When Sobieski saw the great array of the Turkish camp exposed to

attack, he felt very confident of success. He contemptuously said of

the Grand Vizier: “This man is badly encamped. He knows nothing of war.

We shall certainly beat him.” In an address to his troops he said:—

Warriors and friends, yonder on the plains are our enemies, in

numbers greater indeed than at Choczim, where we trod them underfoot.

We have to fight them on a foreign soil, but we fight for our own

country, and under the walls of Vienna we are defending those of

Warsaw and Cracow. We have to save to-day not a single city but the

whole of Christendom, of which the city of Vienna is the bulwark.

The war is a holy one. There is a blessing on our arms and a crown

of glory for him who falls.... The infidels see you now above their

heads, and with hopes blasted and courage depressed are escaping

among the valleys destined to be their graves. I have but one command

to give—Follow me! The time is come for the young to win their

spurs.[27]

Kara Mustapha, when he saw the Christian army on the heights above

him, made immediate preparations for battle. He gave orders for the

massacre of thirty thousand Christian captives, mostly women and

children, taken prisoners on the route to Vienna and destined to be

sold as slaves. Leaving the best of his men, the Janissaries, in the

trenches before the city, he concentrated the main part of his army to

meet the attack of the Poles from the rear. Sobieski ranged his army

in a great semicircle and made a general advance against the Turks.

The Tartar irregulars fled and carried confusion to the rest of the

army. Sobieski then led his best troops direct against the centre

of the Turks. The mass of the Ottoman army was broken and routed.

Terrible slaughter followed, and the whole of the Turkish camp, with

immense booty, fell into the hands of the Christians. The Janissaries

in the trenches before the city were then attacked on two sides, by

the victorious Poles from the rear and by the Viennese garrison on the

front. They were cut to pieces and annihilated. The victory of Sobieski

was complete and final. Three hundred guns, nine thousand ammunition

wagons, and twenty-five thousand tents were captured.

The Turkish army was driven from the field and, panic-stricken, took

to flight. Untold thousands of them were killed, together with great

numbers of pashas and generals. Kara Mustapha escaped with the mob of

fugitives, carrying with him the sacred banner of the Prophet. The

débris of the army found its way to Raab, and thence to Buda, where the

Grand Vizier ordered the execution of some of the best officers of the

army, whom he falsely accused of being responsible for the disaster.

He himself then made his way to Belgrade, where, in his turn, he was

put to death, with much more justification, by order of the Sultan.

His immense and ill-gotten wealth was confiscated by the State. He had

lived in unprecedented splendour. In his harem were fifteen hundred

concubines, attended each by a servant, and seven hundred eunuchs

to guard them. His own personal servants and horses were counted by

thousands.

The second siege of Vienna, thus brought to so glorious an end by

its brave garrison and by Sobieski, differed essentially from that

undertaken by Sultan Solyman in 1529. Solyman was compelled to raise

the siege and to retreat by the failure of food and munitions. He met

with no reverse in the field, and he was able to withdraw his army

intact. Mustapha fought a pitched battle against a very inferior army

coming in relief of the city, and was defeated, and his army was routed

and broken up. There never was a greater disaster to an army or to a

general. It brought most serious results to the Ottoman Empire. It

broke once for all the prestige of the Turks as a conquering nation.

It removed the fear of an Ottoman invasion which for two centuries had

been a nightmare to the Central States of Europe.

The attack on Vienna was practically the last effort of the Ottomans

to extend their Empire into an enemy’s country. Henceforth they were

almost always on the defensive. It will be seen that the defeat of the

huge army by Sobieski resulted in the loss to the Turks of the greater

part of their conquests in Hungary, and that, in a few years, it led to

their being driven across the Danube.

Sobieski and Lorraine, after their great victory in front of Vienna,

followed it up with vigour. At Paskenay they fell into an ambuscade

prepared for them by the retreating Turks and lost two thousand men,

but two days later they attacked the enemy and defeated them with

great slaughter. The bridge of boats across the Danube by which the

Turks retreated was broken by the rush of fugitives and seven thousand

were killed or drowned. The Christian army then pressed on to Gran

and invested and captured that important fortress. It had been in

possession of the Turks for many years. Henceforth it was a rampart of

Austria and Hungary against them. This concluded the year’s campaign.

