Principalities, both touching a Prince, and touching a State, I shall
alledge very famous examples: for seeing men almost alwayes walk in the
pathes beaten by others, and proceed in their actions by imitation; and
being that others wayes cannot bee exactly follow'd, nor their vertues,
whose patterne thou set'st before thee, attain'd unto; a wise man ought
alwayes to tread the footsteps of the worthiest persons, and imitate
those that have been the most excellent: to the end that if his vertue
arrive not thereto, at least it may yeeld some favour thereof, and doe
as good Archers use, who thinking the place they intend to hit, too
farre distant, and knowing how farr the strength of their bow will
carry, they lay their ayme a great deale higher than the mark; not for
to hit so high with their arrow, but to bee able with the help of so
high an aime to reach the place they shoot at. I say, that in
Principalities wholly new, where there is a new Prince, there is more
and lesse difficulty in maintaining them, as the vertue of their
Conquerour is greater or lesser. And because this successe, to become a
Prince of a private man, presupposes either vertue, or fortune; mee
thinks the one and other of these two things in part should mitigate
many difficulties; however he that hath lesse stood upon fortune, hath
maintain'd himselfe the better. Moreover it somewhat facilitates the
matter in that the Prince is constrain'd, because he hath not other
dominions, in person to come and dwell there. But to come to these who
by their own vertues, and not by fortune, attain'd to be Princes; the
excellentest of these are Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus, and such like;
and though of Moses we are not to reason, he onely executing the things
that were commanded him by God; yet merits he well to be admir'd, were
it only for that grace that made him worthy to converse with God. But
considering Cyrus, and the others, who either got or founded Kingdomes,
we shall find them all admirable; and if there particular actions and
Lawes be throughly weigh'd, they will not appeare much differing from
those of Moyses, which he receiv'd from so Sovraigne an instructer. And
examining their lives and actions, it will not appeare, that they had
other help of fortune, than the occasion, which presented them with the
matter wherein they might introduce what forme they then pleas'd; and
without that occasion, the vertue of their mind had been extinguish'd;
and without that vertue, the occasion had been offer'd in vaine. It was
then necessary for Moses to find the people of Israel slaves in Ægypt,
and oppress'd by the Ægyptians, to the end that they to get out of their
thraldome, should bee willing to follow him. It was fit that Romulus
should not be kept in Albia, but expos'd presently after his birth, that
he might become King of Rome, and founder of that City. There was need
that Cyrus should find the Persians discontented with the Medes
government, and the Medes delicate and effeminate through their long
peace. Theseus could not make proof his vertue, had not he found the
Athenians dispers'd. These occasions therefore made these men happy, and
their excellent vertue made the occasion be taken notice of, whereby
their countrey became enobled, and exceeding fortunate. They, who by
vertuous waies, like unto these, become Princes, attain the Principality
with difficulty, but hold it with much ease; and the difficulties they
find in gaining the Principality, arise partly from the new orders and
courses they are forc'd to bring in, to lay the foundation of their
State, and work their own security. And it is to be consider'd, how
there is not any thing harder to take in hand, nor doubtfuller to
succeed, nor more dangerous to mannage, than to be the chief in bringing
in new orders; for this Chief finds all those his enemies, that thrive
upon the old orders; and hath but luke warme defenders of all those that
would do well upon the new orders, which luke-warme temper proceeds
partly from fear of the opposers who have the laws to their advantage;
partly from the incredulity of the men who truly beleeve not a new
thing, unless there be some certain proof given them thereof. Whereupon
it arises, that whensoever they that are adversaries, take the occasion
to assayle, they do it factiously; and these others defend but cooly, so
that their whole party altogether runs a hazzard. Therefore it is
necessary, being we intend throughly to discourse this part, to examine
if these innovators stand of themselves, or if they depend upon others;
that is, if to bring their work to effect, it be necessary they should
intreat, or be able to constrain; in the first case they allwayes
succeed ill, and bring nothing to pass; but when they depend of
themselves, and are able to force, then seldom it is that they hazzard.
