L. Fl. Silva Nonius Bassus, Asinius Pollio Verrucosus Cosa. (A.D. 81 =
a.u. 834 = First of Domitian, from Sept. 13th).
Domitianus Aug. (VIII), T. Flavius Sabinus. (A.D. 82 = a.u. 835 = Second
of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (IX), Q. Petilius Rufus (II). (A.D. 83 = a.u. 836 = Third
of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (X), T. Aurelius Sabinus. (A.D. 84 = a.u. 837 = Fourth of
Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XI), T. Aurelius Fulvus. (A.D. 85 = a.u. 838 = Fifth of
Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XII), Ser. Cornelius Dolabella. (A.D. 88 = a.u. 839 =
Sixth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XIII), A. Volusius Saturninus. (A.D. 87 = a.u. 840 =
Seventh of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XIV), L. Minucius Rufus. (A.D. 88 = a.u. 841 = Eighth of
Domitian).
T. Aurelius Fulvus (II), A. Sempronius Atratinus. (A.D. 89 = a.u. 842 =
Ninth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XV), M. Cocceius Nerva (II). (A.D. 90 = a.u. 843 = Tenth
of Domitian).
M. Ulpius Traianus, Manius Acilius Glabrio. (A.D. 91 = a.u. 844 = Eleventh
of Domitian). Domitianus Aug. (XVI), Q. Volusius Saturninus. (A.D. 92 =
a.u. 845 = Twelfth of Domitian).
Sex. Pompeius Collega, Cornelius Priscus. (A.D. 93 = a.u. 846 = Thirteenth
of Domitian).
L. Nonius Asprenas, M. Arricinius Clemens. (A.D. 94 = a.u. 847 =
Fourteenth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XVII), T. Flavius Clemens. (A.D. 95 = a.u. 848 =
Fifteenth of Domitian).
Manlius Valens, Antistius Vetus. (A.D. 96 = a.u. 849 = Sixteenth of
Domitian, to Sept. 18th).
[Sidenote: A.D. 81 (a.u. 834)] [Sidenote:--1--] Domitian was both, bold
and passionate, both treacherous and given to dissembling. Hence, from
these two characteristics, rashness on the one hand and craftiness on the
other, he did much harm, falling upon some persons with the swiftness of a
thunderbolt and damaging others by carefully prepared plots. The divinity
that he chiefly revered was Minerva, so that he was wont to celebrate the
Panathenaea on a magnificent scale: on this occasion he had contests of
poets and chroniclers and gladiators almost every year at Albanum. This
district, situated below the Alban Mount, from which it was named, he had
set apart as a kind of acropolis. He had no genuine affection for any
human being save a few women, but he always pretended to love the person
whom at any time he was most determined to slay. He could not be relied
upon even by those who did him some favor or helped him in his most
revolting crimes, for whenever any persons furnished him with large sums
of money or lodged information against numbers of men, he was sure to
destroy these benefactors, being especially careful to do so in the case
of slaves who had given information against their masters. [Accordingly,
such individuals, though, they received money and honors and offices all
at once from him, lived in no greater honor and security than other men.
The very offences to which they had [Sidenote: A.D. 82 (a.u. 835)] been
urged by Domitian commonly were made pretexts for their destruction, the
emperor's object being to have the actual perpetrators appear solely
responsible for their wrongdoing. It was the same intention which led him
once to issue a public notice to the effect that, when an emperor does not
punish informers he is the cause of the existence of such a class.]
[Sidenote:--2--] Though this was his behavior to all throughout the course
of his reign, still he quite outdid himself in dealing dishonor and ruin
to his father's and brother's friends. [To be sure, he himself posted a
notice that he would ratify all the gifts made to any persons by them and
by other emperors. But this was mere show.] He hated them because they did
not supply all his demands, many of which were unreasonable, as also
because they had been held in some honor. [Whatever had enjoyed their
affection and the benefit of their influence beyond the ordinary he
regarded as hostile to him.] Therefore, although he himself had a passion
for a eunuch named Earinus, nevertheless, because Titus had also shown
great liking for castrated persons, he carried his desire to cast
reflections on his brother's character to the extent of forbidding any one
thereafter in the Roman empire to be castrated. In general, he was
accustomed to say that those emperors who failed to punish large numbers
of men were not good, but merely fortunate. [Personally, he paid no
attention to those who praised Titus for not causing a single senator's
death, nor did he care that the senate frequently saw fit to pass decrees
that the emperor should not be permitted to put to death any of his peers.
