In my studies of criminal psychology I have too often had to recognize

the fact that in prisons and in the criminal world it is the most cruel

or the most cunning criminals who enjoy the fruits of victory; it is

just the same in our modern economic individualist system; the victory

goes to him who has the fewest scruples; the struggle for existence

favors him who is fittest for a world where a man is valued for what he

has (no matter how he got it), and not for what he is.

The Darwinian law of natural selection functions then even in human

society. The error of those who deny this proposition springs from the

fact that they confound the present environment and the present

transitory historical era--which are known in history as the _bourgeois_

environment and period, just as the Middle Ages are called

_feudal_--with all history and all humanity, and therefore they fail to

see that the disastrous effects of modern, retrograde, social selection

are only confirmations of the Darwinian law of the "survival of the

_fittest_." Popular common sense has long recognized this influence of

the surroundings, as is shown by many a common proverb, and its

scientific explanation is to be found in the necessary biological

relations which exist between a given environment and the individuals

who are born, struggle and survive in that environment.

On the other hand, this truth constitutes an unanswerable argument in

favor of socialism. By freeing the environment from all the corruptions

with which our unbridled economic individualism pollutes it, socialism

will necessarily correct the ill effects of natural and social

selection. In a physically and morally wholesome environment, the

individuals best fitted to it, those who will therefore survive, will

be the physically and morally healthy.

In the struggle for existence the victory will then go to him who has

the greatest and most prolific physical, intellectual and moral

energies. The collectivist economic organization, by assuring to

everyone the conditions of existence, will and necessarily must, result

in the physical and moral improvement of the human race.

To this some one replies: Suppose we grant that socialism and Darwinian

selection may be reconciled, is it not obvious that the survival of the

fittest tends to establish an aristocratic gradation of individuals,

which is contrary to socialistic leveling?

I have already answered this objection in part by pointing out that

socialism will assure to all individuals--instead of as at present only

to a privileged few or to society's heroes--freedom to assert and

develop their own individualities. Then in truth the result of the

struggle for existence will be the survival of the best and this for the

very reason that in a wholesome environment the victory is won by the

healthiest individuals. Social Darwinism, then, as a continuation and

complement of natural (biological) Darwinism, will result in a selection

of the best.

To respond fully to this insistence upon an unlimited aristocratic

selection, I must call attention to another natural law which serves to

complete that rhythm of action and reaction which results in the

equilibrium of life.

To the Darwinian law of natural inequalities we must add another law

which is inseparable from it, and which Jacoby, following in the track

of the labors of Morel, Lucas, Galton, De Caudole, Ribot, Spencer,

Royer, Lombroso, and others, has clearly demonstrated and expounded.

This same Nature, which makes "choice" and aristocratic gradation a

condition of vital progress, afterwards restores the equilibrium by a

leveling and democratic law.

"From the infinite throng of humanity there emerge individuals, families

and races which tend to rise above the common level; painfully climbing

the steep heights they reach the summits of power, wealth, intelligence

and talent, and, having reached the goal, they are hurled down and

disappear in the abysses of insanity and degeneration. Death is the

great leveler; by destroying every one who rises above the common herd,

it democratizes humanity."[25]

Every one who attempts to create a monopoly of natural forces comes into

violent conflict with that supreme law of Nature which has given to all

living beings the use and disposal of the natural agents: air and light,

water and land.

Everybody who is too much above or too much below the average of

humanity--an average which rises with the flux of time, but is

absolutely fixed at any given moment of history--does not live and

disappears from the stage.

The idiot and the man of genius, the starving wretch and the

millionaire, the dwarf and the giant, are so many natural or social

monsters, and Nature inexorably blasts them with degeneracy or

sterility, no matter whether they be the product of the organic life, or

the effect of the social organization.

