fully considered, I can say little; only, with regard to the latter, it
is plain, that the article of paying tithe for supporting speculative
opinions in religion, which is so insupportable a burden to all true
Protestants, and to most churchmen, will be very much lessened by this
expedient; because dry cattle pay nothing to the spiritual hireling,
any more than imported corn; so that the industrious shepherd and
cowherd may sit every man under his own blackberry-bush, and on his own
potato-bed, whereby this happy island will become a new Arcadia.
I do likewise propose, that no money shall be used in Ireland except
what is made of leather, which likewise shall be coined in England, and
imported; and that the taxes shall be levied out of the commodities we
export to England, and there turned into money for his Majesty's use;
and the rents to landlords discharged in the same manner. This will be
no manner of grievance, for we already see it very practicable to live
without money, and shall be more convinced of it every day. But whether
paper shall still continue to supply that defect, or whether we shall
hang up all those who profess the trade of bankers, (which latter I am
rather inclined to,) must be left to the consideration of wiser
politicians.
That which maketh me more zealously bent upon this scheme, is my desire
of living in amity with our neighbouring brethren; for we have already
tried all other means without effect, to that blessed end: and, by the
course of measures taken for some years past, it should seem that we are
all agreed in the point.
This expedient will be of great advantage to both kingdoms, upon several
accounts: for, as to England, they have a just claim to the balance of
trade on their side with the whole world: and therefore our ancestors
and we, who conquered this kingdom for them, ought, in duty and
gratitude, to let them have the whole benefit of that conquest to
themselves; especially when the conquest was amicably made without
bloodshed, by a stipulation between the Irish princes and Henry II.; by
which they paid him, indeed, not equal homage with what the electors of
Germany do to the emperor, but very near the same that he did to the
King of France for his French dominions.
In consequence of this claim from England, that kingdom may very
reasonably demand the benefit of all our commodities in their natural
growth, to be manufactured by their people, and a sufficient quantity of
them for our use to be returned hither fully manufactured.
This, on the other side, will be of great benefit to our inhabitants
the graziers; when time and labour will be too much taken up in manuring
their ground, feeding their cattle, shearing their sheep, and sending
over their oxen fit for slaughter; to which employments they are turned
by nature, as descended from the Scythians, whose diet they are still so
fond of. So Virgil describeth it:--
Et lac concretum cum sanguine bibit equino;
Which, in English, is bonnyclabber[144] mingled with the blood of
horses, as they formerly did, until about the beginning of the last
century luxury, under the form of politeness, began to creep in, they
changed the blood of horses for that of their black cattle, and, by
consequence, became less warlike than their ancestors.
Although I proposed that the army should be collectors of the public
revenues, yet I did not thereby intend that those taxes should be paid
in gold or silver; but in kind, as all other rent: For, the custom of
tenants making their payments in money, is a new thing in the world,
little known in former ages, nor generally practised in any nation at
present, except this island and the southern parts of Britain. But, to
my great satisfaction, I foresee better times; the ancient manner
beginneth to be now practised in many parts of Connaught, as well as in
the county of Cork; where the squires turn tenants to themselves, divide
so many cattle to their slaves, who are to provide such a quantity of
butter, hides, or tallow, still keeping up their number of cattle; and
carry the goods to Cork, or other port towns, and then sell them to the
merchants. By which invention there is no such thing as a ruined farmer
to be seen; but the people live with comfort on potatoes and
bonnyclabber, neither of which are vendible commodities abroad.
A
VINDICATION
OF
HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN, LORD CARTERET.
NOTE.
JOHN CARTERET, EARL GRANVILLE, succeeded to the Carteret
barony at the early age of five years. He was the son of George,
the first Baron Carteret, and was born in 1690. He was educated at
Westminster School and Christ Church, Oxford, from which latter
place, as Swift puts it, "he carried away more Greek, Latin, and
philosophy than properly became a person of his rank." In the House
of Lords Carteret was known as a strong adherent of the Protestant
succession, and joined the Sunderland party on the split of the
Whigs in 1717. As ambassador extraordinary to the Court of Sweden
he was eminently successful, being the instrument by which, in
1720, peace was established between Sweden, Prussia, and Hanover.