The emperor, as he believed, was far and away superior to them and might
put any one of them out of the way either on his own responsibility or
with the consent of the rest; it was ridiculous to suppose that they could
offer any opposition or refuse to condemn a man. Some would praise Titus,
only not in Domitian's hearing; for such effrontery would be deemed as
grave an offence as if they were to revile the emperor in his presence and
within hearing: but [Lacuna] [Footnote: A gap must probably be construed
here. Bekker (followed by Dindorf) regarded it as coming after "secretly"
and consisting of but a word or two (e.g. "he hated them") but Boissevain
locates it as indicated above and believes that considerably more is
missing.] because he understood that they were doing this secretly
[Lacuna] Then there was another thing] that resembled play-acting.
Domitian pretended that he too loved his brother and mourned him. He read,
with tears, the eulogies upon him [and hastened to have him enrolled among
the heroes], pretending just the opposite of what he really wished.
(Indeed, he abolished the horse-race on Titus's birthday). People in
general were not safe whether they sympathized with his indignation or
with his joy. In one case they [Footnote: Reading [Greek: emellon]
(Dindorf, Boissevain).] were sure to offend his feelings and in the other
to let their lack of genuineness appear.
[Sidenote: A.D. 83 (a.u. 836)] [Sidenote:--3--] His wife, Domitia, he
planned to put to death on the ground of adultery, but, having been
dissuaded by Ursus, he sent her away and midway on the road murdered
Paris, the dancer, because of her. And many people paid honor to that spot
with flowers [Sidenote: A.D. 83 (a.u. 836)] and perfumes, he gave orders
that they, too, should be slain. After this he took into his house, quite
undisguisedly, his own niece,--Julia, that is to say. [Then on petition of
the people he became reconciled, to be sure, with Domitia, but continued
none the less his relations with Julia.]
He was removing many of the foremost men on many pretexts and by means of
murders and banishments. [He also conveyed many to some out-of-the-way
place, where he got rid of them; and not a few he caused to die in some
way or other by their own acts that they might seem to have suffered death
by their own wish and not through outside force.] He did not spare even
the vestal virgins, but punished them on charges of their having had
intercourse with men. It is further reported that since their examination
was conducted in a harsh and unfeeling manner, and many of them were
accused and constantly being punished, one of the pontifices, Helvius
Agrippa, could not endure it, but, horror-stricken, expired there in the
senate where he sat. [Domitian also took pride in the fact that he did not
bury alive, as was the custom, the virgins he found guilty of debauchery,
but ordered them to be killed by some different way.]
After this he set out for Gaul and plundered some of the tribes across the
Rhine enjoying treaty rights,--a performance which filled him with conceit
as if he had achieved some great success. Presumably on account of the
victory he increased the soldiers' wages, so that whereas each had been
receiving seventy-five denarii he commanded that a hundred be given them.
Later he thought better of it, but instead of diminishing the amount he
curtailed the number of men-at-arms. Both of these steps entailed great
injury to the public weal: he had made the defenders of the State too few,
while rendering their support an item of great expense.