And so, all families possessing a monopoly of any kind--monopoly of

power, of wealth or of talent--are inevitably destined to become in

their latest offshoots imbeciles, sterile or suicides, and finally to

become extinct. Noble houses, dynasties of sovereigns, descendants of

millionaires--all follow the common law which, here again, serves to

confirm the inductions--in this sense, equalitarian--of science and of

socialism.

FOOTNOTES:

[20] One of the most characteristic processes of social dissolution is

_parasitism_. MASSART and VANDERVELDE, Parasitism, organic and social.

(English translation.) Swan, Sonnenschein & Co., London.

[21] BROCA, _Les sélections_ (§ 6. Les sélections sociales) in _Mémoires

d' anthropologie_, Paris, 1877, III., 205. LAPOUGE, _Les sélections

sociales_, in _Revue d' anthrop._, 1887, p. 519. LORIA, _Discourse su

Carlo Darwin_, SIENNE, 1882. VADALA, _Darwinismo naturale e Darwinismo

sociale_, Turin, 1883. BORDIER, _La vie des sociétés_, Paris, 1887.

SERGI, _Le degenerazione umane_, Milan, 1889, p. 158. BEBEL, Woman in

the past, present and future.

[22] MAX NORDAU, Conventional Lies of our Civilization. (English trans.)

Laird & Lee, Chicago, 1895.

[23] While this is shown by all official statistics, it is signally

shown by the facts collated by M. Pagliani, the present Director-General

of the Bureau of Health in the Interior Department, who has shown that

the bodies of the poor are more backward and less developed than those

of the rich, and that this difference, though but slightly manifest at

birth, becomes greater and greater in after life, _i. e._ as soon as the

influence of the economic conditions makes itself felt in all its

inexorable tyranny.

[24] TURATI, _Selezione servile_, in _Critica Sociale_, June 1, 1894.

SERGI, _Degenerazione umane_, Milan, 1889.

[25] JACOBY, _Etudes sur la sélection dans ses rapports avec l'hérédité

chez l'homme_, Paris, 1881, p. 606.

LOMBROSO, _L'uomo di genio_, 6th edition, Turin, 1894, has developed and

complemented this law. This law, so easily forgotten, is neglected by

RITCHIE (Darwinism and Politics. London. Sonnenschein, 1891.) in the

section called "Does the doctrine of Heredity support Aristocracy?"

V.

SOCIALISM AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS.

Not one of the three contradictions between socialism and Darwinism,

which Haeckel formulated, and which so many others have echoed since,

resists a candid and more accurate examination of the natural laws which

bear the name of Charles Darwin.

I add that not only is Darwinism not in contradiction with socialism,

but that it constitutes one of its fundamental scientific premises. As

Virchow justly remarked, socialism is nothing but a logical and vital

corollary, in part of Darwinism, in part of Spencerian evolution.

The theory of Darwin, whether we wish it or not, by demonstrating that

man is descended from the animals, has dealt a severe blow to the belief

in God as the creator of the universe and of man by a special _fiat_.

This, moreover, is why the most bitter opposition, and the only

opposition which still continues, to its scientific inductions, was made

and is made in the name of religion.

It is true that Darwin did not declare himself an atheist[26] and that

Spencer is not one; it is also true that, strictly speaking, the theory

of Darwin, like that of Spencer, can also be reconciled with the belief

in God, since it may be admitted that God created matter and force, and

that both afterward evolved into their successive forms in accordance

with the initial creative impulse. Nevertheless, it cannot be denied

that these theories, by rendering the idea of causality more and more

inflexible and universal, lead necessarily to the negation of God, since

there always remains this question: And God, who created him? And if it

is replied that God has always existed, the same reply may be flung back

by asserting that the universe has always existed. To use the phrase of

Ardigò, human thought is only able to conceive the chain which binds

effects to causes as terminating at a given point, purely

conventional.[27]

God, as Laplace said, is an hypothesis of which exact science has no

need; he is, according to Herzen, at the most an X, which represents not

the _unknowable_--as Spencer and Dubois Raymond contend--but all that

which humanity does not yet know. Therefore, it is a variable X which

decreases in direct ratio to the progress of the discoveries of science.