Later, he served in a similar capacity with Earl Stanhope and Sir
Robert Sutton at the Congress of Cambray.
In 1721 he was appointed Secretary of State of the southern
province, but although a member of the Walpole administration, he
intrigued with the King against Walpole, and attempted to form a
party in opposition to that minister. He ingratiated himself in the
King's favour by means of his knowledge of the German language (for
George knew no English), and obtained the support of Carleton,
Roxburghe, Cadogan, and the Countess of Darlington. Walpole,
however, was too strong for him. He managed to get Carteret to
Ireland as Lord Lieutenant, and the Duke of Newcastle took up the
office held by him in England. The condition of Ireland at this
time was such as to cause grave anxiety to the English government.
Carteret was sent ostensibly to a post of great importance, though,
in reality, to be out of Walpole's way. For an account of
Carteret's government during the agitation against Wood's
halfpence, the reader is referred to the sixth volume of the
present edition.
During the King's absence from England in 1723, Carteret had been
one of the lords justices of the country, and in 1725, when George
was again away, he was again appointed to this office. George,
however, died on his way to Hanover; but, on the accession of
George II., Carteret continued to hold high office. He was
re-appointed to the Irish Lord Lieutenancy in 1727, and it was
during this second term that he was criticised for the conduct
Swift vindicates in the following tract.
The Dean had a great admiration both for the scholarship and temper
of Carteret. The admiration was mutual, for Carteret often
consulted with Swift on important matters, and, though he dared not
appoint the Drapier to any position of importance, he took occasion
to assist the Drapier's friends. At the time of the proclamation
against the Drapier's fourth letter, the Dean, writes Scott,
"visited the Castle, and having waited for some time without seeing
the Lord Lieutenant, wrote upon one of the windows of the chamber
of audience these lines:
'My very good lord, 'tis a very hard task,
For a man to wait here, who has nothing to ask.'
Under which Carteret wrote the following happy reply:
'My very good Dean, there are few who come here,
But have something to ask, or something to fear.'"
To Carteret's politic government of Ireland was mainly due the
peaceful condition which prevailed amidst all the agitation roused
by bad management and wretchedness. In a letter to Swift, written
many years later (March, 1737), Carteret writes: "The people ask me
how I governed Ireland, I say that I pleased Dr. Swift." And Swift
confessed (in a letter to Gay, November 19th, 1730) that Carteret
"had a genteeler manner of binding the chains of the kingdom than
most of his predecessors." It was to Carteret that Swift made his
well-known remark, on an occasion of a visit, "What, in God's name,
do you do here? Get back to your own country, and send us our
boobies again."
Swift was well aware that Carteret had not the power to make the
changes in Ireland necessary for its well-being. Such changes could
come only from the government in England, and as this was
implacable, Carteret was but an instrument in its hands. Swift was
therefore compelled to rest content with obtaining what favours he
could for those friends of his who he knew deserved advancement,
and he allowed no occasion to slip by without soliciting in their
behalf.
Richard Tighe (who had managed to injure Sheridan in his
chaplaincy), with a number of the more violent members of the Whigs
in Ireland, took up Carteret's conduct, attempted, by means of
their interpretation of the Lord Lieutenant's promotions, to injure
him with the government, and accused him of advancing individuals
who were enemies of the government. Swift took up the charge in his
usual ironical manner, and wrote the Vindication which follows.
Carteret, it may be added here, was dismissed from his office in
1730, and joined Pulteney in a bitter struggle against Walpole,
which culminated in his famous resolution, presented to the House
of Lords, desiring that the King should remove Walpole from his
presence and counsels for ever. Carteret failed, but Walpole was
compelled to resign in 1742. The rest of Carteret's career bears no
relation to Irish affairs.
* * * * *
The present text is founded on that of the original London edition
printed in 1730, collated with the Dublin edition of the same date.
They differ in many minor details from that given by Scott in 1824.
[T. S.]