[Sidenote: A.D. 84 (a.u. 837)] [Sidenote:--4--] Next he made a campaign
into Germany and returned without having seen a trace of war anywhere. And
what need is there of mentioning the honors bestowed upon him at this
juncture for his exploit or from time to time upon the other emperors who
were like him? For the object in any case was simply not to arouse the
rage of those despots by letting them suspect, in consequence of the small
number and insignificance of the rewards, that the people saw through
them. Yet Domitian had this worst quality of all, that he desired to be
flattered, and was equally displeased with both sorts of men, those who
paid court to him and those who did not. He disliked the former because
their attitude seemed one of cajolery and the latter because it seemed one
of contempt. Notwithstanding [he affected to take pleasure in the honorary
decrees voted him by the senate. Ursus he came near killing because he was
not pleased with his sovereign's exploits, and then, at the request of
Julia, he appointed him consul.] Subsequently, being still more puffed up
by his folly, he was elected consul for ten years in succession, and first
and only censor for life of all private citizens and emperors: and he
obtained the right to employ twenty-four lictors and the triumphal garb
whenever he entered the senate-house. He gave October a new name,
Domitianum, because he had been born in that month. Among the charioteers
he instituted two more parties, calling one the Golden and the other the
Purple. To the spectators he gave many objects by means of balls thrown
among them; and once he gave them a banquet while they remained in their
seats and at night provided for them wine that flowed out in several
different places. All this caused pleasure seemingly to the populace, but
was a source of ruin to the powerful. For, as he had no resources for his
expenditures, he murdered numbers of men, bringing some of them before the
senate and accusing others in their absence. Lastly, he put some out of
the way by concocting a plot and administering to them secret drugs.
Many of the peoples tributary to the Romans revolted when contributions of
money were forcibly extorted from them. The Nasamones are an instance in
point. They massacred all the collectors of the money and so thoroughly
defeated Flaccus, [Footnote: Probably _Cn. Suellius Flaccus._]
governor of Numidia, who attacked them, that they were able to plunder his
camp. Having gorged themselves on the provisions and the wine that they
found there they fell into a slumber, and Flaccus becoming aware of this
fact assailed and annihilated them all and destroyed the non-combatants.
Domitian experienced a thrill of delight at the news and remarked to the
senate: "Well, I have put a ban on the existence of the Nasamones."
Even as early as this he was insisting upon being regarded as a god and
took a huge pleasure in being called "master" and "god." These titles were
used not merely orally but also in documents.
[Sidenote:--5--] Chariomerus, king of the Cherusci, had been driven out of
his kingdom by the Chatti on account of his friendship for the Romans. At
first he gathered some companions and was successful in his attempt to
return. Later he was deserted by these men for having sent hostages to the
Romans and so became the suppliant of Domitian. He was not accorded an
alliance but received money.
In Moesia, [Footnote: An error of the excerptor. The
Lygians lived north of Moesia.] the Lygians, who had been at war with some
of the Suebi, sent envoys, asking Domitian for an alliance. They obtained
one that was strong, not in numbers, but in dignity: in other words, they
were granted only a hundred knights. The Suebi, indignant at this, added
to their contingent the Iazygae and began to prepare well in advance to
cross the Ister.
Masyus, king of the Semnones, and Ganna, a virgin (she was priestess in
Celtica after Veleda), came to Domitian and having been honored by him
returned.
[Sidenote: A.D. 86 (a.u. 839)] [Sidenote:--6--] The greatest war that the
Romans had on their hands at this time was one against the Dacians.
Decebalus was now king of the latter [since Douras, to whom the
sovereignty belonged, had voluntarily withdrawn from it in favor of
Decebalus, because]. He had a good comprehension of the rules of warfare
and was good at putting them in practice, displayed sagacity in advancing,
took the right moment for retreating, was an expert in ambuscades, a
professional warrior, knew how to make good use of a victory and to turn a
defeat to advantage. Hence he showed himself for a long time a worthy
antagonist of the Romans.
I call the people Dacians, just as they name themselves and as the Romans
do; but I am not ignorant that some of the Greeks refer to them as Getae,
whether that is the right term or not. I myself know Getae that live along
the Ister, beyond the Haemus range.
Domitian made an expedition against them, to be sure but did not enter
into real conflict. [Instead, he remained in a city of Moesia, rioting, as
was his wont.] (Not only was he averse to physical labor and timorous in
spirit, but also most profligate and lewd toward women and boys alike).