It is for this very reason that science and religion are in inverse

ratio to each other; the one diminishes and grows weaker in the same

proportion that the other increases and grows stronger in its struggle

against the unknown.[28]

And if this is one of the consequences of Darwinism, its influence on

the development of socialism is quite obvious.

The disappearance of faith in the hereafter, where the poor shall become

the elect of the Lord, and where the miseries of the "vale of tears"

will find an eternal compensation in paradise, gives greater strength to

the desire for some semblance of an "earthly paradise" here below even

for the unfortunate and the poor, who are the great majority.

Hartmann and Guyau[29] have shown that the evolution of religious

beliefs may be summarized thus: All religions include, with various

other matters, the promise of happiness; but the primitive religions

concede that this happiness will be realized during the life of the

individual himself, and the later religions, through an excess of

reaction, place its realization after death, outside the human world; in

the final phase, this realization of happiness is once more placed

within the field of human life, no longer in the ephemeral moment of the

individual existence, but indeed in the continuous evolution of all

mankind.

On this side, then, socialism is closely related to the religious

evolution, and tends to substitute itself for religion, since its aim is

for humanity to have its own "earthly paradise" here, without having to

wait for it in the _hereafter_, which, to say the least, is very

problematical.

Therefore, it has been very justly remarked that the socialist movement

has many traits in common with, for example, primitive Christianity,

notably that ardent faith in the ideal that has definitively deserted

the arid field of bourgeois skepticism, and some savants, not

socialists, such as Messrs. Wallace, de Lavaleye and the Roberty, etc.,

admit that it is entirely possible for socialism to replace by its

humanitarian faith the faith in the hereafter of the former religions.

More direct and potent than these relations (between socialism and faith

in a hereafter) are, however, the relations which exist between

socialism and the belief in God.

It is true that Marxian Socialism, since the Congress held at Erfurt

(1891), has rightly declared that religious beliefs are private

affairs[30] and that, therefore, the Socialist party combats religious

intolerance under all its forms, whether it be directed against

Catholics[31] or against Jews, as I have shown in an article against

_Anti-Semitism_.[32] But this breadth of superiority of view is, at

bottom, only a consequence of the confidence in final victory.

It is because socialism knows and foresees that religious beliefs,

whether one regards them, with Sergi,[33] as pathological phenomena of

human psychology, or as useless phenomena of moral incrustation, are

destined to perish by atrophy with the extension of even elementary

scientific culture. This is why socialism does not feel the necessity of

waging a special warfare against these religious beliefs which are

destined to disappear. It has assumed this attitude although it knows

that the absence or the impairment of the belief in God is one of the

most powerful factors for its extension, because the priests of all

religions have been, throughout all the phases of history, the most

potent allies of the ruling classes in keeping the masses pliant and

submissive under the yoke by means of the enchantment of religion, just

as the tamer keeps wild beasts submissive by the terrors of the cracks

of his whip.

And this is so true that the most clear-sighted conservatives, even

though they are atheists, regret that the religious sentiment--that

precious narcotic--is diminishing among the masses, because they see in

it, though their pharisaism does not permit them to say it openly, an

instrument of political domination.[34]

Unfortunately, or fortunately, the religious sentiment cannot be

re-established by royal decree. If it is disappearing, the blame for

this cannot be laid at the door of any particular individual, and there

is no need of a special propaganda against it, because its antidote

impregnates the air we breathe--saturated with the inductions of

experimental science--and religion no longer meets with conditions

favorable to its development as it did amid the superstitious ignorance

of past centuries.

I have thus shown the direct influence of modern science, science based

on observation and experiment,--which has substituted the idea of

natural causality for the ideas of miracle and divinity,--on the

extremely rapid development and on the experimental foundation of

contemporary socialism.

