future, than from the experience of any past rivalship in this trade. I
have more than once heard Lord Bowes, the late chancellor of this kingdom,
mention a conversation that he had with Sir Robert Walpole on this
subject, who assured him that the jealousies entertained in England of the
woollen trade in Ireland, and the restraints of that trade had at first
taken their rise from the boasts of some of our countrymen in London, of
the great success of that manufacture here. Whatever was the cause, both
houses of parliament in England addressed King William, in very strong
terms, on this subject; but on considering those addresses they seem to be
founded, not on the state at that time of that manufacture here, but the
probability of its further increase. As those proceedings are of great
importance to two of the principal manufactures of this country, it is
thought necessary to state them particularly. The lords represent, "that
the _growing_ manufacture of cloth in Ireland[257] both by the cheapness
of all sorts of necessaries for life, and _goodness of materials for
making all manner of cloth_, doth invite your subjects of England, with
their families and servants, to leave their habitations to settle there,
to the increase of the woollen manufacture in Ireland, which makes your
loyal subjects in this kingdom very apprehensive that _the further growth_
of it _may_ greatly prejudice the said manufacture here; by which the
trade of the nation and the value of lands will very much decrease, and
the numbers of your people be much lessened here." They then beseech his
majesty "in the most public and effectual way, that may be, to declare to
all your subjects of Ireland, that the _growth_ and _increase_ of the
woollen manufacture hath long, and will ever be looked upon with jealousy
by all your subjects of this kingdom; _and if not timely remedied_, may
occasion very strict laws, totally to prohibit and suppress the same; and,
on the other hand, if they turn their industry and skill to the settling
and improving the linen manufacture, for which generally the lands of that
kingdom are very proper, they shall receive all countenance, favour, and
protection from your _royal influence_, for the encouragement and
promoting of the said linen manufacture, to _all the advantage and profit
that kingdom can be capable of_."
King William in his answer says, "His Majesty will take care to do what
their lordships have desired;" and the lords direct that the Lord
Chancellor should order that the address and answer be forthwith printed
and published.[258]
In the address of the Commons[259] they say, that "being sensible that the
wealth and peace of this kingdom do, in a great measure, depend on
preserving the woollen manufacture, as much as possible, _entire_ to this
realm, they think it becomes them, like their ancestors, to be jealous of
the _establishment_ and _increase_ thereof elsewhere; and to use their
utmost endeavours to prevent it, and therefore, they cannot without
trouble observe, that Ireland, dependent on, and protected by England in
the enjoyment of all they have, and which is so proper for the linen
manufacture, the establishment and growth of which there would be so
enriching to themselves, and so profitable to England, should _of late_
apply itself to the woollen manufacture, to the great prejudice of the
trade of this kingdom, and so unwillingly promote the linen trade, which
would benefit both them and us.
"The consequence whereof will necessitate your parliament of England to
interpose, to prevent the mischief that _threatens_ us, unless your
Majesty, by your authority and great wisdom, shall find means to secure
the trade of England by making your subjects of Ireland to pursue the
joint interest of both kingdoms.
"And we do most humbly implore your Majesty's protection and favour in
this matter; and that you will make it your royal care, and enjoin all
those you employ in Ireland, to make it their care, and use their utmost
diligence, to hinder the _exportation of wool_ from Ireland, except to be
imported hither, and for the discouraging the woollen manufactures, and
encouraging the linen manufactures in Ireland, to which we shall be
_always_ ready to give our _utmost_ assistance."
This address was presented to his Majesty by the house: The answer is
explicit: "I shall do all that in me lies to discourage the woollen trade
in Ireland, and encourage the linen manufacture there; and to promote the
trade of England."
He soon after wrote a letter[260] to Lord Galway, then one of the lord's
justices of this kingdom, in which he tells him, "that it was never of
such importance to have at present a good session of parliament, not only
in regard to my affairs of that kingdom, but especially of this here. The
chief thing that must be tried to be prevented is, that the Irish
parliament takes no notice of what has passed in this here,[261] and that
you make effectual laws for the linen manufacture, and discourage _as far
as possible_ the woollen." It would be unjust to infer from any of those
proceedings that this great prince wanted affection for this country. They
were times of party. He was often under the necessity of complying against
his own opinion and wishes, and about this time was obliged to send away
his favourite guards, in compliance with the desire of the Commons.