The Austrians and Poles went into winter quarters.

Meanwhile the effect of the great victory at Vienna was to stimulate

other Powers to join the combination against the Turks. The Pope

preached another crusade against them—the fourteenth. The Republic of

Venice fitted out a fleet, which was joined by galleys of the Pope,

the Knights of Malta, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany. In the following

year this fleet attacked and captured the island of Santa Maura and the

city of Prevesa, at the entrance to the Gulf of Arta. A Venetian army

also invaded Bosnia and Albania.

In this year also (1684) the Austrians, under Lorraine, issuing from

Gran, crossed the Danube and attacked and defeated the Turks at Warzen,

and again in another battle before Buda, and then besieged that

fortress. But after some weeks they were compelled by the rainy season

and disease in the army to raise the siege and retreat. Meanwhile

another Austrian army advanced into Croatia and fought and defeated the

Turks. As a result of this the province of Croatia, which had been for

one hundred and fifty-one years under Turkish rule, was freed from it,

and was thenceforward an Austro-Hungarian possession.

In the following year, 1685, the Austrians made further progress. The

important stronghold of Neuhausel, which twenty-two years previously

had been captured by the Turks, was now recaptured after a desperate

resistance. Of its garrison of three thousand men only two hundred

survived. The women and children of the Turks were sold to landowners

in the Austrian Empire. The capture of this city was the cause of great

rejoicing throughout Europe. In 1686 the siege of Buda was renewed. The

Imperial army consisted of ninety thousand men—Germans, Hungarians, and

Croats. It was under the command of the Prince of Lorraine. The siege

was commenced on June 18th. Three attempts to relieve it under Grand

Vizier Solyman failed. After six weeks of siege the Austrians assaulted

and captured the city. Its brave defender, Abdi Pasha, and its garrison

perished, and the city was given up to ruthless sack. The city had been

in possession of the Turks for a hundred and forty-five years, and

during this time had resisted successfully six sieges. It now passed

finally into the hands of the Hungarians.

The campaign of the following year, 1687, was opened on the Drave. The

Grand Vizier led an army of fifty thousand men and sixty-six guns. It

met the Austrians at Mohacz on the very field where, a hundred and

sixty years previously, the Hungarians had been defeated in the battle

which gave one-half of their country to the Turks. The Ottomans were

now in their turn defeated and routed. Twenty thousand of them were

killed, while the loss of the successful army was only a thousand.

Slavonia was in the same year cleared of all Turkish forces, and was

permanently restored to Austria, while in Transylvania the Voivode

Apafy, who owed his position to the Turks, now turned against them.

Meanwhile the Venetians had been equally successful during the past

three years. Their army, under Morosini, invaded the Morea in 1686,

captured all its strongholds, and drove the Turks from the country.

They also successfully invaded Dalmatia. In 1687 they attacked and

captured the Piræus and Athens. It was on this occasion that the

Parthenon, which, in spite of many centuries of war and dangers of

all kinds, still existed in all its original grandeur and beauty,

was irreparably ruined. The Turks had made use of it as a powder

magazine, thinking probably that it was safe from attack. A bomb from

the Venetian batteries exploded there, whether purposely or not, and

converted the temple into a ruin as we now see it. The whole of Greece

was now practically in the hands of the Venetians. The Greek population

had given no aid to the Turks in resisting the new invaders. They had

soon to learn that there was little to choose between their old and

their new masters. If anything, the Venetians proved to be the more

tyrannical and rapacious.

On the conclusion of the campaign of 1687 in Hungary the Turkish

army, as a result of its long series of defeats, was seething with

discontent, and was almost in a state of mutiny. Its leading officers

met and petitioned the Sultan, demanding the dismissal and execution

of its general, the Grand Vizier Solyman. They elected Siawousch

Pasha as their general. The army then retreated across the Danube

to Philippopolis, and thence to Adrianople, from whence it sent a

deputation to the Sultan to enforce its views. The Sultan summoned

a great Council of State, at which it was decided to accede to the

demands of the army. Siawousch Pasha was appointed Grand Vizier in

place of Solyman, who was soon after put to death by order of the

Sultan. It was hoped by this concession to appease the army, and to

prevent its march to Constantinople. The army, however, persisted

in its threatening attitude and renewed its march to the capital.