Democratic socialism does not look with unfriendly eyes upon "Catholic

Socialism" (the Christian Socialism of Southern Europe), since it has

nothing to fear from it.

Catholic socialism, in fact, aids in the propagation of socialist ideas,

especially in the rural districts where religious faith and practices

are still very vigorous, but it will not win and wear the palm of

victory _ad majorem dei gloriam_. As I have shown, there is a growing

antagonism between science and religion, and the socialist varnish

cannot preserve Catholicism. The "earthly" socialism has, moreover, a

much greater attractive power.

When the peasants shall have become familiar with the views of Catholic

socialism, it will be very easy for democratic socialism to rally them

under its own flag--they will, indeed, convert themselves.

Socialism occupies an analogous position with regard to republicanism.

Just as atheism is a private affair which concerns the individual

conscience, so a republican form of government is a private affair which

interests only a part of the bourgeoisie. Certainly, by the time that

socialism draws near to its day of triumph, atheism will have made

immense progress, and a republican form of government will have been

established in many countries which to-day submit to a monarchical

regime. But it is not socialism which develops atheism, any more than it

is socialism which will establish republicanism. Atheism is a product of

the theories of Darwin and Spencer in the present bourgeois

civilization, and republicanism has been and will be, in the various

countries, the work of a portion of the capitalist bourgeoisie, as was

recently said in some of the conservative newspapers of Milan (_Corriere

della sera_ and _Idea liberale_), when "the monarchy shall no longer

serve the interests of the country," that is to say of the class in

power.

The evolution from absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy and to

republicanism is an obvious historical law; in the present phase of

civilization the only difference between the two latter is in the

elective or hereditary character of the head of the State. In the

various countries of Europe, the bourgeoisie themselves Hill demand the

transition from monarchy to republicanism, in order to put off as long

as possible the triumph of socialism. In Italy as in France, in England

as in Spain, we see only too many republicans or "radicals" whose

attitude with regard to social questions is more bourgeois and more

conservative than that of the intelligent conservatives. At

Montecitorio, for example, there is Imbriani whose opinions on religious

and social matters are more conservative than those of M. di Rudini.

Imbriani, whose personality is moreover very attractive, has never

attacked the priests or monks--this man who attacks the entire universe

and very often with good reason, although without much success on

account of mistaken methods--and he was the only one to oppose even the

consideration of a law proposed by the _Député_ Ferrari, which increased

the tax on estates inherited by collateral heirs!

Socialism then has no more interest in preaching republicanism than it

has in preaching atheism. To each his role (or task), is the law of

division of labor. The struggle for atheism is the business of science;

the establishment of republicanism in the various countries of Europe

has been and will be the work of the bourgeoisie themselves--whether

they be conservative or radical. All this constitutes the historical

progress toward socialism, and individuals are powerless to prevent or

delay the succession of the phases of the moral, political and social

evolution.

FOOTNOTES:

[26] Darwin never made a declaration of atheism, but that was in fact

his way of looking at the problem ("_sa manière de voir_.").

While Haeckel, concerned solely with triumphing over the opposition,

said at the Congress of Eisenach (1882) that Darwin was not an atheist,

Büchner, on the contrary, published shortly afterward a letter which

Darwin had written him, and in which he avowed that "since the age of

forty years, his scientific studies had led him to atheism."

(See also, "Charles Darwin and Karl Marx: A Comparison," by Ed. Aveling.

Published by the Twentieth Century Press, London.--Translator.)

In the same way, John Stuart Mill never declared himself a Socialist,

but that, nevertheless, in opinion he was one, is made evident by his

autobiography and his posthumous fragments on Socialism. (See "The

Socialism of John Stuart Mill." Humboldt Pub. Co., New York.--Tr.)

[27] ARDIGÒ, _La Formazione naturale_, Vol. II. of his _Opere

filologiche_, and Vol. VI., _La Ragione_, Padone, 1894.

[28] Guyau, _L'Irréligion de l'avenir_. Paris. 1887.

