the calm and
smiling expression on the face of this man who had died for his
convictions. Several hundred houses, surrounding the abode of the
murdered man, were confiscated; their inmates arrested, bound, and
carried off to prison; but, through the intervention of Adlan, they were
subsequently liberated. The Khalifa now issued a proclamation to the
effect that all the inhabitants of the city were responsible for the
actions of their neighbours; and persons found involved in political or
religious intrigues were threatened with the most condign punishment.
On mere suspicion, several of the natives of the Nile valley were thrown
into chains, and deprived of all they possessed. Thus did he deal with
all suspected persons, and at the same time considerably enriched his
treasury.
[Illustration: A Slave Dhow on the Nile.]
On another occasion, he had a meeting of the Kadis, and told them, in
confidence, that, in his opinion, all vessels on the Nile were really
"Ghanima" (booty); for, as he truthfully remarked, whilst he was in
Kordofan, the owners had, in spite of his frequent appeals, invariably
refused to assist the Mahdi's cause. They had not only failed to attack
the Government steamers on the river, but had also frequently provided
the Government stations with grain and wood. Of course the Kadis fully
concurred in his opinion; and, the following morning, they received a
letter from Ibrahim Adlan, asking them whether all vessels were not
state property. The all-powerful judges replied in the affirmative,
supporting their answer by extracts from the Mahdi's code, according to
which the owners were to be considered Mukhalafin (obstinate persons).
This pamphlet was read publicly, in the presence of the Khalifa, who
remarked, in conclusion, that those vessels alone were exempt which did
not float, or which were not built of the wood of the forests, which
were all the property of the state. These vessels, numbering upwards of
nine hundred, of from twenty to five hundred ardebs carrying capacity,
now all passed into the possession of the Beit el Mal; and, as they were
almost without exception the property of Jaalin and Danagla, who lived
on the river, the means of support of these unfortunate people was
entirely gone. The boats were now utilised by Ibrahim Adlan to carry
cargoes of grain to the Beit el Mal; or they were hired out annually at
a high rate, to persons who were considered worthy of this confidence.
In order to show his veneration for the Mahdi, the Khalifa decided to
erect a monument to him, as is the custom in Egypt; but this he did
rather to satisfy his own vanity, than out of respect for his late
master. A square building was erected, some thirty feet high, and
thirty-six feet each way; and the stone for this construction, of which
the walls were upwards of six feet thick, had to be brought all the way
from Khartum. Above this a hexagonal wall fifteen feet high was built,
from which rose a dome forty feet high. On the corners of the main
building were four smaller domes. This was called Kubbet el Mahdi
(Mahdi's dome). It was furnished with ten large arched windows, and two
doors; and in the hexagonal portion were six skylights. It was
whitewashed all over, and surrounded by a trellis-work fence; the
windows and doors were made by the workmen in the Khartum arsenal; while
directly beneath the dome, and over the Mahdi's grave, a wooden
sarcophagus was erected, covered with black cloth. On the sides of the
walls, candelabra were hung; while, suspended by a long chain from the
centre of the dome, was an immense chandelier taken from the Government
palace in Khartum. The sombre appearance of the inside of the building
was relieved by some gaudy painting on the walls. A few yards from the
building is a small cistern, built of red bricks cemented together; and
this is used by the visitors for their religious ablutions. The plans
for this building were devised by an old Government official who had
been formerly employed as an architect; but, of course, public opinion
dutifully attributed the design to the Khalifa.
The ceremony of laying the foundation-stone of this building was
conducted with great unction by the Khalifa, who "turned the first sod."
Accompanied by a crowd of upwards of thirty thousand people, he
proceeded to the river bank, where the stones were heaped up, and,
lifting one of them on his shoulder, carried it to the spot, his example
being followed by every individual person in this vast assemblage; the
noise and confusion were perfectly indescribable. Numbers of accidents
happened; but those injured thought it fortunate to suffer on such an
occasion. The building was not completed till the following year, and
entailed a considerable amount of labour, though little expense; and,
during its construction, the Khalifa frequently asserted that angels
lent their assistance. An Egyptian, hearing this, and aware that many of
his compatriots were masons, was constrained to remark to them, "You are
probably the Khalifa's angels, and require neither food, drink, nor
payment." Had the Khalifa heard this, he would undoubtedly have removed
this wag's head.
[Illustration: The Mahdi's Tomb.]
As usual, I was always in close attendance on the Khalifa; and, as a
token of his good-will, he presented me with one of the Abyssinian girls
sent by Abu Anga. Her mother and brother had been killed before her
eyes; and the poor creature had been torn from their bodies, and driven
into captivity at the end of the lash. Although not treated as a slave
by my people, who did all they could to lighten her sad lot, she never
seemed bright or happy; she continually brooded over her losses and her
home, until, at length, death released her from her sufferings.