But he sent others to officer the war and for the most part he got the
worst of it.
[Sidenote: A.D. 87(?)] Decebalus, king of the Dacians, carried on
negotiations with Domitian, promising him peace. Domitian sent against him
Fuscus [Footnote: _Cornelius Fuscus_, pretorian prefect.] with a
large force. On learning of it Decebalus sent an embassy to him anew,
sarcastically proposing to make peace with the emperor in case each of the
Romans should choose to pay two asses as tribute to Decebalus each year;
if they should not choose to do so, he affirmed that he should make war
and afflict them with great ills.
Dio [Lacuna] 67th Book [Lacuna] "When the soldiers making the campaign
with Fuscus asked him to lead them."
[Sidenote: A.D. 90 (a.u. 843)] [Sidenote:--7--] Meantime he conceived a
wish to take measures against the Quadi and the Marcomani because they had
not assisted him against the Dacians. So he entered Pannonia to make war
upon them, and the second set of envoys that they sent in regard to peace
he killed.
[Sidenote:--8--] The same man laid the blame for his defeat, however, upon
his commanders. All the superior plans he claimed for himself, though he
executed none of them, but for the inferior management he blamed others,
even though it was through his orders that some accident had taken place.
Those who succeeded incurred his hatred and those who failed his censure.
Domitian, being defeated by the Marcomani, took to flight and by hastily
sending messages to Decebalus, king of the Dacians, induced him to make a
truce with him. The monarch's frequent previous requests had always met
with refusal. Decebalus now accepted the arrangement, for he was indeed
hard pressed, yet he did not wish personally to hold a conference with
Domitian, but sent Diegis with other men to give him the arms and a few
captives, whom he pretended were the only ones he had. When this had been
accomplished, Domitian set a diadem on the head of Diegis, just as if he
had in very truth conquered and could make some one king over the Dacians.
To the soldiers he granted honors and money. Like a victor, again, he sent
on ahead to Rome, besides many other things, envoys from Decebalus, and
something which he affirmed was a letter of his, though rumor declared it
had been forged. He graced the festival that followed with many articles
pertaining to a triumph, though they did not belong to any booty he had
taken;--quite the reverse: and besides allowing the truce he made an
outlay of a great deal of money immediately and also presented to
Decebalus artisans of every imaginable profession, peaceful and warlike,
and promised that he would give him a great deal more. These exhibits came
from the imperial furniture which he at all times treated as captive
goods, because he had enslaved the empire itself.
[Sidenote: A.D. 91 (a.u. 844)] So many rewards were voted
him that almost the whole world (so far as under his dominion) was filled
with his images and statues of both silver and gold. He also gave an
extremely costly spectacle in regard to which we have noted nothing that
was striking for historical record, save that virgins contended in the
foot-race. After this, in the course of holding what seem to have been
triumphal celebrations, he arranged numerous contests. First of all, in
the hippodrome he had battles of infantry against infantry, and again
battles of cavalry, and next he gave a naval battle in a new place. And
there perished in it practically all the naval combatants and numbers of
the spectators. A great rain and violent storm had suddenly come up, yet
he allowed no one to leave the spectacle; indeed, though he himself
changed his clothing to a thick woolen cloak, he would not permit the
people to alter their attire. As a result, not a few fell sick and died.
By way of consoling them for this, he provided them at public expense a
dinner lasting all night. Often, too, he would conduct games at night, and
sometimes he would pit dwarfs [Footnote: Reading [Greek: nanous]
(Dindorf)] and women against each other.
