session of 1759. Great Britain had made extraordinary efforts, and engaged
in enormous expenses for the protection of the whole empire. This country
was in immediate danger of an invasion. Every Irishman was agreed that she
should assist Great Britain to the utmost of her ability, but this ability
was too highly estimated. The nation abounded rather in loyalty than in
wealth.[204] Our brethren in Great Britain, had, however, formed a
different opinion, and, surveying their own strength, were incomplete
judges of our weakness. A Lord Lieutenant of too much virtue and
magnanimity to speak what he did not think, takes notice from the throne,
"of the prosperous state of this country, improving daily in its
manufactures and commerce."[205] His Grace had done much to bring it to
that state, by obtaining for us some of the best laws[206] in our books of
statutes. But this part of the speech was not taken notice of, either in
the address to his Majesty or to his Grace, from a House of Commons well
disposed to give every mark of duty and respect, and to pay every
compliment consistent with truth. The event proved the wisdom of their
reserve. The public expenses were greatly increased, the pensions on the
civil establishment exclusive of French, at Lady-Day, 1759, amounted to
L55,497 5_s._;[207] there was, at the same time a great augmentation of
military expense.[208] Six new regiments and a troop were raised in a very
short space of time. An unanimous and unlimited address of confidence to
his Grace,[209] a specific vote of credit for L150,000,[210] which was
afterwards provided for in the Loan Bill[211] of that session, a second
vote of credit in the same session for L300,000,[212] the raising the rate
of interest paid by Government, one per cent., and the payment out of the
Treasury[213] in little more than one year of L703,957 3_s._
1-1/2_d._,[214] were the consequences of those increased expenses. The
effects of these exertions were immediately and severely felt by the
kingdom. These loans could not be supplied by a poor country, without
draining the bankers of their cash; three of the principal houses,[215]
among them stopped payment; the three remaining banks in Dublin discounted
no paper, and, in fact, did no business. Public and private credit, that
had been drooping since the year 1754, had now fallen prostrate. At a
general meeting of the merchants of Dublin, in April, 1860, with several
members of the House of Commons, the inability of the former to carry on
business was universally acknowledged, not from the want of capital, but
from the stoppage of all paper circulation, and the refusal of the
remaining bankers to discount the bills even of the first houses. The
merchants and traders of Dublin, in their petition[216] to the House of
Commons, represent "the low state to which public and private credit had
been of late reduced in this kingdom, and particularly in this city, of
which the successive failures of so many banks, and of private traders in
different parts of this kingdom, in so short a time as since October last,
were incontestable proofs. The petitioners, sensible that the necessary
consequences of these misfortunes must be the loss of foreign trade, the
diminution of his Majesty's revenue, and what is still more fatal, the
decay of the manufactures of this kingdom, have in vain repeatedly
attempted to support the sinking credit of the nation by associations and
otherwise; and are satisfied that no resource is now left but what may be
expected from the wisdom of parliament, to avert the calamities with which
this kingdom is at present threatened."
The committee, to whom it was referred, resolve[217] that they had proved
the several matters alleged in their petition; that the quantity of paper
circulating was not near sufficient for supporting the trade and
manufactures of this kingdom; and that the house should engage, to the
first of May, '62, for each of the then subsisting banks in Dublin, to the
amount of L50,000 for each bank; and that an address should be presented
to the Lord Lieutenant, to thank his Grace for having given directions
that bankers' notes should be received as cash from the several
subscribers to the loan, and that he would be pleased to give directions
that their notes should be taken as cash in all payments at the Treasury,
and by the several collectors for the city and county of Dublin. The house
agreed to those resolutions and to that for giving credit to the banks,
_nem. con._
The speech from the throne takes notice of the care the House of Commons
had taken for establishing public credit, which the Lord Lieutenant says
he flatters himself will answer the end proposed, and effect that
circulation so necessary for carrying on the commerce of the country.[218]
Those facts are not stated as any imputation on the then chief governor:
the vigour of his mind incited him to make the Crown as useful as
possible to the subject, and the subject to the Crown. He succeeded in
both, but in the latter part of the experiment, the weakness of the
country was shown. The great law which we owe to his interposition, I
speak of that which gives a bounty on the land carriage of corn and flour
to Dublin,[219] has saved this country from utter destruction; this law,
which reflects the highest honour on the author and promoter, is still a
proof of the poverty of that country where such a law is necessary. Its
true principle is to bring the market of Dublin to the door of the farmer,
and that was done in the year ending the 25th of March, 1777, at the
expense of L61,789 18_s._ 6_d._, to the public; a large but a most useful
and necessary expenditure.[220] The adoption of this principle proves,
what we in this country know to be a certain truth, that there is no other
market in Ireland on which the farmer can rely for the certain sale of his
corn and flour; a decisive circumstance to show the wretched state of the
manufactures of this kingdom.
