C. Manlius Valens, C. Antistius Vetus. (A.D. 96 = a.u. 849 = First of
Nerva, from Sept. 18th).
Nerva Caes. Aug. (III), L. Verginius Rufus (III). (A.D. 97 = a.u. 850 =
Second of Nerva).
Nerva Caes. Aug. (IV), Nerva Traianus Caes. (II). (A.D. 98 = a.u. 851 =
Third of Nerva, to January 27th).
C. Sosius Senecio (II), A. Cornelius Palma. (A.D. 99 = a.u. 852 = Second
of Trajan).
Nerva Traianus Aug. (III), Sex. Iul. Frontinus (III). (A.D. 100 = a.u. 853
= Third of Trajan).
Nerva Traianus Aug. (IV), Sex. Articuleius Paetus. (A.D. 101 = a.u. 854 =
Fourth of Trajan).
C. Sosius Senecio (III), L. Licinius Sura (II). (A.D. 102 = a.u. 855 =
Fifth of Trajan).
Nerva Traianus Aug. (V), Q. Messius Maximus (II). (A.D. 103 = a.u. 856 =
Sixth of Trajan).
Suburanus (II), P. Neratius Marcellus. (A.D. 104 = a.u. 857 = Seventh of
Trajan).
Ti. Iulius Candidus (II), A. Iulius Quadratus (II). (A.D. 105 = a.u. 858 =
Eighth of Trajan).
L. Ceionius Commodus Verus, L. Cerealis. (A.D. 106 = a.u. 859 = Ninth of
Trajan).
C. Sosius Senecio (IV), L. Licinius Sura (III). (A.D. 107 = a.u. 860 =
Tenth of Trajan).
Ap. Trebonius Gallus, M. Atilius Bradua. (A.D. 108 = a.u. 861 = Eleventh
of Trajan).
A. Cornelius Palma (II), C. Calvisius Tullus (II). (A.D. 109 = a.u. 862 =
Twelfth of Trajan).
Clodius Priscinus, Solenus Orfitus. (A.D. 110 = a.u. 863 = Thirteenth of
Trajan).
C. Calpurnius Piso, M. Vettius Bolanus. (A.D. 111 = a.u. 864 = Fourteenth
of Trajan). Nerva Traianus Aug. (VI), C. Iulius Africanus. (A.D. 112 = a.u.
865=Fifteenth of Trajan).
L. Celsus (II), Clodius Crispinus. (A.D. 113 = a.u. 866=Sixteenth of
Trajan).
Q. Ninnius Hasta, P. Manilius Vopiscus. (A.D. 114 = a.u. 867=Seventeenth of
Trajan).
L. Vipsanius Messala, M. Pedo Virgilianus. (A.D. 115 = a.u. 868=Eighteenth
of Trajan).
L. Aelius Lamia, Aelianus Vetus. (A.D. 116 = a.u. 869 = Nineteenth of
Trajan).
Quinctius Niger, C. Vipsanius Apronianus. (A.D. 117 = a.u. 870=Twentieth of
Trajan, to Aug. 11th).
[Sidenote: A.D. 96 (a.u. 849)] [Sidenote:--1--] After Domitian, the Romans
appointed Nerva Cocceius emperor. The hatred felt for Domitian caused his
images, many of which were of silver and many of gold to be melted down;
and from this source large amounts of money were obtained. The arches,
too, of which more had been erected to the late emperor than previously to
any one man, were torn down. Nerva also released such as were on trial for
maiestas and restored the exiles. All the slaves and freedmen that had
conspired against their masters he put to death, and allowed that class of
persons to lodge no complaint whatever against their masters. Others were
not permitted to accuse anybody for maiestas or for "Jewish living." Many
who had been sycophants were condemned to death, among whom was Seras
[Lacuna] [Footnote: The name is suspicious and possibly a corrupt
reading.] the philosopher. Now, as a quite extraordinary disturbance arose
from the fact that everybody was accusing everybody else, Fronto, the
consul, is said to have remarked that it was bad to have an emperor under
whom no one could do anything, but worse to have one under whom any one
could do everything. Nerva, on hearing this, prohibited the future
recurrence of such scenes. But Nerva, as a result of old age and sickness
(which was always making him vomit his food), was rather weak.