[Sidenote:--9--] So at this time he feasted the populace as described, but
on another occasion he entertained the foremost men of the senate and the
knights in the following fashion. He prepared a room that was pitch black
on every side, ceiling, walls and floor, and had ready bare couches, all
alike, resting on the uncovered ground; then he invited in his guests
alone, at night, without their attendants. And first he set beside each of
them a slab shaped like a gravestone, bearing a person's name and also a
small lamp, such as hangs in tombs. Next well-shaped, naked boys, likewise
painted black, entered after the manner of phantoms, and, after passing
around the guests in a kind of terrifying dance, took up their stations at
their feet. After that, whatever is commonly dedicated in the course of
offerings to departed spirits was set before them also, all black, and in
dishes of a similar hue. Consequently, every single one of the guests
feared and trembled and every moment felt certain that he was to be slain,
especially as on the part of everybody save Domitian there was dead
silence, as if they were already in the realms of the dead, and the
emperor himself limited his conversation to matters pertaining to death
and slaughter. Finally he dismissed them. But he had previously removed
their servants, who stood at the doorway, and gave them in charge of
other, unknown slaves, to convey either to carriages or litters, and by
this act he filled them with far greater fear. Scarcely had each one
reached home and was beginning to a certain extent to recover his spirits,
when a message was brought him that some one was there from the Augustus.
While they were expecting, as a result of this, that now at last they
should surely perish, one person brought in the slab, which was of silver,
then another something else, and another one of the dishes set before them
at the dinner, which proved to be made of some costly material. Finally
came [Footnote: Verb supplied by Xylander.] that particular boy who had
been each one's familiar spirit, now washed and decked out. Thus, while in
terror all night long, they received their gifts.
Such was the triumph or, as the crowd said, such was the expiatory service
that Domitian celebrated for those who had died in Dacia and in Rome. Even
at this time, too, he killed off some of the foremost men. And he took
away the property of whoever buried the body of any one of them, because
the victim had died on ground belonging to the sovereign.
[Sidenote:--10--] Here are some more events worth recording, that took
place in the Dacian War. Julianus, assigned by the emperor to take charge
of the war, made many excellent regulations, one being his command that
the soldiers should inscribe their own names and those of the centurions
upon their shields, in order that those of them who committed any
particular good or bad action might be more readily observed by him.
Encountering the enemy at Tapai, [Footnote: Pape thinks that the proper
Latin form of this word be _Tabae_.] he killed a very great number of
them. Among them Vezinas, who ranked next to Decebalus, since he could not
get away alive, fell down purposely as if dead. In this way he escaped
notice and fled during the night. Decebalus, fearing that the Romans now
they had conquered would proceed against his residence, cut down the trees
that were on the site and attached weapons to the trunks, to the end that
his foes might think them soldiers, and so be frightened and withdraw.
This actually took place.
[Sidenote:--11--] Antonius, a certain commander of this period in Germany,
revolted against Domitian: him Lucius Maximus overcame and overthrew. For
his victory he does not deserve any remarkable praise; [for many others
have unexpectedly won victories, and his soldiers contributed largely to
his success:] but for his burning all the documents that were found in the
chests of Antonius, thus esteeming his own safety as of slight importance
in comparison with having no blackmail result from them, I do not see how
I may celebrate his memory as it deserves. But Domitian, as he had got a
pretext from that source, proceeded to a series of slaughters even without
the documents, and no one could well say how many he killed. [Indeed, he
condemned himself so for this act that, to prevent any remembrance of the
dead surviving, he prohibited the inscribing of their names in the
records. Furthermore, he did not even make any communication to the senate
regarding those put out of the way, although he sent their heads as well
as that of Antonius to Rome and exposed them in the Forum.] But one young
man, Julius Calvaster, who had served as military tribune in the hope of
getting into the senate, was saved in a most unexpected fashion. Inasmuch
as it was being proved that he had frequent meetings with Antonius alone
and he had no other way to free himself from the charge of conspiracy, he
declared that he had met him for amorous intercourse. The fact that he was
of an appearance to inspire passion lent color to his statement. In this
way he was acquitted.
After just one more remark about the events of that time, I will cease.
Lusianus Proculus, an aged senator, who spent most of his time in the
country, had come out with Domitian from Borne under compulsion so as to
avoid the appearance of deserting him when in danger and the death that
might very likely be the result of such conduct. When the news came, he
said: "You have conquered, emperor, as I ever prayed. Therefore, restore
me to the country." Thereupon he left him without more ado and retired to
his farm. And after this, although he survived for a long time, he never
came near him.