A
VINDICATION
OF HIS
EXCELLENCY
THE
Lord _C----T_,
FROM THE
CHARGE
Of favouring none but
TORIES, HIGH-CHURCHMEN and
JACOBITES.
* * * * *
By the Reverend Dr, _S----T_.
* * * * *
LONDON:
Printed for T. WARNER at the _Black-Boy_ in _Pater-Noster-Row_.
MDCCXXX.
(Price _6d._)
A VINDICATION OF HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN, LORD CARTERET.
In order to treat this important subject with the greatest fairness and
impartiality, perhaps it may be convenient to give some account of his
Excellency in whose life and character there are certain particulars,
which might give a very just suspicion of some truth in the accusation
he lies under.
He is descended from two noble, ancient, and most loyal families, the
Carterets and the Granvilles. Too much distinguish'd, I confess, for
what they acted, and what they suffer'd in defending the former
Constitution in Church and State, under King Charles the Martyr; I mean
that very Prince, on account of whose martyrdom "a Form of Prayer, with
Fasting," was enjoined, by Act of Parliament, "to be used on the 30th
day of January every year, to implore the mercies of God, that the guilt
of that sacred and innocent blood, might not be visited on us or our
posterity," as we may read at large in our Common Prayer Books. Which
day hath been solemnly kept, even within the memory of many men now
alive.
His Excellency, the present Lord, was educated in the University of
Oxford,[145] from whence, with a singularity scarce to be justified, he
carried away more Greek, Latin, and philosophy, than properly became a
person of his rank, indeed much more of each than most of those who are
forced to live by their learning, will be at the unnecessary pains to
load their heads with.
This was the rock he split on, upon his first appearance in the world,
and just got clear of his guardians. For, as soon as he came to town,
some bishops, and clergymen, and other persons most eminent for learning
and parts, got him among them, from whom though he were fortunately
dragged by a lady and the Court, yet he could never wipe off the stain,
nor wash out the tincture of his University acquirements and
dispositions.
To this another misfortune was added; that it pleased God to endow him
with great natural talents, memory, judgment, comprehension, eloquence,
and wit. And, to finish the work, all these were fortified even in his
youth, with the advantages received by such employments as are best
fitted both to exercise and polish the gifts of nature and education;
having been Ambassador in several Courts when his age would hardly allow
him to take a degree, and made principal Secretary of State, at a period
when, according to custom, he ought to have been busied in losing his
money at a chocolate-house, or in other amusements equally laudable and
epidemic among persons of honour.
I cannot omit another weak side in his Excellency, for it is known, and
can be proved upon him, that Greek and Latin books might be found every
day in his dressing-room, if it were carefully searched; and there is
reason to suspect, that some of the said books have been privately
conveyed to him by Tory hands. I am likewise assured, that he hath been
taken in the very fact of reading the said books, even in the midst of a
session, to the great neglect of public affairs.[146]
I own there may be some grounds for this charge, because I have it from
good hands, that when his Excellency is at dinner with one or two
scholars at his elbows, he grows a most unsupportable, and
unintelligible companion to all the fine gentlemen round the table.
I cannot deny that his Excellency lies under another great disadvantage.
For, with all the accomplishments above-mentioned, adding that of a most
comely and graceful person, and during the prime of youth, spirits, and
vigor, he hath in a most unexemplary manner led a regular domestic life,
discovers a great esteem, and friendship, and love for his lady, as well
as a true affection for his children; and when he is disposed to admit
an entertaining evening companion, he doth not always enough reflect
whether the person may possibly in former days have lain under the
imputation of a Tory; nor at such times do the natural or affected fears
of Popery and the Pretender make any part of the conversation; I
presume, because neither Homer, Plato, Aristotle, nor Cicero have made
any mention of them.
These I freely acknowledge to be his Excellency's failings: Yet I think
it is agreed by philosophers and divines, that some allowance ought to
be given to human infirmity, and the prejudices of a wrong education.