It now increased its demands. It insisted on the deposition of the

Sultan. There was general concurrence in this among officials at

Constantinople. Mustapha Kiuprili, the brother of the late Ahmed

Kiuprili, who was Kaimachan, and performed the duties of Grand Vizier

in his absence from the capital, called an assembly of ulemas at St.

Sophia. He addressed them in these words:—

Since the Padishah thinks only of diverting himself in the chase, and

at the time when the Empire is assaulted from all quarters we have

seen him dismiss all men capable of repairing our misfortunes, can

you doubt any longer that the dethronement of a Padishah who thus

conducts the affairs of the State is legally permitted?

The ulemas unanimously concurred. They decided on the dethronement

of Sultan Mahomet and his replacement on the throne, not by his son,

but by his legal heir, his next brother, Solyman. They then betook

themselves to the abode in the Seraglio where that prince was secluded,

called him forth, and announced to him their decision, citing in favour

of it a verse from the Koran: “We have named you to be Khaliff of the

country.”

There was no opposition to this. Solyman, who had spent his life in

seclusion, in constant fear of being murdered by his brother, and

who was only saved by the brave efforts of the Sultana Validé, his

mother, came out of what was virtually a prison to be invested with the

insignia of Sultan. Mahomet, who had reigned as Sultan for thirty-nine

years, which he had devoted wholly to the chase, to the neglect of

every duty of his great office, retired to the secluded building which

his brother had occupied so long. He died there a few years later,

regretted by no one.

Von Hammer gives a detailed account of one of Sultan Mahomet’s

organized expeditions in pursuit of game, which may be worth quoting

as an illustration of his pursuits and character. The scene of it was

between Adrianople and Tirnova, and it occurred in 1683, the year in

which his army was engaged in the invasion of Austria and on the siege

of Vienna. Thirty thousand peasants were brought from all parts for

the purpose of beating the woods and putting up the game. For their

subsistence a levy was made on the district of 150,000 marks. This

battue cost the lives of a great number of beaters, who succumbed to

the fatigue of the operations. Many rayas were brought from as far as

Belgrade for the occasion. The Sultan, on seeing the bodies of those

who had perished, said to his followers: “These men would doubtless

have rebelled against me. They have received their punishment in

anticipation of this.”

Mahomet, it would seem, owed his deposition not so much to his own

callous neglect of his duties as Sultan as to the arrogant incapacity

of Kara Mustapha in his campaign against Vienna and the imbecility of

the two succeeding Grand Viziers, Ibrahim and Solyman.

Solyman, who thus mounted the throne in 1687, at the age of forty-one,

showed greater capacity than was to be expected after his long

seclusion in ‘the Cage,’ but he was quite unequal to the task of

controlling the mutinous Janissaries. They filled Constantinople with

riot and slaughter. They pillaged the palaces of the viziers and

others. They attacked the harem of the Grand Vizier Siawousch, whom

they had so recently elevated to the post. He was killed in bravely

defending his harem. His favourite wife and sister were dragged naked

through the streets after being cruelly mutilated. The disorder of the

capital became so unendurable that the population rose in arms and

assisted the authorities in resisting the Janissaries. Their Agha and

principal officers were put to death, and order was at last restored.

In the spring of the next year, 1688, a well equipped army was sent

to the Hungarian frontier, in the hope of retrieving the defeats of

the past five years. The Austrians, however, had made good use of the

interval. They had now three armies in the field, under the command of

Prince Charles of Lorraine, Prince Louis of Baden, and Prince Eugène

of Savoy—all three generals of exceptional ability. They invested the

fortress of Erlau and captured it. The road to Belgrade now lay open to

them. This supremely important city, the bulwark to the Balkans and the

gateway to Hungary, was treacherously surrendered by its garrison in

August 1688 after a bombardment of only twenty-one days. Prince Louis

of Baden about the same time invaded Bosnia and occupied a great part

of it. Dalmatia revolted and threw over Turkish rule. Nisch was later

occupied by the Austrians, and Widdin, on the Danube, fell into their

hands. By 1689 the only fortresses in Hungary remaining to the Turks

were Temesvar and Warardin.