Occasionally Father Ohrwalder used to visit me secretly; but, as the
Khalifa did not approve of our meeting, his visits were few and far
between. We used to talk of our home, and of our present wretched
existence; but we never lost hope that, sooner or later, our captivity
would come to an end.
Abu Girga, who commanded at Kassala, was now ordered to proceed to Osman
Digna, and assist him in his fighting; leaving Ahmed Wad Ali as his
representative at Kassala, he was summoned to Omdurman to report to the
Khalifa on the state of the Arab tribes in the Eastern Sudan. He arrived
late one evening, and was at once received in long private audience by
the Khalifa; and, on withdrawing, hurriedly told me that he had given
him a letter from my family in Europe. A few minutes later, I was called
in, and informed that the Governor of Suakin has sent a letter to Osman
Digna, which was supposed to be from my family, and which he had sent
on. In handing me this letter, the Khalifa ordered me to open it at
once, and acquaint him with its contents. I glanced through it
hurriedly, and, to my intense grief and sorrow, saw that it was an
announcement from my brothers and sisters that my poor mother had died,
and that, on her death-bed, she had expressed an earnest hope that we
should all be re-united. The Khalifa, impatient that I took so long to
read it, again asked me who had written it, and what were its contents.
"It is from my brothers and sisters," I replied; "and I will translate
it to you." I had no reason to conceal its contents; it was merely a few
lines from distressed brothers and sisters to their distant brother. I
told him how disturbed they were about me; and how they were ready to
make any sacrifice in order that I should regain my liberty. When I came
to the part about my mother, it required all my self-control; I told him
that, owing to my absence, her death was not so peaceful as it might
have been, and that during her long illness, her constant prayer to God
had been that she might see me again. Her prayer, alas, had not been
answered; and now this letter had brought me her last greeting, and her
tender hopes for my welfare. My throat felt parched and dry, and had not
the Khalifa suddenly interrupted me, I must have broken down. "Your
mother was not aware that I honour you more than any one else," said he;
"otherwise she certainly would not have been in such trouble about you;
but I forbid you to mourn for her. She died as a Christian and an
unbeliever in the Prophet and the Mahdi, and cannot therefore expect
God's mercy." The blood rushed to my head; and, for a moment, I could
say nothing; but gradually regaining my self-control, I continued to
read on that my brother Henry was now married, and that Adolf and my
sisters were quite well. Finally, they begged me to let them know how I
could obtain my liberty, and urged me to write to them. "Write and tell
one at least of your brothers to come here," said the Khalifa, when I
had finished the letter. "I would honour him, and he should want for
nothing; but I will talk to you about this another time." He then signed
to me with his hand; and I withdrew.
My comrades, who had already heard that a letter had arrived for me,
were very inquisitive, and asked me all manner of questions; but I
answered them only briefly, and, as soon as the Khalifa had retired to
rest, I went home. I flung myself down on my angareb, and my servants,
much concerned, asked me what was the matter; but I told them to leave
me. "Poor mother, then it was I who made your last hours so unhappy!" My
brothers and sisters had written her last words: "I am ready to die; but
I should have loved to see and embrace my Rudolf once more. The thought
that he is in the hands of his enemies makes my departure from this
world very difficult for me." How well I remembered her words when I
left for the Sudan: "My son, my Rudolf, your restless spirit drives you
out into the world! You are going to distant and almost unknown lands. A
time, perhaps, will come when you will long for us, and a quiet life."
How true had been her words,--poor mother! How much trouble I must have
given her! And then I cried and cried,--not about my position, but for
my dear mother, who could never be replaced.
The next morning, the Khalifa sent for me, and again made me translate
the letter to him; and he ordered me to reply at once that I was
perfectly happy in my present position. I did as I was told, and wrote a
letter praising the Khalifa, and saying how happy I was to be near him;
but I put inverted commas against many words and sentences, and points
of exclamation, and wrote at the bottom of the letter that all words and
sentences thus marked should be read in exactly the opposite sense. At
the same time, I asked my brothers and sisters to write a letter of
thanks to the Khalifa in Arabic, and to send him a travelling-bag, and
to me two hundred pounds, and twelve common watches, suitable for
presents; as, on certain seasons of the year, the Emirs attended the
feasts in Omdurman, and would greatly appreciate them. I also asked them
to send me a translation of the Kuran in German, and advised them not to
worry for the present; but that I hoped to find some means of being
re-united to them. I told them to send the things, through the Austrian
Consul-General in Cairo, to the Governor of Suakin, by whom they would
be forwarded to Osman Digna. I handed this letter to the Khalifa, who
gave it to some postmen who were going to Osman Digna with instructions
to send it to Suakin.