[Sidenote:--2--] He also forbade gold statues being made in his honor. He
paid back to such as under Domitian had been causelessly deprived of their
property all that was still found in the imperial treasury. To the very
poor Romans he granted allotments of land worth in the aggregate fifteen
hundred myriads, and put certain senators in charge of their purchase and
distribution. When he ran short of funds he sold many robes and plate,
both silver and gold, besides furniture, both his own and what belonged to
the imperial residence, many fields and houses,--in fact, everything save
what was quite necessary. He did not, however, haggle over the prices of
them, and in this very point benefited many persons. He abolished many
sacrifices, many horse-races, and some other spectacles, in an attempt to
reduce expenses as far as possible. In the senate he took oath that he
would not cause the death of any of the senators and he kept his pledge in
spite of plots. And he did nothing without the advice of prominent men.
Among his various laws were those prohibiting any one from being made a
eunuch and from marrying one's niece. When consul he did not hesitate to
take as his colleague Verginius Rufus, though the latter had been
frequently saluted as emperor. [Footnote: Compare Book Sixty-three,
chapter 25 of Dio, and also Tacitus, _Historiae_ I, 9.] [Sidenote:
A.D. 97 (a.u. 850)] Upon his monument was inscribed when he died: "Having
conquered Vindex he ascribed the credit of victory not to himself but to
his country." [Footnote: Compare also Pliny's Letters, Book Six, number
10.]
[Sidenote:--3--] Nerva ruled so well that he once remarked: "I have done
nothing that could prevent me from laying down the imperial office and
returning to private life in safety." When Crassus Calpurnius, a grandson
of the famous Crassi, formed a plot with some others against him, he made
them sit beside him at a spectacle--they were still ignorant of the fact
that they had been informed upon--and gave them some swords, nominally to
look at and see if they were sharp (as was often done), but really by way
of showing that he did not care if he died that moment where he was.
Aelianus Casperius, who was governor under him as he had been under
Domitian, and had become one of the Pretorians, incited the soldiers to
mutiny against him; his plan was to have them demand some persons for
execution. Nerva resisted them stoutly, even to the point of baring his
collar-bone and offering them his throat: but he accomplished nothing and
those whom Aelianus wished were put out of the way. Wherefore Nerva,
subjected to such profound humiliation because of his old age, ascended
the Capitol and cried aloud: "To the good fortune of the Roman people and
senate and myself I adopt Marcus Ulpius Nerva Trajan."
Subsequently in the senate he designated him Caesar and sent a message to
him, written with his own hand (Trajan was governor of Germany):
"The Danaans by thy weapons shall requite my tears." [Footnote: From
Homer's Iliad, Book One, verse 42.]
[Sidenote:--4--] Thus did Trajan become Caesar and afterwards emperor,
although there were relatives of Nerva. But the man did not esteem family
relationship above the safety of the State, nor was he less inclined to
adopt Trajan because the latter was a Spaniard instead of an Italian or
Italiot, [Footnote: Dio means by _Italian_ one born in Italy, by
_Italiot_ one who settles in Italy.] or because no foreigner had
previously held the Roman sovereignty. It was a person's virtue and not
his country that he thought needed examination.
[Sidenote: A.D. 98 (a.u. 851)] Soon after this act he passed away, having
ruled during the period of one year, four months and nine days. His life
prior to that time [Footnote: Reading [Greek: proebebiochei]
(Boissevain).] had comprised sixty-five years, ten months, and ten days.
[Sidenote:--5--] Trajan, before he became emperor, had had a dream of the
following nature. He thought that an old man in purple robe and vesture,
moreover adorned with a crown, as the senate is represented in pictures,
impressed a seal upon him with a finger ring, first on the left side of
his throat and then on the right. When he had been made emperor, he sent a
despatch to the senate written with his own hand, which stated, among
other things, that he would not slay nor dishonor any man of worth. This
he confirmed by oaths not merely at that time but also later.
He sent for Aelianus and the Pretorians who had mutinied against Nerva,
pretending that he was going to employ them in some way, and relieved the
world of their presence. [Sidenote: A.D. 99 (a.u. 852)] When he had
entered Rome he did much toward the administration of state affairs and to
please the excellent. To the former business he gave unusual attention,
making many grants even to Italian cities for the support of their
children, and to good citizens he did continual favors. Plotina, his wife,
on first going into the palace turned around so as to face the Scalae and
the populace, and said: "My wish is to issue hence the same sort of person
as I am now when I enter." And she so conducted herself during the entire
sovereignty as to incur no censure.