Farther eastward the Turks had been more fortunate. An army of

Tartars from the Crimea overran Poland in 1688 and defeated a Polish

army on the Sereth. In the following year, when Russia joined in the

combination against the Ottomans and sent an army into the Crimea,

it met with a severe defeat. These were the only rays of light to

the Turks. Elsewhere they met with a succession of disasters. The

Balkan provinces, for the first time since the days of Hunyadi, were

threatened by the Austrians. Parts of Bosnia and Serbia were in their

hands. The whole of Greece and Albania had been conquered by the

Venetians, under Morosini, and the Turkish fleets had been swept off

the Mediterranean by the combined fleets of Venice, the Pope, the

Knights of Malta, and the Duke of Tuscany. On the Ottoman side no

single general of any capacity had appeared.

It was under these conditions that a general council of the Empire was

summoned at Adrianople at the end of 1689. After a long discussion,

it advised the Sultan to appoint as Grand Vizier Zadé Kiuprili, who

had been passed over by Sultan Mahomet IV in favour of the corrupt and

incompetent Kara Mustapha after the death of Ahmed Kiuprili. After

thirteen years of misgovernment and calamity this third member of the

Kiuprili family was called to power. He showed at once great vigour

and capacity. Addressing the chief dignitaries of the Empire, he

described the perilous condition of affairs: “If we go on as we have

been in the past, another campaign will see the enemy encamped before

Constantinople.” He took immediate steps to restore the financial

position.

Zadé Kiuprili repleted the treasury by heavy contributions on the

officials, who had enriched themselves at the expense of the public. He

filled the ranks of the army by calling out veterans. He revived the

Ottoman navy. He fitted out a flotilla of vessels for service on the

Danube. He replaced a number of incompetent and corrupt governors by

honest men on whom he could rely. He endeavoured to win the support of

the Christian rayas throughout the Empire. He issued imperative orders

to all governors and pashas that no one should be allowed to oppress

the rayas. No taxes were to be levied on them except the capitation

tax. He allowed the Christians everywhere to build churches, though he

himself was a most strict Mussulman. He freed trade from many unwise

and unnecessary restrictions. He was personally austere and simple in

his habits, very reserved in his utterances. It was said of him that

he never committed a crime and never used a superfluous word. He was

commonly called ‘Kiuprili the Virtuous.’ Unfortunately for his country,

he held the post of Grand Vizier for less than two years, for it will

be seen that he was killed in battle in 1691.

At the time when he assumed the Grand Vizierate the Austrians had

crossed the Danube and had advanced far into Macedonia. Kiuprili sent

an army against them and defeated them in two engagements. As a result,

nearly all the important posts south of the Danube were recovered and

the pressure on the Empire in this quarter was removed. Zadé Kiuprili

now took command of the army in person, and in August, 1690, advanced

through Bulgaria, drove the Austrians from their position between

Sofia and Nisch, and besieged and captured the latter place. He then

attacked and captured in succession Semendria, Widdin, and Belgrade.

Another Ottoman army under Tekeli Pasha invaded Transylvania and drove

the Austrians from it. Kiuprili returned to Constantinople covered with

glory.

About this time Sultan Solyman died and was succeeded by his brother,

Achmet II, who, like himself, had been brought up in the seclusion

of the Seraglio, and was quite incompetent to rule the Empire or to

lead its armies. Fortunately he left matters in the hands of his Grand

Vizier. Kiuprili again led the army in the field and, advancing from

Belgrade in May, 1696, marched northwards on the right bank of the

Danube to meet the Austrians under Prince Louis of Baden, who were

advancing from Peterwardein. The two armies met at Salankemen. Their

flotillas engaged on the Danube and the Turks were there the victors.

But on land the battle ended in great disaster to them. Against the

advice of the most experienced of his generals, Zadé Kiuprili insisted

on fighting, without waiting for reinforcements that were on their way.