About a month before I received the sad news of my mother's death, I had
to deplore the loss of one of my comrades in captivity, Lupton. He had
been working in the dock-yard at Khartum until recently; but the feeble
state of his health had obliged him to ask to be relieved from this
position. He had then returned to Omdurman, and had suffered great want;
but, to his relief, Saleh Wad Haj Ali, with whom he was on very friendly
terms, returned from Cairo, and brought him some money which he had
received from Lupton's family. Haj Ali naturally tried to make as much
money out of the transaction as he could. He had advanced a sum of a
hundred dollars to Lupton as a loan, receiving from him, in return, a
bill on his brother for two hundred pounds, which had been cashed on his
arrival in Cairo; and, returning again to Omdurman, had paid Lupton two
hundred dollars, keeping the remainder, about eight hundred dollars, for
himself. In spite of this robbery, this small sum delighted poor Lupton,
and helped him, for a short period, to stave off the miseries of living
like a beggar. He also rejoiced that a medium of communication had been
found with his relatives, whereby he eventually hoped to regain his
freedom. These hopes, alas, were not to be realised.
He had come home one Tuesday morning from the mosque with me, and was
consulting me as to whom he should entrust what remained of his two
hundred dollars, so as to obtain small sums when he required them, as it
was necessary for him to be most careful not to attract attention to
himself by spending large sums, and thus endanger his communication with
Egypt. We talked of home and of our present situation; and he seemed
more cheerful than usual, but complained of pains in his back, and of a
general feeling of indisposition. I left him about midday; and, on the
following Tuesday, he sent his servant to me, begging me to go and see
him, as he felt very ill. In reply to my question, the man told me that
his master was in a high fever, and had been in bed for three days. I
promised to come as quickly as possible, and, that evening, asked the
Khalifa's permission to go and see him. The next morning, having
obtained leave to spend that day with the invalid, I at once went to his
house, and found him in a dying condition. He was suffering from typhus
fever; and already the illness had reached such a stage that he scarcely
recognised me, and, in a few broken words, begged me to take care of his
daughter. He then said something about his father and mother; but he was
almost incoherent, and, at times, became quite unconscious. I
understood, however, that he was begging me to be the bearer of his
dying messages, should I ever succeed in escaping. On Wednesday, the 8th
May, 1888, he passed away at midday, without having recovered
consciousness. We washed him, wrapped him in a shroud, and, according to
the usual custom, carried him to the mosque, where the prayers for the
dead were recited; and then we buried him in a cemetery near the Beit el
Mal. Father Ohrwalder, the majority of the Greek colony, and a number of
natives who had learnt to love and respect his noble and unassuming
character, were present.
I obtained the Khalifa's permission to see to his household, and handed
over his money to a Greek merchant to take charge of for his daughter
Fanny, and thus save her from want. I also succeeded in getting a
situation at the arsenal for one of his Black boys whom he had educated,
and who receives pay up to the present time. Fanny's mother, Zenoba,
married, two years later, an Egyptian doctor named Haasan Zeki; and,
although I made frequent efforts to send her daughter to Europe to be
educated, my plans were always frustrated by the reluctance of mother
and daughter to separate. Under such circumstances, it can readily be
understood that the girl fell into a thoroughly Sudanese mode of life,
adopting their ways and customs, and looking upon herself as a native.
Had she gone to Europe,--and she could only have been sent there by
force,--the effort to lead a life to which she was utterly unsuited, and
away from her Black mother, would have made her miserable.
At this period of my narrative, the Khalifa was in a peculiarly good
humour. After the re-conquest of Darfur, he had given orders that
everything should be done to induce the Arab tribes to undertake
pilgrimages to Omdurman, and, if necessary, to force them to do so.
Osman Wad Adam had sent notice that the Khalifa's entire tribe,--the
Taaisha,--consisting of upwards of twenty-four thousand warriors, with
their wives and families, had decided to immigrate to Omdurman, and that
several of them had already reached El Fasher. Thus, at length, the
ardent wish of his heart--to gather his own tribe and relatives about
him, and make them masters of the situation--was accomplished.
Nejumi was now in Dongola with instructions to undertake offensive
operations against Egypt; but the final orders to move forward with the
main body were frequently postponed. His army, however, was increased,
from time to time, by the arrival of Emirs whom the Khalifa was anxious
to remove from Omdurman; and thus a fairly considerable force was
gradually accumulating on the northern frontier of the Mahdist Empire.
Osman Wad ed Dekeim, the brother of Yunes, was now sent to Berber, which
had hitherto been administered by a representative of the late Mohammed
Kheir; and, reinforced by six hundred cavalry, he took over the reins of
government. Thus another district fell under the sway of one of the
Khalifa's own relatives.