[Sidenote: A.D. 100 (a.u. 853)] [Sidenote:--6--] After spending some time
in Rome he instituted a campaign against the Dacians; for he made their
deeds the object of thought and was irritated at the amount of money they
were annually getting. He likewise saw that their power and their pride
were increasing. Decebalus, learning of his advance, was frightened, since
he well knew that formerly he had conquered not the Romans but Domitian,
whereas now he would be fighting against both Romans and Trajan as emperor.
And Trajan had a great reputation for justice, for bravery, and for simple
living. He was strong in body (being in his forty-second year when he
began to rule) [so that in every enterprise he toiled almost as much as
the rest;] and his intellectual powers were at their highest, so that he
had neither the recklessness of youth nor the sluggishness of old age. He
did not envy nor kill any one, but honored and exalted all without
exception that were men of worth, and hence he neither feared nor hated
one of them. To slanders he paid very little heed and was no slave of
anger. He refrained equally from the money of others and from unjust
murders. [Sidenote:--7--] He expended vast sums on wars and vast sums on
works of peace; and while making very many most necessary repairs on roads
and harbors and public buildings, he drained no one's blood for these
undertakings. His nature was so noble and magnanimous that even upon the
hippodrome he merely inscribed the statement that he had made it suitable
for the Roman people when it had crumbled away in spots, and had rendered
it larger and more beautiful. For these deeds he was better satisfied to
be loved than honored. His meetings with the people were marked by
affability and his intercourse with the senate by dignity. He was loved by
all and dreaded by none save the enemy. He joined people in hunting and
banquets, and in work and plans and jokes. Often he would make a fourth in
somebody's litter, and sometimes he would enter persons' houses even
without a guard and make himself at home. He lacked education in the exact
sense,--book-learning, at least,--but he both understood and carried out
its spirit, and there was no quality of his that was not _excellent_.
I know well enough that he was given to wine and boys, but if he had ever
committed or endured any base or wicked deed as a result of this, he would
have incurred censure. As the case stood, he drank all the wine he wanted,
yet remained sober, and his pursuit of pederasty harmed no one. And even
if he did delight in war, still he was satisfied with success in it,--with
overthrowing a most hostile element and bettering his own side. Nor did
the usual thing under such circumstances,--conceit and arrogance on the
part of the soldiers,--ever manifest itself during his reign; with such a
firm hand did he rule them. For these reasons Decebalus was somewhat
justified in fearing him.
[Sidenote:--8--] When Trajan, in the course of his campaign against the
Dacians had come near Tapai, where the barbarians were encamping, a large
mushroom was brought to him, on which it said in Latin characters that the
Buri and other allies advised Trajan to turn back and make peace. At
Trajan's first encounter with the foe he visited many of the wounded on
his own side and killed many of the enemy. And when the bandages gave out,
he is said not to have spared even his own clothing, but to have cut it up
into strips. In honor of the soldiers that had died in battle he ordered
an altar erected and the performance of funeral rites annually.
[Sidenote:--9--] [Decebalus had sent envoys also before the defeat, and no
longer the long-haired men, as before, but the chief among the
cap-wearers. [Footnote: Latin, _pileati_. The distinction drawn is
that between the plebeians and the _nobles_, to whom reference is
made respectively by the terms "unshorn" and "covered." Compare here the
make up of the Marcomanian embassy in Book Seventy-two, chapter two.]
These threw down their arms and casting themselves upon the earth begged
Trajan that if possible Decebalus himself be allowed to meet and confer
with him, promising that he would do everything that might be commanded;
or, if not, that at least some one should be despatched to agree upon
terms with him. Those sent were Sura and Claudius Livianus, the prefect;
but nothing was accomplished, for Decebalus did not dare even to come near
them. He sent representatives also on this occasion.
Trajan had now seized some fortified mountains and on them found the arms
and the captured engines, as well as the standard which had been taken in
the time Fuscus. [Sidenote: A.D. 101 (a.u. 854)] Undertaking to ascend the
heights themselves, he secured one crest after another amid dangers and
approached the capital of the Dacians. Lusius, attacking in another
quarter, slaughtered numbers and captured still more alive. Then Decebalus
sent envoys.