Hence came it that all the prophets that were arm'd, prevail'd; but
those that were unarm'd, were too weak: for besides what we have
alledg'd, the nature of the people is changeable, and easie to be
perswaded to a matter; but it is hard also to settle them in that
perswasion. And therefore it behoves a man to be so provided, that when
they beleeve no longer, he may be able to compel them thereto by force.
Moses, Cyrus, Theseus, and Romulus would never have been able to cause
their Laws to be obey'd, had they been disarm'd; as in our times it
befel Fryer Jerome Savanarola, who perished in his new constitutions,
when the multitude began not to beleeve him; neither had he the means to
keep them firme, that had beleev'd; not to force beleefe in them that
had not beleev'd him. Wherefore such men as these, in their proceedings
find great difficulty, and all their dangers are in the way, and these
they must surmount by their vertue; but having once master'd them, and
beginning to be honored by all, when they have rooted those out that
envi'd their dignities, they remain powerful, secure, honorable, and
happy. To these choice examples, I will add one of less remark; but it
shall hold some proportion with them, and this shall suffice me for all
others of this kind, which is Hiero the Siracusan. He of a private man,
became Prince of Siracusa, nor knew he any other ayd of fortune than the
occasion: for the Siracusans being oppress'd, made choyce of him for
their Captain, whereupon he deserv'd to be made their Prince: and he was
of such vertue even in his private fortune, that he who writes of him,
sayes, he wanted nothing of reigning, but a Kingdom; this man
extinguish'd all the old soldiery, ordaind the new; left the old
allyances, entertained new; and as he had friendship, and soldiers that
were his own, upon that ground he was able to build any edifice; so that
he indured much trouble in gaining, and suffered but little in
maintaining.
CHAP. VII
Of new Principalities, gotten by fortune, and other mens forces.
They who by fortune only become Princes of private men, with small pains
attain to it, but have much ado to maintain themselves in it; and find
no difficulty at all in the way, because they are carried thither with
wings: but all the difficulties arise there, after they are plac'd in
them. And of such sort are those who have an estate given them for
money, by the favor of some one that grants it them: as it befell many
in Greece, in the cities of Jonia, and Hellespont; where divers Princes
were made by Darius, as well for his own safety as his glory; as also
them that were made Emperors; who from private men by corrupting the
soldiers, attaind to the Empire. These subsist meerly upon the will, and
fortune of those that have advanced them; which are two voluble and
unsteady things; and they neither know how, nor are able to continue in
that dignity: they know not how, because unless it be a man of great
understanding and vertue, it is not probable that he who hath always
liv'd a private life, can know how to command: neither are they able,
because they have not any forces that can be friendly or faithful to
them. Moreover those States that suddenly fall into a mans hands, as all
other things in nature that spring and grow quickly, cannot well have
taken root, nor have made their correspondencies so firm, but that the
first storm that takes them, ruines them; in case these, who (as it is
said) are thus on a sudden clambred up to be Princes, are not of that
worth and vertue as to know how to prepare themselves to maintain that
which chance hath cast into their bosoms, and can afterwards lay those
foundations, which others have cast before they were Princes. For the
one and the other of these wayes about the attaining to be a Prince, by
Vertue, or by Fortune, I will alledge you two examples which have been
in the dayes of our memory. These were Francis Sforza, and Cæsar Borgia;
Francis by just means and with a great deal of vertue, of a private man
got to be Duke of Millan; and that which with much pains he had gaind,
he kept with small ado. On the other side Cæesar Borgia (commonly termed
Duke Valentine) got his state by his Fathers fortune, and with the same
lost it; however that for his own part no pains was spar'd, nor any
thing omitted, which by a discreet and valorus man ought to have been
done, to fasten his roots in those Estates, which others armes or
fortune had bestowed on him; for (as it was formerly said) he that lays
not the foundations first, yet might be able by means of his
extraordinary vertues to lay them afterwards, however it be with the
great trouble of the architect, and danger of the edifice. If therefore
we consider all the Dukes progresses, we may perceive how great
foundations he had cast for his future power, which I judge a matter not
superfluous to run over; because I should not well know, what better
rules I might give to a new Prince, than the pattern of his actions; and
however the courses he took, availd him not, yet was it not his fault,
but it proceeded from an extraordinary and extream malignity of fortune.