I am well aware how much my sentiments differ from the orthodox opinion
of one or two principal patriots, (at the head of whom I name with
honour Pistorides.[147]) For these have decided the matter directly
against me, by declaring that no person who was ever known to lie under
the suspicion of one single Tory principle, or who had been once seen at
a great man's levee in the worst of times,[148] should be allowed to
come within the verge of the Castle; much less to bow in the
antechamber, appear at the assemblies, or dance at a birth-night.
However, I dare assert, that this maxim hath been often controlled, and
that on the contrary a considerable number of early penitents have been
received into grace, who are now an ornament, happiness, and support to
the nation.
Neither do I find any murmuring on some other points of greater
importance, where this favourite maxim is not so strictly observed.
To instance only in one. I have not heard that any care hath hitherto
been taken to discover whether Madam Violante[149] be a Whig or Tory in
her principles, or even that she hath ever been offered the oaths to the
Government; on the contrary I am told that she openly professes herself
to be a high-flyer, and it is not improbable, by her outlandish name she
may also be a Papist in her heart; yet we see this illustrious and
dangerous female openly caressed by principal persons of both parties,
who contribute to support her in a splendid manner, without the least
apprehensions from a grand jury, or even from Squire Hartley Hutcheson
himself, that zealous prosecutor of hawkers and libels.[150] And as
Hobbes wisely observes, so much money being equivalent to so much power,
it may deserve considering with what safety such an instrument of power
ought to be trusted in the hands of an alien, who hath not given any
legal security for her good affection to the government.
I confess, there is one evil which I could wish our friends would think
proper to redress. There are many Whigs in this Kingdom of the
old-fashioned stamp, of whom we might make very good use; They bear the
same loyalty with us, to the Hanoverian family, in the person of King
George II.; the same abhorrence of the Pretender, with the consequent of
Popery and slavery; and the same indulgence to tender consciences; but
having nothing to ask for themselves, and consequently the more leisure
to think for the public, they are often apt to entertain fears, and
melancholy prospects concerning the state of their country, the decay of
trade, the want of money, the miserable condition of the people, with
other topics of like nature, all which do equally concern both Whig and
Tory, who if they have anything to lose must be equally sufferers.
Perhaps one or two of these melancholy gentlemen will sometimes venture
to publish their thoughts in print: Now I can by no means approve our
usual custom of cursing and railing at this species of thinkers under
the names of Tories, Jacobites, Papists, libellers, rebels, and the
like.
This was the utter ruin of that poor, angry, bustling, well-meaning
mortal Pistorides, who lies equally under the contempt of both parties,
with no other difference than a mixture of pity on one side, and of
aversion on the other.
How hath he been pelted, pestered, and pounded by one single wag, who
promiseth never to forsake him living or dead![151]
I was much pleased with the humour of a surgeon in this town, who having
in his own apprehension, received some great injustice from the Earl of
Galway,[152] and despairing of revenge, as well as relief, declared to
all his friends that he had set apart a hundred guineas to purchase the
Earl's carcase from the sexton, whenever it should die; to make a
skeleton of the bones, stuff the hide, and shew them for threepence; and
thus get vengeance for the injuries he had suffered by the owner.
Of the like spirit too often is that implacable race of wits, against
whom there is no defence but innocence, and philosophy: Neither of
which is likely to be at hand; and therefore the wounded have nowhere to
fly for a cure, but to downright stupidity, a crazed head, or a
profligate contempt of guilt and shame.