In the beginning of the next parliament the rupture with Spain occasioned
a new augmentation of military expense. The ever loyal Commons return an
address of thanks to the message mentioning the addition of five new
battalions[221] and unanimously promise to provide for them; and with the
same unanimity pass a vote of credit for L200,000.[222] The amount of
pensions on the civil establishment, exclusive of French, had for one year
ending the 25th of March, 1761, amounted to L64,127 5_s._,[223] and our
manufacturers were then distressed by the expense and havoc of a
burdensome war.[224]
In the year 1762 a national evil made its appearance, which all the
exertions of the Government and of the legislature have not since been
able to eradicate; I mean the risings of the White Boys. They appear in
those parts of the kingdom where manufactures are not established, and are
a proof of the poverty and want of employment of the lower classes of our
people. Lord Northumberland mentions, in his speech from the throne[225]
in 1763, that the means of industry would be the remedy; from whence it
seems to follow that the want of those means must be the cause. To attain
this great end the Commons promise their attention to the Protestant
charter schools and linen manufacture.[226] The wretched men who were
guilty of those violations of the law, were too mature for the first, and
totally ignorant of the second; but long established usage had given those
words a privilege in speeches and addresses to stand for everything that
related to the improvement of Ireland.
The state of pensions remained nearly the same[227] by the peace the
military expenses were considerably reduced; of the military establishment
to be provided for in the session 1763, compared with the military
establishment as it stood on the 31st of March, 1763, the net decrease was
L119,037 0_s._ 10_d._ per annum; but as a peace establishment it was high,
and compared with that of the 31st of March, 1756[228] being the year
preceding the last war, the annual increase was L110,422 9_s._ 5-1/4_d._
The debt of the nation at Lady Day, 1763, and which was entirely incurred
in the last war, was L521,161 16_s._ 6-7/8_d._,[229] and would have been
much greater if the several Lord Lieutenants had not used with great
economy the power of borrowing, which the House of Commons had from
session to session given them.
That this debt should have been contracted in an expensive war, in which
Ireland was called upon for the first time to contribute, is not to be
wondered at, but the continual increase of this debt, in sixteen years of
peace, should be accounted for.
The same mistaken estimate of the ability of Ireland that occasioned our
being called upon to bear part of the British burden during the war,
produced similar effects at the time of the peace, and after it. The heavy
peace establishment was increased by an augmentation of our army in 1769,
which induced an additional charge, taking in the expenses of exchange and
remittance of L54,118 12_s._ 6_d._ yearly, for the first year; but this
charge was afterwards considerably increased, and amounted, from the year
1769 to Christmas, 1778, when it was discontinued, to the sum of L620,824
0_s._ 9-1/4_d._, and this increased expense was more felt, because it was
for the purpose of paying forces out of this kingdom.