The houses of parliament in England originally intended, that the business
should be done in the parliament of Ireland by the exertion of that great
and just influence which King William had acquired in that kingdom. On the
first day of the following session[262] the lords justices, in their
speech, mention a bill transmitted for the encouragement of the linen and
hempen manufactures, which they recommend in the following words: "The
settlement of this manufacture will contribute much to people the country,
and will be found _much more advantageous to this kingdom_ than the
woollen manufacture, which being the settled staple trade of England, from
_whence all foreign markets_ are supplied, can never be encouraged _here_
for that purpose; whereas the linen and hempen manufactures will not only
be encouraged as consistent with the trade of England, but will render
the trade of this kingdom both useful and necessary to England."
The Commons in their address[263] promise their hearty endeavours to
establish a linen and hempen manufacture in Ireland, and say that they
hoped to find such a temperament in respect to the woollen trade here,
that the same may not be injurious to England. They referred the
consideration of that subject to the committee of supply, who resolved
that an additional duty be laid on old and new drapery of the manufacture
of this kingdom,[264] that shall be exported, friezes excepted; to which
the House agreed.[265] But there were petitions presented against this
duty, and relative to the quantity of it, and the committee appointed to
consider of this duty were not it seems so expeditious in their
proceedings as the impatience of the times required.[266]
On the 2nd of October the lords justices made a quickening speech to both
houses, taking notice, that the progress which they expected was not made,
in the business of the session, and use those remarkable words: "The
matters we recommended to you are so necessary, and the prosperity of this
kingdom depends so much on the good success of this session, that since we
know his Majesty's affairs cannot permit your sitting very long, we
thought the greatest mark we could give of our kindness and concern for
you, was to come hither, and desire you to hasten the despatch of the
matters under your consideration; in which we are the more earnest,
because we must be sensible, that if the present opportunity his majesty's
affection to you hath put into your hands be lost, it seems hardly to be
recovered.[267]
On the 2nd of January, 1698, O. S. the House resolved that the report from
the committee of the whole House, appointed to consider of a duty to be
laid on the woollen manufactures of this kingdom, should be made on the
next day, and nothing to intervene. But on that day a message was
delivered from the lords justices in the following words: "We have
received his majesty's commands[268] to send unto you a bill, entitled an
act for laying an additional duty upon woollen manufactures exported out
of this kingdom; the passing of which in this session his majesty
recommended to you, as what may be of great advantage for the preservation
of the trade of this kingdom."
The bill which accompanied this message was presented, and a question for
receiving it was carried in the affirmative, by 74 against 34. This bill
must have been transmitted from the Council of Ireland. Whilst the
Commons were proceeding with the utmost temper and moderation, were
exerting great firmness in restraining all attempts to inflame the minds
of the people,[269] and were deliberating on the most important subject
that could arise, it was taken out of their hands; but the bill passed,
though not without opposition,[270] and received the royal assent on the
29th day of January, 1698.
By this act an additional duty was imposed of 4_s._ for every 20_s._ in
value of broadcloth exported out of Ireland, and 2_s._ on every 20_s._ in
value of new drapery, friezes only excepted, from the 25th of March, 1699,
to the 25th of March, 1702;[271] the only woollen manufacture excepted was
one of which Ireland had been in possession before the reign of Edward
III., and in which she had been always distinguished.[272] This law has
every appearance of having been framed on the part of the
Administration.[273]
But it did not satisfy the English parliament, where a perpetual law was
made, prohibiting, from the 20th of June, 1699,[274] the exportation from
Ireland of all goods made or mixed with wool, except to England and Wales,
and with the licence of the Commissioners of the Revenue; duties[275] had
been before aid on the importation into England equal to a prohibition,
therefore this Act has operated as a total prohibition of the exportation.
Before these laws the Irish were under great disadvantages in the woollen
trade, by not being allowed to export their woollen manufactures to the
English colonies,[276] or to import dye stuffs directly from thence; and
the English in this respect, and in having those exclusive markets,
possessed considerable advantages.