I am therefore sorry for that other miserable creature Traulus,[153] who
although of somewhat a different species, yet seems very far to outdo
even the genius of Pistorides, in that miscarrying talent of railing
without consistency or discretion, against the most innocent persons,
according to the present situation of his gall and spleen. I do not
blame an _honest_ gentleman for the bitterest invectives against one to
whom he professeth the greatest friendship; provided he acts in the
dark, so as not to be discovered. But in the midst of caresses, visits,
and invitations, to run into the streets, or to as public a place, and
without the least pretended excitement, sputter out the basest and
falsest accusations; then to wipe his mouth, come up smiling to his
friend, shake him by the hand, and tell him in a whisper, it was "all
for his service;" this proceeding, I am bold to think a great failure in
prudence; and I am afraid lest such a practitioner, with a body so open,
so foul, and so full of sores, may fall under the resentment of an
incensed political surgeon, who is not in much renown for his mercy upon
great provocation: who without waiting for his death, will flay, and
dissect him alive, and to the view of mankind lay open all the
disordered cells of his brain, the venom of his tongue, the corruption
of his heart, and spots and flatuses of his spleen--And all this for
threepence.[154]
In such a case what a scene would be laid open! and to drop my metaphor
what a character of our mistaking friend might an angry enemy draw and
expose! particularizing that unnatural conjunction of vices and follies,
so inconsistent with each other in the same breast: Furious and fawning,
scurrilous and flattering, cowardly and provoking, insolent and abject;
most profligately false, with the strongest professions of sincerity,
positive and variable, tyrannical and slavish.
I apprehend that if all this should be set out to the world by an angry
Whig of the old stamp, the unavoidable consequence must be a confinement
of our friend for some months more to his garret, and thereby depriving
the public for so long a time, and in so important a juncture, of his
useful talents in their service, while he is fed like a wild beast
through a hole; but I hope with a special regard to the quantity and
quality of his nourishment.
In vain would his excusers endeavour to palliate his enormities, by
imputing them to madness:[155] Because, it is well known, that madness
only operates by inflaming and enlarging the good or evil dispositions
of the mind: For the curators of Bedlam assure us, that some lunatics
are persons of honour, truth, benevolence, and many other virtues, which
appear in their highest ravings, although after a wild incoherent
manner; while others on the contrary, discover in every word and action
the utmost baseness and depravity of human minds; which infallibly they
possessed in the same degree, although perhaps under a better
regulation, before their entrance into that academy.
But it may be objected, that there is an argument of much force to
excuse the overflowings of that zeal, which our friend shews or means
for our cause. And it must be confessed, that the easy and smooth
fluency of his elocution bestowed on him by nature, and cultivated by
continual practice, added to the comeliness of his person, the harmony
of his voice, the gracefulness of his manner, and the decency of his
dress, are temptations too strong for such a genius to resist upon any
public occasion of making them appear with universal applause: And if
good men are sometimes accused of loving their jest better than their
friend, surely to gain the reputation of the first orator in the
kingdom, no man of spirit would scruple to lose all the friends he had
in the world.
It is usual for masters to make their boys declaim on both sides of an
argument; and as some kinds of assemblies are called the schools of
politics, I confess nothing can better improve political school-boys,
than the art of making plausible or implausible harangues, against the
very opinion for which they resolve to determine.
So Cardinal Perron after having spoke for an hour to the admiration of
all his hearers, to prove the existence of God; told some of his
intimates that he could have spoken another hour, and much better, to
prove the contrary.
I have placed this reasoning in the strongest light, that I think it
will bear; and have nothing to answer, but that allowing it as much
weight as the reader shall please, it hath constantly met with ill
success in the mouth of our friend, whether for want of good luck, or
good management I suspend my judgment.
To return from this long digression. If persons in high stations have
been allowed to choose mistresses, without regard even to difference in
religion, yet never incurred the least reflection on their loyalty or
their Protestantism; shall the chief governor of a great kingdom be
censured for choosing a companion, who may formerly have been suspected
for differing from the orthodox in some speculative opinions of persons
and things, which cannot affect the fundamental principles of a sound
Whig?
But let me suppose a very possible case. Here is a person sent to govern
Ireland, whose unfortunate weak side it happens to be, for several
reasons above-mentioned, that he hath encouraged the attendance of one or
two gentlemen distinguished for their taste, their wit, and their
learning; who have taken the oaths to his Majesty, and pray heartily for
him: Yet because they may perhaps be stigmatized as _quondam_ Tories by
Pistorides and his gang; his Excellency must be forced to banish them
under the pain and peril of displeasing the zealots of his own party;
and thereby be put into a worse condition than every common good-fellow;
who may be a sincere Protestant, and a loyal subject, and yet rather
choose to drink fine ale at the Pope's head, than muddy at the King's.