As our expenses increased our income diminished; the revenue for the two
years, ending the 25th of March, 1771,[230] was far short of former years,
and not nearly sufficient to pay the charges of Government, and the sums
payable for bounties and public works.[231] The debt of the nation at
Lady-Day, 1771, was increased to L782,320 0_s._ 0-1/4_d._[232] The want of
income was endeavoured to be supplied by a loan. In the money bill of the
October Session, 1771, there was a clause empowering Government to borrow
L200,000. Immediately after the linen trade declined rapidly; in 1772,
1773, and 1774, the decay in that trade was general in every part of the
kingdom where it was established; the quantity manufactured was not above
two-thirds of what used formerly to be made, and that quantity did not
sell for above three-fourths of its former price. The linen and linen yarn
exported for one year, ending the 25th of March, 1773,[233] fell short of
the exports of one year, ending the 25th of March, 1771, to the amount in
value of L788,821 1_s._ 3_d._ At Lady-day, 1773,[234] the debt increased
to L994,890 10_s._ 10-1/8_d._ The attempt in the Session of 1773,[235] to
equalise the annual income and expenses failed, and borrowing on tontine
in the Sessions of 1773, 1775, and 1777, added greatly to the annual
expense, and to the sums of money remitted out of the kingdom. The debt
now bearing interest amounts to the sum of L1,017,600, besides a sum of
L740,000 raised on annuities, which amount to L48,900 yearly, with some
incidental expenses. The great increase of those national burdens, likely
to take place in the approaching Session, has been already mentioned.
The debt of Ireland has arisen from the following causes: the expenses of
the late war, the heavy peace establishment in the year 1763, the increase
of that establishment in the year 1769, the sums paid from 1759 to forces
out of the kingdom, the great increase of pensions and other additional
charges on the civil establishment, which, however considerable, bears but
a small proportion to the increased military expenses, the falling of the
revenue, and the sums paid for bounties and public works; these are
mentioned last, because it is apprehended that they have not operated to
increase this debt in so great a degree as some persons have imagined;
for, though the amount is large, yet no part of the money was sent out of
the kingdom, and several of the grants were for useful purposes, some of
which made returns to the public and to the Treasury exceeding the amount
of those grants.
When those facts are considered, no doubt can be entertained but that the
supposed wealth of Ireland has led to real poverty; and when it is known,
that from the year 1751 to Christmas, 1778, the sums remitted by Ireland
to pay troops serving abroad, amounted to the sum of L1,401,925 19_s._
4_d._, it will be equally clear from whence this poverty has principally
arisen.
In those seasons of expense and borrowing the lower classes were equally
subject to poverty and distress, as in the period of national economy. In
1762, Lord Halifax, in his speech from the throne,[236] acknowledges that
our manufactures were distressed by the war. In 1763, the corporation of
weavers, by a petition to the House of Commons, complain that,
notwithstanding the great increase both in number and wealth of the
inhabitants of the metropolis, they found a very great decay of several
branches of trade and manufactures[237] of this city, particularly in the
silken and woollen.
In 1765 there was a scarcity caused by the failure of potatoes in general
throughout the kingdom, which distressed the common people; the spring
corn had also failed, and grain was so high, that it was thought necessary
to appoint a committee[238] to inquire what may be the best method to
reduce it; and to prevent a great dearth, two acts were passed early in
that session, to stop the distillery, and to prevent the exportation of
corn, for a limited time. In Spring, 1766, those fears appear to have been
well-founded; several towns were in great distress for corn; and by the
humanity of the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Hertford, money was issued out of
the Treasury to buy corn for such places as applied to his lordship for
that relief.
The years 1770 and 1771 were seasons of great distress in Ireland, and in
the month of February, in the latter year, the high price of corn is
mentioned from the throne[239] as an object of the first importance, which
demanded the utmost attention.
In 1778 and 1779 there was great plenty of corn, but the manufacturers
were not able to buy, and many thousands of them were supported by
charity; the consequence was that corn fell to so low a price that the
farmers in many places were unable to pay their rents, and everywhere were
under great difficulties.