Let it now be considered what are the usual means taken to promote the
prosperity of any country in respect of trade and manufactures? She is
encouraged to work up her own materials, to export her manufactures to
other nations, to import from them the material for manufacture, and to
export none of her own that she is able to work up; not to buy what she is
capable of selling to others, and to promote the carrying trade and
ship-building. If these are the most obvious means by which a nation may
advance in strength and riches, institutions counteracting those means
must necessarily tend to reduce it to weakness and poverty; and,
therefore, the advocates for the continuance of those institutions will
find it difficult to satisfy the world that such a system of policy is
either reasonable or just.
The cheapness of labour, the excellence of materials, and the success of
the manufacture in the excluded country,[277] may appear to an
unprejudiced man to be rather reasons for the encouragement than for the
prohibition. But the preamble of the English Act of the 10th and 11th of
William III. affirms, that the exportation from Ireland and the English
plantations in America to foreign markets, heretofore supplied from
England, would inevitably sink the value of lands, and tend to the ruin of
the trade and manufactures of that realm. I shall only consider this
assertion as relative to Ireland. A fact upon which the happiness of a
great and ancient kingdom, and of millions of people depends, ought to
have been supported by the most incontestable evidence, and should never
be suffered to rest in speculation, or to be taken from the mere
suggestion or distant apprehension of commercial jealousy. Those fears for
the future were not founded on any experience of the past. From what
market had the woollen manufactures of Ireland ever excluded England? What
part of her trade, and which of her manufactures had been ruined; and
where did any of her lands fall by the woollen exports of Ireland? Were
any of those facts attempted to be proved at the time of the prohibition?
The amount of the Irish export proves it to have been impossible that
those facts could have then existed. The consequences mentioned as likely
to arise to England from the supposed increase of those manufactures in
Ireland, had no other foundation but the apprehensions of rivalship among
trading people, who, in excluding their fellow-citizens, have opened the
gates for the admission of the enemy.
Whether those apprehensions are now well-founded, should be carefully
considered. Justice, sound policy, and the general good of the British
Empire require it. The arguments in support of those restraints are
principally these:--That labour is cheaper, and taxes lower, in Ireland
than in England, and that the former would be able to undersell the latter
in all foreign markets.
Spinning is now certainly cheaper in Ireland, because the persons employed
in it live on food[278] with which the English would not be content; but
the wages of spinners would soon rise if the trade was opened. At the
loom, I am informed, that the same quantity of work is done cheaper in
England than in Ireland; and we have the misfortune of daily experience to
convince us that the English, notwithstanding the supposed advantages of
the Irish in this trade, undersell them at their own markets in every
branch of the woollen manufacture. A decisive proof that they cannot
undersell the English in foreign markets.
With the increase of manufactures, agriculture, and commerce in Ireland,
the demand for labour, and consequently its price, would increase.[279]
That price would be soon higher in Ireland than in England. It is not in
the richest countries, but in those that are growing rich the fastest,
that the wages of labour are highest,[280] though the price of provisions
is much lower in the latter; this, before the present rebellion, was in
both respects the case of England and North America. Any difference in the
price of labour is more than balanced by the difference in the price of
material, which has been for many years past higher in Ireland than in
England, and would become more valuable if the export of the manufacture
was allowed. The English have also great advantages in this trade from
their habits of diligence, superior skill, and large capital. From these
circumstances, though the Scotch have full liberty to export their woollen
manufactures, the English work up their wool,[281] and the Scotch make
only some kind of coarse cloths for the lower classes of their people; and
this is said to be for want of a capital to manufacture it at home.[282]
If the woollen trade was now open to Ireland, it would be for the most
part carried on by English capitals, and by merchants resident there.
Nearly one-half of the stock which carried on the foreign trade of Ireland
in 1672, inconsiderable as it then was, belonged to those who lived out of
Ireland.[283] The greater part of the exportation and coasting trade of
British America was carried on by the capitals of merchants who resided
in Great Britain; even many of the stores and warehouses from which goods
were retailed in some of their principal provinces, particularly in
Virginia and Maryland, belonged to merchants who resided in Great Britain,
and the retail trade was carried on by those who were not resident in the
country.[284] It is said that in ancient Egypt, China, and Indostan, the
greater part of their exportation trade was carried on by foreigners.[285]
The same thing happened formerly in Ireland, where the whole commerce of
the country was carried on by the Dutch;[286] and at present, in the
victualling trade of Ireland, the Irish are but factors to the English.
