But having tasted the sweets of official life, Confucius was not

inclined to resign all hope of future employment, and the duke of Wei

still remaining deaf to his advice, he determined to visit the state of

Tsin, in the hope of finding in Chaou Keen-tsze, one of the three

chieftains who virtually governed that state, a more hopeful pupil. With

this intention he started westward, but had got no farther than the

Yellow River when the news reached him of the execution of Tuh Ming and

Tuh Shun-hwa, two men of note in Tsin. The disorder which this indicated

put a stop to his journey; for had not he himself said "that a superior

man will not enter a tottering state." His disappointment and grief were

great, and looking at the yellow waters as they flowed at his feet, he

sighed and muttered to himself: "Oh how beautiful were they; this river

is not more majestic than they were! and I was not there to avert their

fate!"

So saying he returned to Wei, only to find the duke as little inclined

to listen to his lectures, as he was deeply engaged in warlike

preparations. When Confucius presented himself at court, the duke

refused to talk on any other subject but military tactics, and

forgetting, possibly on purpose, that Confucius was essentially a man of

peace, pressed him for information on the art of manoeuvreing an army.

"If you should wish to know how to arrange sacrificial vessels," said

the Sage, "I will answer you, but about warfare I know nothing."

Confucius was now sixty years old, and the condition of the states

composing the empire was even more unfavorable for the reception of his

doctrines than ever. But though depressed by fortune, he never lost that

steady confidence in himself and his mission, which was a leading

characteristic of his career, and when he found the duke of Wei deaf to

his advice, he removed to Ch'in, in the hope of there finding a ruler

who would appreciate his wisdom.

In the following year he left Ch'in with his disciples for Ts'ae, a

small dependency of the state of Ts'oo. In those days the empire was

subjected to constant changes. One day a new state carved out of an old

one would appear, and again it would disappear, or increase in size, as

the fortunes of war might determine. Thus while Confucius was in Ts'ae,

a part of Ts'oo declared itself independent, under the name of Ye, and

the ruler usurped the title of duke. In earlier days such rebellion

would have called forth a rebuke from Confucius; but it was otherwise

now, and, instead of denouncing the usurper as a rebel, he sought him as

a patron. The duke did not know how to receive his visitor, and asked

Tsze-loo about him. But Tsze-loo, possibly because he considered the

duke to be no better than Pih Hih, returned him no answer. For this

reticence Confucius found fault with him, and said, "Why did you not say

to him, 'He is simply a man who, in his eager pursuit of knowledge,

forgets his food; who, in the joy of its attainments, forgets his

sorrows; and who does not perceive that old age is coming on?'"

But whatever may have been the opinion of Tsze-loo, Confucius was quite

ready to be on friendly terms with the duke, who seems to have had no

keener relish for Confucius' ethics than the other rulers to whom he had

offered his services. We are only told of one conversation which took

place between the duke and the Sage, and on that occasion the duke

questioned him on the subject of government. Confucius' reply was

eminently characteristic of the man. Most of his definitions of good

government would have sounded unpleasantly in the ears of a man who had

just thrown off his master's yoke and headed a successful rebellion, so

he cast about for one which might offer some excuse for the new duke by

attributing the fact of his disloyalty to the bad government of his late

ruler. Quoting the words of an earlier sage, he replied, "Good

government obtains when those who are near are made happy, and those who

are far off are attracted."

Returning from Ye to Ts'ae, he came to a river which, being unbridged,

left him no resource but to ford it. Seeing two men whom he recognized

as political recluses ploughing in a neighboring field, he sent the

ever-present Tsze-loo to inquire of them where best he could effect a

crossing. "Who is that holding the reins in the carriage yonder?" asked

the first addressed, in answer to Tsze-loo's inquiry. "Kung Kew,"

replied the disciple, "Kung Kew, of Loo?" asked the ploughman. "Yes,"

was the reply. "_He_ knows the ford," was the enigmatic answer of the

man as he turned to his work; but whether this reply was suggested by

the general belief that Confucius was omniscient, or by wry of a parable

to signify that Confucius possessed the knowledge by which the river of

disorder, which was barring the progress of liberty and freedom, might

be crossed, we are only left to conjecture. Nor from the second recluse

could Tsze-loo gain any practical information. "Who are you, sir?" was

the somewhat peremptory question which his inquiry met with. Upon his

answering that he was a disciple of Confucius, the man, who might have

gathered his estimate of Confucius from the mouth of Laou-tsze, replied:

"Disorder, like a swelling flood, spreads over the whole empire, and who

is he who will change it for you? Rather than follow one who merely

withdraws from this court to that court, had you not better follow those

who (like ourselves) withdraw from the world altogether?" These words

Tsze-loo, as was his wont, repeated to Confucius, who thus justified his

career: "It is impossible to associate with birds and beasts as if they

were the same as ourselves. If I associate not with people, with

mankind, with whom shall I associate? If right principles prevailed

throughout the empire, there would be no necessity for me to change its

state."

Altogether Confucius remained three years in Ts'ae,--three years of

strife and war, during which his counsels were completely neglected.

Toward their close, the state of Woo made an attack on Ch'in, which

found support from the powerful state of Ts'oo on the south. While thus

helping his ally, the Duke of Ts'oo heard that Confucius was in Ts'ae,

and determined to invite him to his court. With this object he sent

messengers bearing presents to the Sage, and charged them with a

message begging him to come to Ts'oo. Confucius readily accepted the

invitation, and prepared to start. But the news of the transaction

alarmed the ministers of Ts'ae and Ch'in. "Ts'oo," said they, "is

already a powerful state, and Confucius is a man of wisdom. Experience

has proved that those who have despised him have invariably suffered for

it, and, should he succeed in guiding the affairs of Ts'oo, we should

certainly be ruined. At all hazards we must stop his going." When,

therefore, Confucius had started on his journey, these men despatched a

force which hemmed him in a wild bit of desert country. Here, we are

told, they kept him a prisoner for seven days, during which time he

suffered severe privations, and, as was always the case in moments of

difficulty, the disciples loudly bewailed their lot and that of their

master.

"Has the superior man," said Tsze-loo, "indeed, to endure in this way?"

"The superior man may indeed have to suffer want," replied Confucius,

"but it is only the mean man who, when he is in straits, gives way to

unbridled license." In this emergency he had recourse to a solace which

had soothed him on many occasions when fortune frowned: he played, on

his lute and sang.

At length he succeeded in sending word to the duke of Ts'oo of the

position he was in. At once the duke sent ambassadors to liberate him,

and he himself went out of his capital to meet him. But though he

welcomed him cordially, and seems to have availed himself of his advice

on occasions, he did not appoint him to any office, and the intention he

at one time entertained of granting him a slice of territory was

thwarted by his ministers, from motives of expediency. "Has your

majesty," said this officer, "any servant who could discharge the duties

of ambassador like Tsze-kung? or any so well qualified for a premier as

Yen Hwuy? or any one to compare as a general with Tsze-loo? Did not

kings Wan and Woo, from their small states of Fung and Kaou, rise to the

sovereignty of the empire? And if Kung Kew once acquired territory, with

such disciples to be his ministers, it will not be to the prosperity of

Ts'oo."

This remonstrance not only had the immediate effect which was intended,

but appears to have influenced the manner of the duke toward the Sage,

for in the interval between this and the duke's death, in the autumn of

the same year, we hear of no counsel being either asked or given. In the

successor to the throne Confucius evidently despaired of finding a

patron, and he once again returned to Wei.

Confucius was now sixty-three, and on arriving at Wei he found a

grandson of his former friend, the duke Ling, holding the throne against

his own father, who had been driven into exile for attempting the life

of his mother, the notorious Nan-tsze. This chief, who called himself

the duke Chuh, being conscious how much his cause would be strengthened

by the support of Confucius, sent Tsze-loo to him, saying, "The Prince

of Wei has been waiting to secure your services in the administration of

the state, and wishes to know what you consider is the first thing to be

done." "It is first of all necessary," replied Confucius, "to rectify

names." "Indeed," said Tzse-loo, "you are wide of the mark. Why need

there be such rectification?" "How uncultivated you are, Yew," answered

Confucius; "a superior man shows a cautious reserve in regard to what he

does not know. If names be not correct, language is not in accordance

with the truth of things. If language be not in accordance with the

truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on successfully. When affairs

cannot be carried on successfully, proprieties and music will not

flourish. When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments will

not properly be awarded. When punishments are not properly awarded, the

people do not know how to move hand or foot. Therefore the superior man

considers it necessary that names should be used appropriately, and that

his directions should be carried out appropriately. A superior man

requires that his words should be correct."