Pope Alexander the sixt, desiring to make the Duke his son a great man,
had a great many difficulties, present and future: first he saw no way
there was whereby he might be able to make him Lord of any State, that
was not the Churches; and if he turnd to take that from the Church, he
knew that the Duke of Milan, and the Venetians would never agree to it;
for Faenza and Riminum were under the Venetians protection. Moreover, he
saw that the armes of Italy, and those whereof in particular he might
have been able to make some use, were in their hands, who ought to fear
the Popes greatness; and therefore could not any wayes rely upon them:
being all in the Orsins and Colonies hands, and those of their faction.
It was necessary then, that those matters thus appointed by them should
be disturbed, and the States of Italy disordered, to be able safely to
master part of them, which he then found easie to do, seeing the
Venetians upon three considerations had us'd the means to bring the
French men back again into Italy: which he not only did not withstand,
but furthered, with a resolution of King Lewis his ancient marriage. The
King then past into Italy with the Venetians ayd, and Alexanders
consent; nor was he sooner arrived in Milan, than the Pope had soldiers
from him for the service of Romania, which was quickly yeelded up to him
upon the reputation of the Kings forces. The Duke then having made
himself master of Romania, and beaten the Colonies, desiring to hold it,
and proceed forward, two things hindered him: the one, his own soldiers,
which he thought were not true to him; the other, the French mens good
wills; that is to say, he feared that the Princes soldiers, whereof he
had served himself, would fail him, and not only hinder his conquest,
but take from him what he had gotten; and that the King also would serve
him the same turn. He had experience of the Orsini upon an occasion,
when after the taking of Faenza he assaulted Bolonia, to which assault
he saw them go very cold. And touching the King, he discovered his mind,
when having taken the Dutchy of Urbin, he invaded Tuscany; from which
action the King made him retire; whereupon the Duke resolved to depend
no more upon fortune, and other mens armes. And the first thing he did,
was, to weaken the Orsini, and Colonnies factions in Rome: for he gain'd
all their adherents that were gentlemen, giving them large allowances,
and honoring them according to their qualities with charges and
governments; so that in a few months the good will they bare to the
parties was quite extinguisht, and wholly bent to the Duke. After this,
he waited an occasion to root out the Orsini, having before dispersed
those of the family of Colonnia, which fell out well to his hand; and he
us'd it better. For the Orsini being too late aware, that the Dukes and
the Churches greatness was their destruction, held a Council together in
a dwelling house of theirs in the country adjoyning to Perusia. From
thence grew the rebellion of Urbin, and the troubles of Romania, and
many other dangers befell the Duke, which he overcame all with the help
of the French: and having regained his reputation, trusting neither
France, nor any forrein forces, to the end he might not be put to make
trial of them again, he betook himself to his sleghts; and he knew so
well to disguise his intention, that the Orsins, by the mediation of
Paul Orsine, were reconciled to him, to whom the Duke was no way wanting
in all manner of courtesies whereby to bring them into security, giving
them rich garments, money, and horses, til their own simplicities led
them all to Sinigallia, into his hands. These heads being then pluck'd
off, and their partisans made his friends; the Duke had laid very good
foundations, to build his own greatness on, having in his power all
Romania with the Dutchy of Urbin, and gained the hearts of those people,
by beginning to give them some relish of their well being. And because
this part is worthy to be taken notice of, and to be imitated by others,
I will not let it escape. The Duke, when he had taken Romania, finding
it had been under the hands of poor Lords who had rather pillag'd their
subjects, than chastis'd or amended them, giving them more cause of
discord, than of peace and union, so that the whole countrey was fraught
with robberies, quarrels, and other sorts of insolencies; thought the
best way to reduce them to termes of pacification, and obedience to a
Princely power, was, to give them some good government: and therefore he
set over them one Remiro D'Orco, a cruel hasty man, to whom he gave an
absolute power. This man in a very short time setled peace and union
amongst them with very great reputation. Afterwards the Duke thought
such excessive authority serv'd not so well to his purpose, and doubting
it would grow odious, he erected a civil Judicature in the midst of the
countrey, where one excellent Judge did Preside, and thither every City
sent their Advocate: and because he knew the rigors past had bred some
hatred against him, to purge the minds of those people, and to gain them
wholly to himself, he purpos'd to shew, that if there was any cruelty
used, it proceeded not from any order of his, but from the harsh
disposition of his Officers. Whereupon laying hold on him, at this
occasion, he caus'd his head to be struck off one morning early in the
market place at Cesena, where he was left upon a gibbet, with a bloody
sword by his side; the cruelty of which spectacle for a while satisfied
and amaz'd those people. But to return from whence we have digressd: I
say, that the Duke finding himself very strong, and in part out of doubt
of the present dangers, because he was arm'd after his own manner, and
had in some good measure suppress'd those forces, which, because of
their vicinity, were able to annoy him, he wanted nothing else to go on
with his Conquest, but the consideration of France: for he knew, that
the King, who now, though late, was advis'd of his error, would never
suffer him: and hereupon he began to seek after new allyances, and to
waver with France, when the French came towards Naples against the
Spaniards, who then besieged Gagetta; and his design was only to be out
of their danger, which had been effected for him, had Pope Alexander
lived. And thus were his businesses carried touching his present estate.