During this period some had become accustomed to smear needles with poison
and then to prick with them whomsoever they would. Many persons thus
attacked died without even knowing the cause, and many of the murderers
were informed against and punished. And this went on not only in Rome but
over practically the entire civilized world.
[Sidenote:--12--] To Ulpius Trajan and to Acilius Glabrio, who were
consuls then, the same signs are said to have appeared. They foretold to
Glabrio destruction, but to Trajan the imperial office. [Numerous wealthy
men and women both were punished for adultery, and some of the women had
been debauched by _him_. Many more were fined or executed on other
charges.] A woman was tried and lost her life because she had stripped in
front of an image of Domitian [and another for having had dealings with
astrologers]. Among the many who perished at this time was also Mettius
Pompusianus, whom Vespasian had refused to harm in any way after learning
from some report that he would one day be sole ruler, but [Footnote:
Reading [Greek: halla](Dindorf).] rather honored, saying: "You will
certainly remember me and will certainly honor me in return." But Domitian
first exiled him to Corsica and later put him to death, one of the
complaints being that he had the inhabited world painted on the walls of
his bedchamber and another that he had excerpted and was wont to read the
speeches of kings and other eminent men that are written in Livy. Also
Maternus, a sophist, met his death because in a practice speech [Footnote:
Hartman (Mnemosyne, N. S. XXI, p. 395) would read [Greek: hasteion] for
[Greek: haschon]. "Maternus met his death because he had made some witty
remark against tyrants." H. maintains that Domitian could not know what
Maternus said in his closet; but to the present translator the MS.
tradition seems to lend to this incident a greater homogeneousness of
detail with the preceding, and he retains it simply on that basis.] he had
said something against tyrants. The emperor himself used to visit both
those who were to accuse and those who were to give evidence for
condemnation, and he would frame and compose everything that required to
be said. Often, too, he would talk to the prisoners alone, keeping tight
hold of their chains with his hands. In the former case he would not
entrust to others what was to be said, and in the latter he feared the men
even in their bonds.
[Sidenote: A.D. 93 (a.u. 846)] [Sidenote:--13--] As censor, likewise, his
behavior was noteworthy. He expelled Caecilius Rufinus from the senate
because he danced, and restored Claudius Pacatus, though an ex-centurion,
to his master because he was proved to be a slave. What came after, to be
sure, can not be described in similar terms,--his deeds, that is to say,
as emperor. _Then_ he killed Arulenus Rusticus for being a
philosopher and for calling Thrasea sacred, and Herennius Senecio because
in his long career he had stood for no office after the quaestorship and
because he had compiled the life of Helvidius Priscus. Many others also
perished as a result of this same charge of philosophizing, and all
remaining members of that profession were again driven from Rome. One
Juventius Celsus, however, who had been conspicuous in conspiring with
certain persons against Domitian and had been accused of it, saved his
life in a remarkable way. When he was on the point of being condemned, he
begged that he might speak a few words with the emperor in private. Having
gained the opportunity he did obeisance before him and after repeatedly
calling him "master," and "god" (terms that were already being applied to
him by others), he said: "I have done nothing of the sort. And if I obtain
a respite, I will pry into everything and both inform against and convict
many persons for you." He was released on these conditions, but did not
report any one; instead, by advancing different excuses at different
times, he lived until Domitian was killed.
[Sidenote: A.D. 95 (a.u. 848)] [Sidenote:--14--] During this period the
road leading from Sinuessa to Puteoli was paved with stones. And the same
year Domitian slew among many others Flavius Clemens the consul, though he
was a cousin and had to wife Flavia Domitilla, who was also a relative of
the emperor's. [Footnote: His sister's daughter.] The complaint brought
against them both was that of atheism, under which many others who drifted
into Jewish ways were condemned. Some of these were killed and the
remainder were at least deprived of their property. Domitilla was merely
banished to Pandateria; but Glabrio, colleague of Trajan in the
consulship, after being accused on various regular stock charges, and also
of fighting with wild beasts, suffered death. This ability in the arena
was the chief cause of the emperor's anger against him,--an anger prompted
by jealousy. In the victim's consulship Domitian had summoned him to
Albanum to attend the so-called Juvenalia and had imposed on him the task
of killing a large lion. Glabrio not only had escaped all injury but had
despatched the creature with most accurate aim.