The position of things in Wei was naturally such as Confucius could not

sanction, and, as the duke showed no disposition to amend his ways, the

Sage left his court, and lived the remainder of the five or six years,

during which he sojourned in the state, in close retirement.

He had now been absent from his native state of Loo for fourteen years,

and the time had come when he was to return to it. But, by the irony of

fate, the accomplishment of his long-felt desire was due, not to his

reputation for political or ethical wisdom, but to his knowledge of

military tactics, which he heartily despised. It happened that at this

time Yen Yew, a disciple of the Sage, being in the service of Ke K'ang,

conducted a campaign against T'se with much success. On his triumphal

return, Ke K'ang asked him how he had acquired his military skill. "From

Confucius," replied the general. "And what kind of man is he?" asked Ke

K'ang. "Were you to employ him," answered Yen Yew, "your fame would

spread abroad; your people might face demons and gods, and would have

nothing to fear or to ask of them. And if you accepted his principles,

were you to collect a thousand altars of the spirits of the land it

would profit you nothing." Attracted by such a prospect, Ke K'ang

proposed to invite the Sage to his court, "If you do," said Yen Yew,

"mind you do not allow mean men to come between you and him."

But before Ke K'ang's invitation reached Confucius an incident occurred

which made the arrival of the messengers from Loo still more welcome to

him. K'ung Wan, an officer of Wei, came to consult him as to the best

means of attacking the force of another officer with whom he was engaged

in a feud. Confucius, disgusted at being consulted on such a subject,

professed ignorance, and prepared to leave the state, saying as he went

away: "The bird chooses its tree; the tree does not choose the bird." At

this juncture Ke K'ang's envoys arrived, and without hesitation he

accepted the invitation they brought. On arriving at Loo, he presented

himself at court, and in reply to a question of the duke Gae on the

subject of government, threw out a strong hint that the duke might do

well to offer him an appointment. "Government," he said, "consists in

the right choice of ministers." To the same question put by Ke K'ang he

replied, "Employ the upright and put aside the crooked, and thus will

the crooked be made upright."

At this time Ke K'ang was perplexed how to deal with the prevailing

brigandage. "If you, sir, were not avaricious, though you might offer

rewards to induce people to steal, they would not." This answer

sufficiently indicates the estimate formed by Confucius of Ke K'ang

and therefore of the duke Gae, for so entirely were the two of one mind

that the acts of Ke K'ang appear to have been invariably indorsed by the

duke. It was plainly impossible that Confucius could serve under such a

regime, and instead, therefore, of seeking employment, he retired to his

study and devoted himself to the completion of his literary undertaking.

He was now sixty-nine years of age, and if a man is to be considered

successful only when he succeeds in realizing the dream of his life, he

must be deemed to have been unfortunate. Endowed by nature with a large

share of reverence, a cold rather than a fervid disposition, and a

studious mind, and reared in the traditions of the ancient kings, whose

virtuous achievements obtained an undue prominence by the obliteration

of all their faults and failures, he believed himself capable of

effecting far more than it was possible for him or any other man to

accomplish. In the earlier part of his career, he had in Loo an

opportunity given him for carrying his theories of government into

practice, and we have seen how they failed to do more than produce a

temporary improvement in the condition of the people under his immediate

rule. But he had a lofty and steady confidence in himself and in the

principles which he professed, which prevented his accepting the only

legitimate inference which could be drawn from his want of success. The

lessons of his own experience were entirely lost upon him, and he went

down to his grave at the age of seventy-two firmly convinced as of yore

that if he were placed in a position of authority "in three years the

government would be perfected."