A most desperate battle took place in which the Turks were completely

defeated. The Grand Vizier, in the hope of restoring the fortunes of

the day, rushed into the mêlée, sword in hand, and was killed while

hewing his way through the Austrian ranks. The Turkish troops were

dispirited by the death of their general and gave way. Panic and rout

followed. The Turkish camp and a hundred and twenty guns fell into

the hands of the Austrians. About the same time Tekeli Pasha was also

defeated by the Austrians and was driven out of Transylvania. The

Ottoman Empire was again at a very low ebb after these disasters.

Sultan Achmet died heartbroken by the burden of shame and grief, and

was succeeded by his nephew, Mustapha II, the son of Mahomet IV.

The new Sultan was not wanting in the will to relieve the plight of

his country, but it will be seen that he had not the capacity or the

persistency required in such an emergency. He fully recognized that the

main causes of disaster were the dissolute habits and incapacity of his

predecessors. Immediately after his accession to the throne he issued a

Hatti-Scheriff in which he announced his intention of restoring ancient

usages and leading his armies in person. In the course of this notable

document he said:—

Under monarchs who are the slaves of pleasure or who resign

themselves to indolent slumber, never do the servants of God enjoy

peace or repose. Henceforth voluptuousness, idle pastime, and sloth

are banished from this Court. While the Padishahs who have ruled

since the death of our sublime father Mahomet have heeded naught

but their fondness for pleasure and for ease, the unbelievers, the

unclean beings, have invaded with their armies the four frontiers of

Islam. They have subdued our provinces. They have pillaged the goods

of the people of Mahomet. They have dragged away into slavery the

faithful with their wives and little ones. This is known to all, as

it is known to me. I therefore have resolved, with the help of the

Lord, to take a signal revenge upon the unbelievers, that brood of

hell; and I will myself begin the holy war against them.... Do thou,

my Grand Vizier, and ye others, my viziers, my ulemas, my lieutenants

and agas of my armies, do ye all of you assemble round my person

and meditate well on this my imperial Hatti-Scheriff. Take counsel

and inform me if I ought to open hostilities in person against the

Emperor or remain at Adrianople. Of these two measures choose that

which will be most profitable to the Faith to the Empire and to the

servants of God.[28]

In response to this, the Divan met and discussed for three days whether

the new Sultan should command in person the army about to be sent

against the Austrians. They came to an adverse decision. They thought

that it would not only expose the sacred person of the Sultan to too

much risk, but would also involve excessive expense. They probably

thought also, but scarcely dared to express it, that the Sultan, being

quite inexperienced in military matters, would be an encumbrance to

the army. They advised the Sultan that he ought not to commit his

imperial person to the chances of a campaign, but would do better to

leave the conduct of the war to the Grand Vizier. The Sultan replied

in the laconic words, “I persist in marching.” In accordance with

this decision, Mustapha in person, in spite of his inexperience,

led a well appointed army in the summer of 1696 from Belgrade to

Temesvar, capturing on the way various minor fortified places. His

first encounter with the enemy near Temesvar was successful. The

Austrians were defeated with heavy loss and Temesvar was relieved.

Mustapha, however, did not pursue his success further. He returned to

Constantinople and there received an ovation.

In the following year, 1697, Mustapha again marched with his army

from Belgrade into Hungary, without any definite plans as to what he

proposed to do. After many councils of war and much irresolution, it

was decided to advance northwards to the River Theiss. The Austrian

army was now under command of Prince Eugène of Savoy, who, we have

seen, made his début at the siege of Vienna. He was the ablest general

of his time. The two armies met at Zenta on the River Theiss, about

sixty miles above its junction with the Danube. The Turks had erected

a bridge over the river at this point. The Sultan and his cavalry,

and a great part of the artillery, had already crossed the bridge.

The infantry were still on the other side. Prince Eugène with his

army, coming suddenly upon them, caught the Turkish army _in flagrante

delicto_, divided by the river. Advancing in a wide crescent, he

attacked the whole line of the Ottoman infantry who had not crossed

the river. There was great confusion in the ranks of the Ottomans and

discord among the leading officers and a want of direction. A large

body of Janissaries mutinied on the field of battle and began to

massacre their officers. There ensued an overwhelming defeat of the

Ottomans. Twenty-six thousand Turks were slain on the battlefield and

ten thousand were drowned in their attempt to cross the river.

The Turkish Empire, Its Growth and Decay · 第 15 / 34 段