As a consequence of his cruelty the emperor was suspicious of all mankind
and ceased now to put hopes of safety in either the freedmen or the
prefects, whom he usually caused to be tried during their very term of
office. Moreover, Epaphroditus, who belonged to Nero, he first drove out
and then slew, censuring him for not having defended Nero; his object was
by the vengeance that he took in this person's case to terrify his own
freedmen long enough in advance to prevent their ever attempting a similar
deed. [Sidenote: A.D. 96 (a.u. 849)] It did him no good, however, for he
became the object of a conspiracy in the following year and perished in
the consulship of Gaius [Footnote: An error, possibly emanating from Dio.
The man's right name is _T. Manlius Valens._] Valens (who died after
holding the consular office in his ninetieth year) and of Gaius Antistius.
[Sidenote:--15--] Those who attacked him and prepared the undertaking were
Parthenius his cubicularius (though he was the recipient of such marks of
imperial favor as to be allowed to wear a sword) and Sigerus, [Footnote:
Probably the person who is called Saturius in Suetonius, Domitian, chapter
17.] who was also a member of the excubiae, as well as Entellus, the
person entrusted with the care of the state documents, and Stephanus, a
freedman. The plot was not unknown to Domitia, the emperor's wife, nor to
the prefect Norbanus, nor to the latter's partner in office, Petronius
Secundus: at least, this is the tradition. Domitia was ever an object of
the imperial hatred and consequently stood in terror of her life; the rest
no longer loved their sovereign, some of them because complaints had been
lodged against them and others because they were expecting them to be
lodged. For my part, I have heard also the following account,--that
Domitian, having become suspicious of all these persons, conceived a
desire to kill them, and wrote their names on a two-leaved tablet of
linden wood, and put it under his pillow on the couch where he was wont to
repose; and one of the naked prattling [Footnote: Compare Book
Forty-eight, chapter 44.] boys, while the emperor was asleep in the
daytime, filched it away and kept it without knowing what it contained.
Domitia then chanced upon it and reading what was written gave information
of the matter to those involved. As a result, they changed their plans
somewhat and hastened the plot; yet they did not proceed to action until
they had determined who was to succeed to the office. Having conversed
with various persons, when they found that no one would accept it
(everybody was afraid of them, thinking that they were simply testing
people's loyalty) they betook themselves to Nerva. He was of most noble
birth and most suitable character and had, besides, encountered danger
through being slandered by astrologers [who declared that he should be
sovereign.] Thus they the more easily persuaded him to be the next to
receive the power. In truth, Domitian, who conducted an investigation of
the days and the hours when the foremost men had been born, had
consequently ere this despatched not a few even of those who entertained
no hopes of gaining any power. [Footnote: As the MS tradition of this
sentence is corrupt, the emendations of Polak have been adopted.] And he
would have slain Nerva, had not one of the astrologers who favored the
latter declared that he would die within a few days. [Believing that this
would really prove true, he did not desire to be guilty of this additional
murder, inasmuch as Nerva in any event was to meet death so very soon.]
[Sidenote:--16--] Since no occurrence of such magnitude is without
previous indications, various unfavorable tokens appeared in his case,
too. In a vision he himself beheld Rusticus approaching him with a sword;
and he thought that Minerva, whose statue he kept in his bedchamber, had
thrown away her weapons and, mounted upon a chariot drawn by black horses,
was being swallowed up in an abyss. But the feature which of all claims
our wonder is connected with the name of Larginus Proculus. He had
publicly foretold in Germany that the emperor should die on the day when
he actually did die, and was, therefore, sent on to Rome by the governor.