That the linen manufacture has been of the utmost consequence to this
country, that it has greatly prospered, that it has been long encouraged
by the protection of Great Britain, that whatever wealth Ireland is
possessed of arises, for the most part, from that trade, is freely
acknowledged; but in far the greatest part of the kingdom it has not yet
been established, and many attempts to introduce it have, after long
perseverance and great expense, proved fruitless.
Though that manufacture made great advances from 1727 to 1758,[240] yet
the tillage of this kingdom declined during the whole of that period, and
we have not since been free from scarcity.
Notwithstanding the success of that manufacture, the bulk of our people
have always continued poor, and in a great many seasons have wanted food.
Can the history of any other fruitful country on the globe, enjoying peace
for fourscore years, and not visited by plague or pestilence, produce so
many recorded instances of the poverty and wretchedness, and of the
reiterated want and misery of the lower orders of the people? There is no
such example in ancient or modern story. If the ineffectual endeavours by
the representatives of those poor people to give them employment and food,
had not left sufficient memorials of their wretchedness; if their
habitations, apparel, and food, were not sufficient proofs, I should
appeal to the human countenance for my voucher, and rest the evidence on
that hopeless despondency that hangs on the brow of unemployed industry.
That, since the success of the linen manufacture, the money and the rents
of Ireland have been greatly increased, is acknowledged; but it is
affirmed, and the fact is of notoriety, that the lower orders, not of that
trade, are not less wretched. Those employed in the favourite manufacture
generally buy from that country to which they principally sell; and the
rise in lands is a misfortune to the poor, where their wages do not rise
proportionably, which will not happen where manufactures and agriculture
are not sufficiently encouraged. Give premiums by land or by water,
arrange your exports and imports in what manner you will; if you
discourage the people from working up the principal materials of their
country, the bulk of that people must ever continue miserable, the growth
of the nation will be checked, and the sinews of the State enfeebled.
I have stated a tedious detail of instances, to show that the sufferings
of the lower classes of our people have continued the same (with an
exception only of those employed in the linen trade) since the time of
Queen Anne, as they were during her reign; that the cause remains the
same, namely, that our manufacturers have not sufficient employment, and
cannot afford to buy from the farmer, and that therefore manufactures and
agriculture must both be prejudiced.
After revolving those repeated instances, and almost continued chain of
distress, for such a series of years, among the inhabitants of a temperate
climate, surrounded by the bounties of Providence and the means of
abundance, and being unable to discover any accidental or natural causes
for those evils, we are led to inquire whether they have arisen from the
mistaken policy of man.
I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c.
Fifth Letter.
_Dublin, 30th Aug., 1779._
MY LORD,
Every man of discernment, who attends to the facts which have been stated,
would conclude, that there must be some political institutions in this
country counteracting the natural course of things, and obstructing the
prosperity of the people. Those institutions should be considered, that as
from the effects the cause has been traced, this also should be examined,
to show that such consequences are necessarily deducible from it. For
several years the exportation of live cattle to England[241] was the
principal trade of Ireland. This was thought, most erroneously,[242] as
has since been acknowledged,[243] to lower the rents of lands in England.
From this, and perhaps from some less worthy motive[244] a law passed in
England,[245] to restrain and afterwards to prohibit the exportation of
cattle from Ireland. The Irish, deprived of their principal trade, and
reduced to the utmost distress by this prohibition, had no resource but to
work up their own commodities, to which they applied themselves with great
ardour.[246] After this prohibition they increased their number of sheep,
and at the Revolution were possessed of very numerous flocks. They had
good reasons to think that this object of industry was not only left open,
but recommended to them. The ineffectual attempt by Lord Strafford, in
1639, to prevent the making of broadcloths in Ireland,[247] the
relinquishment of that scheme by never afterwards reviving it, the
encouragement given to their woollen manufactures by many English Acts of
Parliament from the reign of Edward III.[248] to the 12th of Charles II.,
and several of them for the express purpose of exportation; the letter of
Charles II., in 1667, with the advice of his Privy Council in England, and
the proclamation in pursuance of that letter, encouraging the exportation
of their manufactures to foreign countries; by the Irish statutes of the
13th Henry VIII. ch. 2; 28th Henry VIII. ch. 17; of the 11th Elizabeth,
ch. 10, and 17th and 18th Charles II., ch. 15 (all of which, the Act of
28th Henry VIII. excepted, received the approbation of the Privy Council
of England, having been returned under the Great Seal of that kingdom)
afforded as strong grounds of assurance as any country could possess for
the continuance of any trade or manufacture.