[29] The dominant factor, nevertheless, in religious beliefs, is the

hereditary or traditional _sentimental_ factor; this it is which always

renders them respectable when they are professed in good faith, and

often makes them even appeal to our sympathies,--and this is precisely

because of the ingenuous or refined sensibility of the persons in whom

religious faith is the most vital and sincere.

[30] NITTI, _Le Socialisme catholique_, Paris, 1894, p. 27 and 393.

[31] Its usual form in America.--Translator.

[32] _Nuova Rassegna_, August, 1894.

[33] SERGI, _L'origine dei fenomeni psichici e loro significazione

biologica_, Milan, 1885, p. 334, _et seq._

[34] DURKHEIM, _De la division du travail social_. Paris. 1893. As

regards the pretended influence of religion on personal morality I have

shown how very slight a foundation there was for this opinion in my

studies on criminal psychology, and more particularly in _Omicidio nell'

antropologia criminale_.

VI.

THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE SPECIES.

It can also be shown that scientific socialism proceeds directly from

Darwinism by an examination of the different modes of conceiving of the

individual in relation to the species.

The eighteenth century closed with the exclusive glorification of the

individual, of the _man_--as an entity in himself. In the works of

Rousseau this was only a beneficent, though exaggerated re-action

against the political and sacerdotal tyranny of the Middle Ages.

This individualism led directly to that artificiality in politics, which

I will consider a little further on in studying the relations between

the theory of evolution and socialism, and which is common to the ruling

classes under the bourgeois regime and to the individualistic

anarchists,--since both alike imagine that the social organization can

be changed in a day by the magical effect of a bomb,--more or less

murderous.

Modern biology has radically changed this conception of the _individual_

and it has demonstrated, in the domain of biology as in that of

sociology, that the individual is himself only an aggregation of more

simple living elements, and likewise that the individual in himself, the

_Selbstwesen_ of the Germans, does not exist in independent isolation,

but only as a member of a society (_Gliedwesen_).

Every living object is an association, a collectivity.

The monad itself, the living cell, the irreducible expression of

biological individuality, is also an aggregate of various parts

(nucleus, _nucléole_, protoplasm), and each one of them in its turn is

an aggregate of molecules which are aggregates of atoms.

The atom does not exist alone, as an individual; the atom is invisible

and impalpable and it does not live.

And the complexity of the aggregation, the federation of the parts

constantly increases with the ascent in the zoological series from

protozoa to Man.

Unifying, Jacobin artificiality corresponds to the metaphysics of

individualism, just as the conception of national and international

federalism corresponds to the scientific character of modern socialism.

The organism of a mammal is simply a federation of tissues, organs and

anatomical machinery; the organism of a society can consist of nothing

but a federation of communes, provinces and regions; the organism of

humanity can be nothing but a federation of nations.

If it is absurd to conceive of a mammal whose head should have to move

in the same fashion as the extremities and all of whose extremities

would have to perform the same motions simultaneously, there is no less

absurdity in a political and administrative organization in which the

extreme northern province or the mountainous province, for instance,

have to have the same bureaucratic machinery, the same body of laws, the

same methods, etc., as the extreme southern province or the province

made up of plains, solely through the passion for symmetrical

uniformity, that pathological expression of unity.

If we disregard those considerations of a political order which make it

possible to conclude, as I have done elsewhere,[35] that the only

possible organization for Italy, as for every other country, appeared to

me to be that of an administrative federalism combined with political

unity, we can regard it as manifest, that at the close of the nineteenth

century the individual, as an independent entity, is dethroned alike in

biology and sociology.

The individual exists, but only in so far as he forms a part of a social

aggregate.

Robinson Crusoe--that perfect type of individualism--can not possibly be

aught but a legend or a pathological specimen.

The species--that is to say, the social aggregate--is the great, the

living and eternal reality of life, as has been demonstrated by

Darwinism and confirmed by all the inductive sciences from astronomy to

sociology.

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