Decebalus, for this reason, and particularly because Maximus at the same
time had possession of his sister and a strong position, was ready to
agree without exception to every demand made. It was not that he intended
to abide by his agreement, but he wanted to secure a respite from his
temporary reverses.] So, though against his will, he made a compact to
surrender his arms, engines, and manufacturers of engines, to give back
the deserters, to demolish his forts, to withdraw from captured territory,
and furthermore to consider the same persons enemies and friends as the
Romans did [besides neither giving shelter to any of the deserters,
[Footnote: Reading [Greek: automolon tina] (Boissevain).] nor employing
any soldiers from the Roman empire, for he had acquired the largest and
best part of his force by persuading them to come from that quarter]. When
he came into Trajan's presence, he fell upon the earth and did obeisance
[and cast away his arms. He also sent envoys to the senate to secure these
terms, in order that he might have the further ratification of the peace
by that body. At the conclusion of this compact the emperor left a camp in
Sarmizegethusa, and, having placed garrisons at intervals through the
remainder of the territory, returned to Italy.]
[Sidenote: A.D. 103 (a.u. 856)] [Sidenote:--10--] The envoys from
Decebalus were introduced in the senate. They laid down their arms,
clasped their hands in the posture of captives, and spoke some words of
supplication; thus they obtained peace and received back their arms.
Trajan celebrated a triumph and was given the title of Dacicus; in the
theatre he had contests of gladiators, in whom he delighted, and he
brought back dancers once more to the theatre, being in love with one of
them, Pylades. However, he did not pay less attention to general
administration, as might have been expected of a warlike personage, nor
did he hold court the less: on the contrary, he conducted trials now in
the forum of Augustus, now in the porch named the Porch of Livia, and
often elsewhere on a platform.
And since Decebalus was reported to him to be acting in many ways contrary
to the treaty, since he was gathering arms, receiving such as deserted,
repairing the forts, sending ambassadors to the neighbors, and injuring
those who had previously differed with him, since also he was devastating
some land of the Iazygae (which Trajan later would not give back to them
when they asked for it), therefore, the senate voted that he was again an
enemy. And Trajan again conducted the war against him, commanding in
person and not represented by others.
[Sidenote: A.D. 104 (a.u. 857)] [Sidenote:--11--] [As numerous Dacians
kept transferring their allegiance to Trajan, and for certain other
reasons, Decebalus again requested peace. But since he could not be
persuaded to surrender both his arms and himself, he proceeded openly to
collect troops and called the surrounding nations to his aid, saying that
if they deserted him they themselves would come into danger and that it
was safer and easier by fighting on his side to preserve their freedom,
before suffering any harm, than if they should allow his people to be
destroyed and then later be subjugated when bereft of allies.] And
Decebalus in the open field came off poorly, but by craft and deceit he
almost compassed the death of Trajan. He sent into Moesia some deserters
to see whether they could make away with him, inasmuch as the emperor was
generally accessible, and now, on account of the needs of warfare,
admitted to conference absolutely every one who desired it. But this plan
they were unable to carry out, since one of them was arrested on suspicion
and, under torture, revealed the entire plot.
[Sidenote:--12--] Longinus was the commandant of the Roman camp who had
made himself a terror to the Dacian leader in warfare. The latter,
therefore, sent him an invitation and persuaded him to meet him, on the
pretext that he would perform whatever should be enjoined. He then
arrested him and questioned him publicly about Trajan's plans. As the
Roman would not yield at all, he took him about with him under guard,
though not in bonds. And [Decebalus sending an envoy to Trajan, asked that
he might get back the territory as far as the Ister and receive indemnity
for all the money he had spent on the war,] in recompense for restoring
Longinus to him. An ambiguous answer was returned, of a kind that would
not make Decebalus think that the emperor regarded Longinus as of either
great value or small, the object being to prevent his being destroyed on
the one hand, or being preserved on excessive terms, on the other. So
Decebalus delayed, still considering what he should do.
Meanwhile Longinus, having [through his freedman] secured a poison [--he
had promised Decebalus that he would reconcile Trajan to the proposition,
in order that the Dacian should be as far as possible from suspecting what
was to happen, and so not keep an especially careful watch over him. Also,
to enable his servant to attain safety, he wrote a letter containing a
supplication, and gave it to the freedman to carry to Trajan. Then, when
he had gone, at night he took the poison,] drank it and died. [After this
event Decebalus asked Trajan to give him back his freedman, promising to
give him in return the body of Longinus and ten captives. He sent at once
the centurion who had been captured with the dead general, assuming that
this man would arrange the matter for him; and it was from the centurion
that the whole story of Longinus was learned. However, Trajan neither sent
him back, nor surrendered the freedman, deeming his safety more valuable
for establishing the dignity of the empire than the of Longinus.]