Great numbers of their flocks had been destroyed at the time of the
Revolution, but they were replaced, at great expense, and became more
numerous and flourishing than before. The woollen manufacture was
cultivated in Ireland for ages before, and for several years after the
Revolution, without any appearance of jealousy from England, the attempt
by Lord Strafford excepted. No discouragement is intimated in any speech
from the throne until the year 1698; Lord Sydney's, in 1692, imparts the
contrary. "Their Majesties," says he,[249] "being in their own royal
judgments satisfied that a country so fertile by nature, and so
advantageously situated for _trade and navigation_, can want nothing but
the blessing of peace, and the help of some good laws to make it as rich
and flourishing _as most of its neighbours_; I am ordered to assure you
that nothing shall be wanting on their parts that may contribute to your
perfect and lasting happiness."
Several laws had been made[250] in England to prevent the exportation of
wool, yarn made of wool, fuller's earth, or any kind of scouring earth or
fulling clay from England or Ireland, into any places out of the kingdoms
of England or Ireland. But those laws were equally restrictive on both
kingdoms.
In the first year[251] of William and Mary certain ports were mentioned in
Ireland, from which only wool should be shipped from that kingdom, and
certain ports in England into which only it should be imported; and a
register was directed to be kept in the Custom House of London of all the
wool from time to time imported from Ireland. By a subsequent Act in this
reign,[252] passed in 1696, the Commissioners or Farmers of the Customs in
Ireland are directed, once in every six months, to transmit to the
Commissioners of Customs in England, an account of all wool exported from
Ireland to England, and this last Act, in its title, professes the
intention of encouraging the importation of wool from Ireland. The
prohibition of exporting the materials from either kingdom, except to the
other, and the encouragement to export it from Ireland to England,
mentioned in the title of the last-mentioned Act, but for which no
provision seems to be made, unless the designation of particular ports may
be so called, was the system that then seemed to be settled, for
preventing the wool of Ireland from being prejudicial to England; but the
prevention of the exportation of the manufacture was an idea that seemed
never to have been entertained until the year 1697, when a bill for that
purpose was brought into the English House of Commons,[253] and passed
that house; but after great consideration was not passed by the Lords in
that parliament.[254] There does not appear to have been any increase at
that time in the woollen manufacture of Ireland sufficient to have raised
any jealousy in England.
By a report from the Commissioners of Trade in that kingdom, dated on the
23rd of December, 1697, and laid before the House of Commons, in 1698,
they find that the woollen manufacture in Ireland had increased since the
year 1665, as follows:
Years. New draperies. Old draperies. Frieze.
Pieces. Pieces. Yards.
1665 224 32 444,381
1687 11,360 103 1,129,716
1696 4,413 34-3/4 104,167
The bill for restraining the exportation of woollen manufactures from
Ireland was brought into the English House of Commons on the 23rd of
February, 1697, but the law did not pass until the year 1699, in the first
session of the new parliament. I have not been able to obtain an account
of the exportation of woollen manufactures for the year 1697,[255] but
from the 25th of December, 1697, to the 25th of December, 1698, being the
first year in which the exports in books extant are registered in the
Custom House at Dublin, the amount appears to be of
New drapery. Old drapery. Frieze.
Pieces. Pieces. Yards.
23,285-1/2 281-1/2 666,901
though this increase of export shows that the trade was advancing in
Ireland, yet the total amount or the comparative increase since 1687 could
scarcely "sink the value of lands and tend to the ruin of the trade and
woollen manufactures of England."[256]