This is not without example in Great Britain, where there are many little
manufacturing towns, the inhabitants of which have not capitals sufficient
to transport the produce of their own industry to those distant markets
where there is demand and consumption for it, and their merchants are
properly only the agents of wealthier merchants, who reside in some of the
great commercial cities.[287] The Irish are deficient in all kinds of
stock, they have not sufficient for the cultivation of their lands, and
are deficient in the stocks of master manufacturers, wholesale merchants,
and even of retailers.
Of what Ireland gains, it is computed that one-third centres in Great
Britain.[288] Of our woollen manufacture the greatest part of the profit
would go directly there. But the manufacturers of Ireland would be
employed, would be enabled to buy from the farmers the superfluous produce
of their labour, the people would become industrious, their numbers would
greatly increase, the British State would be strengthened, though
probably, this country would not for many years find any great influx of
wealth; it would be, however, more equally distributed, from which the
people and the Government would derive many important advantages.
Whatever wealth might be gained by Ireland would be, in every respect, an
accession to Great Britain. Not only a considerable part of it would flow
to the seat of government, and of final judicature, and to the centre of
commerce; but when Ireland should be able she would be found willing, as
in justice she ought to be, to bear her part of those expenses which Great
Britain may hereafter incur, in her efforts for the protection of the
whole British empire. If Ireland cheerfully and spontaneously, but when
she was ill able, contributed, particularly in the years 1759, 1761, 1769,
and continued to do so in the midst of distress and poverty, without
murmur, to the end of the year 1778, when Great Britain thought proper to
relieve her from a burden which she was no longer able to bear, no doubt
can be entertained of her contributing, in a much greater proportion, when
the means of acquiring shall be open to her.
I form this opinion, not only from the proofs which the experience of many
years, and in many signal instances has given, but the nature of the Irish
Constitution, which requires that the laws of Ireland should be certified
under the Great Seal of England, and the superintending protection of
Great Britain, necessary to the existence of Ireland, would make it her
interest to cultivate, at all times, a good understanding with her sister
kingdom.
The lowness of taxes in Ireland seems to fall within the objection arising
from the cheapness of labour. But the disproportion between the taxes of
the two kingdoms is much overrated in Great Britain. Hearth-money in
Ireland amounts to about L59,000 yearly, the sums raised by Grand Juries
are said to exceed the annual sum of L140,000, and the duties on beef,
butter, pork, and tallow exported, at a medium from 1772 to 1778, amount
to L26,577 11_s._ yearly. These are payable out of lands, or their
immediate produce, and may well be considered as a land-tax. These, with
the many other taxes payable in Ireland, compared either with the annual
amount of the sums which the inhabitants can earn or expend, with the
rental of the lands, the amount of the circulating specie, of personal
property, or of the trade of Ireland, it is apprehended would appear not
to be inferior in proportion to the taxes of England compared with any of
those objects in that country.[289] The sums remitted to absentees[290]
are worse than so much paid in taxes, because a large proportion of these
is usually expended in the country. If this reasoning is admitted, it will
require no calculation to show that Ireland pays more taxes in proportion
to its small income than England does in proportion to its great one.
Of excisable commodities, the consumption by each manufacturer is not so
considerable as to make the great difference commonly imagined in the
price of labour. It is an acknowledged fact that Ireland pays in excises
as much as she is able to bear, and that her inability to bear more arises
from those very restraints. But supposing the disproportion to be as great
as is erroneously imagined in Great Britain, it will not conclude in
favour of the prohibition. The land-tax is nearly four times as high in
some counties of England as in others, and provisions are much cheaper in
some parts of that kingdom than in others, and yet they have all
sufficient employment, and go to market upon equal terms. But a monopoly
and not an equal market was plainly the object in 1698; it was not to
prevent the Irish from underselling at foreign markets, but to prevent
their selling there at all. The consequences to the excluded country have
been mentioned. England has also been a great sufferer by this mistaken
policy.