Finding it impossible to associate himself with the rulers of Loo, he

appears to have resigned himself to exclusion from office. His

wanderings were over:

"And as a hare, when hounds and horns pursue,

Pants to the place from whence at first he flew,"

he had lately been possessed with an absorbing desire to return once

more to Loo. This had at last been brought about, and he made up his

mind to spend the remainder of his days in his native state. He had now

leisure to finish editing the _Shoo King_, or _Book of History_, to

which he wrote a preface; he also "carefully digested the rites and

ceremonies determined by the wisdom of the more ancient sages and

kings; collected and arranged the ancient poetry; and undertook the

reform of music." He made a diligent study of the _Book of Changes_, and

added a commentary to it, which is sufficient to show that the original

meaning of the work was as much a mystery to him as it has been to

others. His idea of what would probably be the value of the kernel

encased in this unusually hard shell, if it were once rightly

understood, is illustrated by his remark, "that if some years could be

added to his life, he would give fifty of them to the study of the _Book

of Changes_ and that then he expected to be without great faults."

In the year B.C. 482 his son Le died, and in the following year he lost

by death his faithful disciple Yen Hwuy. When the news of this last

misfortune reached him, he exclaimed, "Alas! Heaven is destroying me!" A

year later a servant of Ke K'ang caught a strange one-horned animal

while on a hunting excursion, and as no one present, could tell what

animal it was, Confucius was sent for. At once he declared it to be a

K'e-lin, and legend says that its identity with the one which appeared

before his birth was proved by its having the piece of ribbon on its

horn which Ching-tsae tied to the weird animal which presented itself to

her in a dream on Mount Ne. This second apparition could only have one

meaning, and Confucius was profoundly affected at the portent. "For whom

have you come?" he cried, "for whom have you come?" and then, bursting

into tears, he added, "The course of my doctrine is run, and I am

unknown."

"How do you mean that you are unknown?" asked Tsze-kung. "I don't

complain of Providence," answered the Sage, "nor find fault with men

that learning is neglected and success is worshipped. Heaven knows me.

Never does a superior man pass away without leaving a name behind him.

But my principles make no progress, and I, how shall I be viewed in

future ages?"

At this time, notwithstanding his declining strength and his many

employments, he wrote the _Ch'un ts'ew,_ or _Spring and Autumn Annals_,

in which he followed the history of his native state of Loo, from the

time of the duke Yin to the fourteenth year of the duke Gae, that is, to

the time when the appearance of the K'e-lin warned him to consider his

life at an end.

This is the only work of which Confucius was the author, and of this

every word is his own. His biographers say that "what was written, he

wrote, and what was erased, was erased by him." Not an expression was

either inserted or altered by any one but himself. When he had completed

the work, he handed the manuscript to his disciples, saying, "By the

_Spring and Autumn Annals_ I shall be known, and by the _Spring and

Autumn Annals_ I shall be condemned." This only furnishes another of the

many instances in which authors have entirely misjudged the value of

their own works.

In the estimation of his countrymen even, whose reverence for his every

word would incline them to accept his opinion on this as on every

subject, the _Spring and Autumn Annals_ holds a very secondary place,

his utterances recorded in the _Lun yu_, or _Confucian Analects_, being

esteemed of far higher value, as they undoubtedly are. And indeed the

two works he compiled, the _Shoo king_ and the _She king_, hold a very

much higher place in the public regard than the book on which he so

prided himself. To foreigners, whose judgments are unhampered by his

recorded opinion, his character as an original historian sinks into

insignificance, and he is known only as a philosopher and statesman.

Once again only do we hear of Confucius presenting himself at the court

of the duke after this. And this was on the occasion of the murder of

the duke of T'se by one of his officers. We must suppose that the crime

was one of a gross nature, for it raised Confucius' fiercest anger, and

he who never wearied of singing the praises of those virtuous men who

overthrew the thrones of licentious and tyrannous kings, would have had

no room for blame if the murdered duke had been like unto Kee or Show.

But the outrage was one which Confucius felt should be avenged, and he

therefore bathed and presented himself at court.

"Sir," said he, addressing the duke, "Ch'in Hang has slain his

sovereign; I beg that you will undertake to punish him." But the duke

was indisposed to move in the matter, and pleaded the comparative

strength of T'se. Confucius, however, was not to be so silenced.