Brought before Domitian he declared once more that this should be so. A
death sentence was postponed in order that he might be put to death after
the emperor had escaped the danger. Meanwhile Domitian was slain, his life
was saved, and he received a hundred thousand denarii from Nerva. Some one
else had on a previous occasion told the ruler both when and how he should
perish, and then being asked what manner of death he, the prophet, should
meet, he answered that he would be despatched by dogs. Thereupon command
was given that the fellow should be burned alive, and the fire was applied
to him. But just then there was a great downpour of rain, the pyre was
extinguished, and later dogs found him lying upon it with his hands bound
behind him and tore him to pieces.
[Sidenote:--17--] I have one more astonishing fact to record, which I
shall touch on after I have given the account of Domitian's end. As soon
as he rose to leave the courthouse and was ready to take his afternoon
nap, as was his custom, first Parthenius took the blade out of the sword,
which always lay under his pillow, so that he should not have the use of
that. Next he sent in Stephanus, who was stronger then the rest. The
latter smote Domitian, and though it was not an opportune blow the emperor
was knocked to the ground, where he lay. Then, fearing an escape,
Parthenius leaped in, or, as some believe, he sent in Maximus, a freedman.
Thus both Domitian was murdered, and Stephanus perished likewise in a rush
that those who had not shared in the conspiracy made upon him.
[Sidenote:--18--] The matter of which I spoke, saying that it surprises me
more than anything else, is this. A certain Apollonius of Tyana on the
very day and at that very hour when Domitian was being murdered (this was
later confirmed by other events that happened in both places) climbed a
lofty stone at Ephesus (or possibly some other town) and having gathered
the populace, uttered these words: "Bravo, Stephanus! Good, Stephanus!
Smite the wretch! You have struck, you have wounded, you have killed
him!!" This is what really took place, though there should be ten thousand
doubters. Domitian had lived forty-four years, ten months, and twenty-six
days. His reign had lasted fifteen years and five days. His body was
stolen away and buried by his nurse, Phyllis.
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
68
Most of Domitian's measures are annulled (chapter 1).
The excellencies of Nerva Augustus Caesar: his kindness to Verginius
(chapter 2).
The conspiracy of Crassus: rebellion of the Pretorians: adoption of Trajan
(chapter 3).
Birthplace and praise of Trajan: Nerva dies (chapter 4).
How Trajan entered upon his sovereignty (chapter 5),
He undertakes a war against Decebalus, proving himself formidable to the
latter but worthy the affection of his own people (chapters 6, 7).
He conquers the Dacians and holds a triumph over them (chapters 8-10).
A second war against the Dacians (chapters 11, 12).
How Trajan saddled the Danube with a stone bridge (chapter 13).
With the disappearance from the scene of Decebalus the Dacians are reduced
to the condition of a province: Arabia is taken (chapter 14).
Embassies: the Pontine marshes filled: statues to the well-deserving: the
column of Trajan (chapters 15, 16).
Campaign against the Parthians on account of the expulsion of Exedares
from Armenia and the introduction there of Parthomasiris (chapters 17,
18).
Parthomasiris gains access to Trajan and Armenia is taken away from him
(chapters 19, 20).
How Abgarus the Osrhoenian obtained pardon from Trajan (chapter 21).
About the envoys of Mannus and Manisarus sent to Trajan (chapter 22).
Trajan is named Optimus, and, after the capture of Nisibis and Batnae,
Parthicus (chapter 23).
About the huge earthquake at Antioch (chapters 24, 25).
After the bridging of the Tigris he reduces Adiabene, Mesopotamia, and
Ctesiphon (chapters 26-28).
He loses and regains several districts: he bestows a king upon the
Parthians (chapters 29, 30).
He besieges the Atreni without result (chapter 31). The Jews in Cyrene,
Egypt, and Cyprus rebel, and are crushed, chiefly through the activity of
Lusius (chapter 32).
The Parthians cast out the king imposed upon them: Trajan dies (chapter
33).