As for the future, he had reason to doubt lest the new successor to the
Papacy would not be his friend, and would endeavor to take that from him
that Alexander had bestowed on him; and he thought to provide for this
foure waies: First by rooting out the races of all those Lords he had
dispoyled, whereby to take those occasions from the Pope. Secondly, by
gaining all the gentlemen of Rome, whereby he might be able with those
to keep the Pope in some awe. Thirdly, to make the Colledge of Cardinals
as much at his devotion as possibly might be. Fourthly, by making of so
large Conquests, before the Popes death, as that he might be able of
himself to withstand the first fury of his enemies. Three of these fowre
at Pope Alexanders death he had effected, and the fourth he had neare
brought to a point. For of those Lords he had stript, he put to death as
many as he could come at, and very few escap'd him: he gaind him the
Roman Gentlemen: and in the Colledge he had made a great faction. And
touching his new Conquest, he had a designe to become Lord of Tuscany.
And he had possessed himself already of Perusia, and Pombin, and taken
protection of Pisa: and so soon as he should have cast off his respect
to France (which now he meant to hold no longer) being the French were
now driven out of the Kingdome of Naples by the Spaniards, so that each
of them was forc'd to buy his friendship at any termes; he was then to
leap into Pisa. After this Lucca and Siena were presently to fall to
him, partly for envy to the Florentines, and partly for fear. The
Florentines had no way to escape him: all which, had it succeeded with
him, as without question it had, the very same year that Alexander dy'd,
he had made himself master of so great forces, and such reputation, that
he would have been able to have stood upon his own bottom, without any
dependance of fortune, or resting upon others helps, but only upon his
own strength and valor. But Alexander dy'd five years after that he had
begun to draw forth his sword: and left him setled only in the State of
Romania, with all his other designes in the ayre, sick unto death,
between two very strong armies of his enemies; and yet was there in this
Duke such a spirit and courage; and he understood so well, how men are
to be gaind, and how to be lost, and so firm were the grounds he had
laid in a short time, that, had he not had those armies upon his back,
or had been in health, he would have carried through his purpose in
spight of all opposition; and that the foundations he grounded upon were
good, it appeard in that Romania held for him above a moneth, and he
remained secure in Rome, though even at deaths doore: and however the
Baglioni, Vitelli, and Orsini came into Rome; yet found they none would
take their parts against him. And this he was able to have effected,
that if he could not have made him Pope whom be would, he could have
hindred him that he would not should be Pope. But had he been in health
when Alexander dy'd, every thing had gone easily with him; and he told
me on that day that Julius the second was created Pope, that he had
fore-thought on all that which could happen, in case his father chanc'd
to dye, and for every thing provided its remedy, this onely excepted,
that he foresaw not that he should at the same time be brought unto
deaths dore also. Having then collected all the Dukes actions, me thinks
I could not well blame him, but rather (as I have here done) set him as
a pattern to be followed by all those who by fortune and others armes
have been exalted to an Empire. For he being of great courage, and
having lofty designes, could not carry himself otherwise; and the only
obstacle of his purposes was the brevity of Alexanders life, and his own
sickness. Whoever therefore deemes it necessary in his entrance into a
new Principality, to secure himself of his enemies, and gain him
friends, to overcome either by force or by cunning, to make himself
beloved, or feared of his people, be followed and reverenced by his
soldiers, to root out those that can, or owe thee any hurt, to change
the ancient orders with new wayes, to be severe, and yet acceptable,
magnanimous, and liberall; to extinguish the unfaithfull soldiery, and