"One-half of the people of Tse," said he, "are not consenting to the

deed. If you add to the people of Loo one-half of the people of Tse, you

will be sure to overcome." This numerical argument no more affected the

duke than the statement of the fact, and wearying with Confucius'

importunity, he told him to lay the matter before the chiefs of the

three principal families of the state. Before this court of appeal,

whither he went with reluctance, his cause fared no better, and the

murder remained unavenged.

At a period when every prince held his throne by the strength of his

right arm, revolutions lost half their crime, and must have been looked

upon rather as trials of strength than as disloyal villanies. The

frequency of their occurrence, also, made them less the subjects of

surprise and horror. At the time of which we write, the states in the

neighborhood of Loo appear to have been in a very disturbed condition.

Immediately following on the murder of the duke of T'se, news was

brought to Confucius that a revolution had broken out in Wei. This was

an occurrence which particularly interested him, for when he returned

from Wei to Loo he left Tsze-loo and Tsze-kaou, two of his disciples,

engaged in the official service of the state. "Tsze-kaou will return,"

was Confucius' remark, when he was told of the outbreak, "but Tsze-loo

will die." The prediction was verified. For when Tsze-kaou saw that

matters were desperate he made his escape; but Tsze-loo remained to

defend his chief, and fell fighting in the cause of his master. Though

Confucius had looked forward to the event as probable, he was none the

less grieved when he heard that it had come about, and he mourned for

his friend, whom he was so soon to follow to the grave.

One morning, in the spring of the year B.C. 478, he walked in front of

his door, mumbling as he went:

"The great mountain must crumble;

The strong beam must break;

And the wise man withers away like a plant."

These words came as a presage of evil to the faithful Tsze-kung. "If the

great mountain crumble," said he, "to what shall I look up? If the

strong beam break, and the wise man wither away, on whom shall I lean?

The master, I fear, is going to be ill." So saying, he hastened after

Confucius into the house. "What makes you so late?" said Confucius, when

the disciple presented himself before him; and then he added, "According

to the statutes of Hea, the corpse was dressed and coffined at the top

of the eastern steps, treating the dead as if he were still the host.

Under the Yin, the ceremony was performed between the two pillars, as if

the dead were both host and guest. The rule of Chow is to perform it at

the top of the western steps, treating the dead as if he were a guest. I

am a man of Yin, and last night I dreamed that I was sitting, with

offerings before me, between the two pillars. No intelligent monarch

arises; there is not one in the empire who will make me his master. My

time is come to die." It is eminently characteristic of Confucius that

in his last recorded speech and dream, his thoughts should so have dwelt

on the ceremonies of bygone ages. But the dream had its fulfilment. That

same day he took to his bed, and after a week's illness he expired.

On the banks of the river Sze, to the north of the capital city of Loo,

his disciples buried him, and for three years they mourned at his grave.

Even such marked respect as this fell short of the homage which

Tsze-kung, his most faithful disciple, felt was due to him, and for

three additional years that loving follower testified by his grief his

reverence for his master. "I have all my life had the heaven above my

head," said he, "but I do not know its height; and the earth under my

feet, but I know not its thickness. In serving Confucius, I am like a

thirsty man, who goes with his pitcher to the river and there drinks his

fill, without knowing the river's depth."

ROME ESTABLISHED AS A REPUBLIC

INSTITUTION OF TRIBUNES

B.C. 510-494

HENRY GEORGE LIDDELL

The republic of Rome was the outcome of a sudden revolution caused

by the crimes of the House of Tarquin, an Etruscan family who had

reached the highest power at Rome. The indignation raised by the

rape of Lucretia by Sextus Tarquinius, and the suicide of the

outraged lady at Collatia, moved her father, in conjunction with

Lucius Junius Brutus and Publius Valerius, to start a rebellion.

The people were assembled by curiæ, or wards, and voted that

Tarquinius Superbus should be stripped of the kingly power, and

that he and all his family should be banished from Rome.

This was accordingly done; and, instead of kings, consuls were

appointed to wield the supreme power. These consuls were elected

annually at the _comitia centuriata_ and they had sovereign power

granted them by a vote of the _comitia curiata_. The first consuls

chosen were Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus.

The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 01 · 第 29 / 37 段