Mr. Dobbs, who wrote in 1729,[291] affirms that by this law of 1699, our
woollen manufacturers were forced away into France, Germany, and Spain;
that they had in many branches so much improved the woollen manufacture of
France, as not only to supply themselves, but to vie with the English in
foreign markets, and that by their correspondence, they had laid the
foundation for the running of wool thither both from England and Ireland.
He says that those nations were then so improved, as in a great measure to
supply themselves with many sorts they formerly had from England, and
since that time have deprived Britain of millions, instead of thousands
that Ireland might have made.
It is now acknowledged that the French undersell the English; and as far
as they are supplied with Irish wool, the loss to the British empire is
double what it would be, if the Irish exported their goods manufactured.
This is mentioned by Sir Matthew Decker[292] as the cause of the decline
of the English, and the increase of the French woollen manufactures; and
he asserts that the Irish can recover that trade out of their hands.
England, since the passing of this law, has got much less of our wool than
before.[293] In 1698, the export of our wool to England amounted to
377,520-3/4 stone; at a medium of eight years, to Lady-day, 1728, it was
only 227,049 stone, which is 148,000 stone less than in 1698, and was a
loss of more than half a million yearly to England. In the last ten years
the quantity exported has been so greatly reduced, that in one of these
years[294] it amounted only to 1007 st. 11 lb., and in the last year did
not exceed 1665 st. 12 lb.[295] The price of wool under an absolute
prohibition, is L50 or L60 per cent. under the market price of Europe,
which will always defeat the prohibition.[296]
The impracticability of preventing the pernicious practice of running wool
is now well understood. Of the thirty-two counties in Ireland nineteen are
maritime, and the rest are washed by a number of fine rivers that empty
themselves into the sea. Can such an extent of ocean, such a range of
coasts, such a multitude of harbours, bays, and creeks, be effectually
guarded?
The prohibition of the export of live cattle forced the Irish into the
re-establishment of their woollen manufacture; and the restraint of the
woollen manufacture was a strong temptation to the running of wool. The
severest penalties were enacted, the British legislature, the Government,
and House of Commons in Ireland, exerted all possible efforts to remove
this growing evil, but in vain, until the law was made in Great
Britain[297] in 1739 to take off the duties from woollen or bay yarn
exported from Ireland, excepting worsted yarn of two or more threads,
which has certainly given a considerable check to the running of wool, and
has shown that the policy of opening is far more efficacious than that of
restraining. The world is become a great commercial society; exclude trade
from one channel, and it seldom fails to find another.
To show the absolute necessity of Great Britain's opening to Ireland some
new means of acquiring, let the annual balance of exports and imports
returned from the entries in the different custom houses, in favour of
Ireland, on all her trade with the whole world, in every year from 1768 to
1778, be compared with the remittances made from Ireland to England in
each of those years, it will evidently appear that those remittances could
not be made out of that balance. The entries of exports made at custom
houses are well known to exceed the real amount of those exports in all
countries, and this excess is greater in times of diffidence, when
merchants wish to acquire credit by giving themselves the appearance of
being great traders.
This balance in favour of Ireland on her general trade, appears by those
returns to have been, in 1776, L606,190 11_s._ 0-1/4_d._; in 1777, L24,203
3_s._ 10-1/4_d._; in 1778, L386,384 3_s._ 7_d._; and, taken at a medium of
eleven years, from 1768 to 1778, both inclusive, it amounts to the sum of
L605,083 7_s._ 5_d._ The sums remitted from Ireland to Great Britain for
rents, interest of money, pensions, salaries, and profits of offices,
amounted, at the lowest computation, from 1768 to 1773, to L1,100,000
yearly;[298] and from 1773, when the tontines were introduced, from which
period large sums were borrowed from England, those remittances were
considerably increased, and are now not less than between 12 and L13,000
yearly. Ireland then pays to Great Britain double the sum that she
collects from the whole world in all the trade which Great Britain allows
her. It will be difficult to find a similar instance in the history of
mankind.
Those great and constant issues of her wealth without any return, not felt
by any other country in such a degree, are reasons for granting advantages
to Ireland to supply this consuming waste, instead of depriving her of any
which Nature has bestowed.