create new; to maintain to himself the armities of Kings and Princes, so
that they shall either with favor benefit thee, or be wary how to offend
thee; cannot find more fresh and lively examples than the actions of
this man. He deserves to be found fault withall for the creation of
Julius the second, wherein an evil choice was made for him: for, as it
is said, not being able to make a Pope to his mind, he could have
withheld any one from being Pope; and should never have consented that
any one of those Cardinals should have got the Papacy, whom he had ever
done harme to; or who having attaind the Pontificate were likely to be
afraid of him: because men ordinarily do hurt either for fear, or
hatred. Those whom he had offended, were among others, he who had the
title of St. Peter ad Vincula, Colonna, St. George, and Ascanius; all
the others that were in possibility of the Popedome, were such as might
have feard him rather, except the Cardinal of Roan, and the Spaniards;
these by reason of their allyance and obligation with him, the other
because of the power they had, having the Kingdome of France on their
party; wherefore the Duke above all things should have created a
Spanyard Pope, and in case he could not have done that, he should have
agreed that Roan should have been, and not St. Peter ad Vincula. And
whoever beleeves, that with great personages new benefits blot on the
remembrance of old injuries, is much deceiv'd. The Duke therefore in
this election, was the cause of his own ruine at last.
Till wee come to this seaventh Chapter, I find not any thing
much blame-worthy, unlesse it be on ground he layes in the
second Chapter; whereupon hee builds most of this Fabrick, viz.
That Subjects must either be dallyed or flatterd withall, or
quite crusht. Whereby our Author advises his Prince to support
his authority with two Cardinall Vertues, Dissimulation, and
Cruelty. He considers not herein that the head is but a member
of the body, though the principall; and the end of the parts is
the good of the whole. And here he goes against himselfe in the
twenty sixt Chapter of his Rep. 1. 1. where hee blames Philip of
Macedon for such courses, terming them very cruell, and against
all Christian manner of living; and that every man should refuse
to be a King, and desire rather to live a private life, than to
reigne so much to the ruine of mankind. The life of Cæsar
Borgia, which is here given as a paterne to new Princes, we
shall find to have been nothing else but a cunning carriage of
things so, that he might thereby first deceive and inveigle, and
then suppresse all those that could oppose or hinder his
ambition. For if you runne over his life, you shall see the
Father Pope Alexander the sixt and him, both imbarqued for his
advancement, wherein they engag'd the Papall authority, and
reputation of Religion; for faith and conscience these men never
knew, though they exacted it of others: there was never promise
made, but it was only so farre kept as servd for advantage;
Liberality was made use of: Clemency and Cruelty, all alike, as
they might serve to worke with their purposes. All was
sacrific'd to ambition; no friendship could tye these men, nor
any religion: and no marvell: for ambition made them forget both
God and man. But see the end of all this cunning: though this
Cæsar Borgia contrived all his businesse so warily, that our
Author much commends him, and hee had attaind neere the pitch of
his hopes, and had provided for each misadventure could befall
him its remedy; Policy shewd it selefe short-sighted; for hee
foresaw not at the time of his Fathers death, he himself should
bee brought unto deaths doore also. And me thinks this Example
might have given occasion to our Author to confesse, that surely
there is a God that ruleth the earth. And many times God cutts
off those cunning and mighty men in the hight of their purposes,
when they think they have neare surmounted all dangers and
difficulties. 'To the intent that the living may know, that the
most high ruleth in the Kingdome of men, and giveth it to
whomsoever he will, and setteth up over it the basest of men.'
Daniel. 4. 17.
CHAP. VIII
Concerning those who by wicked meanes have attaind to a Principality.