[Sidenote:--13--] Now, Trajan constructed over the Ister a stone bridge,
for which I cannot sufficiently admire him. His other works are most
brilliant, but this surpasses them. There are twenty square pieces of
stone, the height of which is one hundred and fifty feet above the
foundations and the breadth sixty, and these, standing at a distance of
one hundred and seventy feet from one to another, are connected by arches.
How then could one fail to be astonished at the expenditure made upon
them? Or the manner in which each of them was placed in a river so deep,
in water so full of eddies, on ground so slimy? It was impossible, you
note, to divert the course of the river in any direction. I have spoken of
the breadth of the river; but the stream is not uniformly so limited,
since it covers in some places twice and elsewhere thrice as much ground,
but the narrowest point, and the one in that region most adapted to
bridge-building, has just those dimensions. Yet the very fact that the
river here shrinks from a great flood to such a narrow channel and is here
confined, though it again expands into a greater flood, makes it all the
more violent and deep; and this feature must be considered in estimating
the difficulty of preparing a bridge. This achievement, then, shows the
greatness of Trajan's designs, though the bridge is of no particular use
to us. Merely the piers are standing, affording no means of crossing, as
if they were erected for the sole purpose of demonstrating that there is
nothing which human energy can not accomplish. Trajan's reason for
constructing the bridge was his fear that, some time when the Ister was
frozen, war might be made on the Romans across the water, and his desire
to enjoy the easy access to them that this work would permit. Hadrian, on
the contrary, was afraid that the barbarians might overpower the guard at
the bridge and cross into Moesia, and so he removed the surface work.
[Sidenote: A.D. 105 (a.u. 858)] [Sidenote:--14--] Trajan, having crossed
the Ister on this bridge, conducted the war with prudence, rather than
with haste, and eventually, after a hard struggle, vanquished the Dacians.
In the course of these encounters he personally performed many deeds of
good generalship and bravery, and his soldiers ran many risks and
displayed great prowess on his behalf. It was here that a certain
horseman, dangerously wounded, was carried from the battle on the
supposition that he could be healed; but, when he found that he could not
recover, he rushed from his quarters (since his hurt had not incapacitated
him) and stationing himself in the line again he perished, after having
displayed great valor. [Sidenote: A.D. 106 (a.u. 859)] Decebalus, when his
capital and all his territory had been occupied and he was himself in
danger of being captured, committed suicide, and his head was brought to
Rome.
In this way Dacia became subject to Rome and Trajan founded cities there.
The treasures of Decebalus were also discovered, though hidden beneath the
Sargetia river, which ran past his palace. He had made some captives
divert the course of the river and had then excavated its bed. There he
had placed a large amount of silver and of gold and other objects of great
value, that could endure some moisture, had heaped stones over them and
piled on earth. After that he had let the river flow over them. The same
captives were compelled to deposit his robes and other similar objects in
neighboring caves; and when he had effected this, he made away with them
to prevent their talking. But Bicilis, a comrade of his, who knew what had
been done, was seized and gave this information.--About this same time,
Palma, who was governor of Syria, subdued the portion of Arabia, near
Petra, and made it subservient to the Romans.
[Sidenote:--15--] [The ambassadors who came from the kings were given
seats by Trajan in the senatorial row at spectacles.]
[Sidenote: A.D. 107 (a.u. 860)] Upon Trajan's return to
Rome the greatest imaginable number of embassies came to him from the
barbarians, even the Indi being represented. And he gave spectacles on one
hundred and twenty-three days. At these affairs thousands, yes, possibly
tens of thousands of animals, both wild and tame, were slaughtered, and
fully ten thousand gladiators fought in combat.
About the same period he made the Pontine marshes traversable by means of
a stone foundation, and built roads alongside, which he furnished with
most magnificent bridges.--All the obsolete money he had melted down.
[He had sworn not to commit bloodshed and he confirmed
his promise by his actions in spite of plots. He was by nature not at all
given to duplicity or guile or harshness. He loved and greeted and honored
the good, and the rest he neglected. His age made him still more inclined
to mildness.] When Licinius Sura died, he bestowed upon
him a public funeral and a statue. This man had attained such a degree of
wealth and pride that he built a gymnasium for the Romans. So great was
the friendship and confidence [which Sura showed toward Trajan and Trajan
toward him that although the man was often slandered,--as naturally
happens in the case of all those who possess any influence with the
emperors,--Trajan never felt a moment's suspicion or hatred. On the
contrary, when those who envied him became insistent, Trajan] went
[uninvited to his house] to dinner. And having dismissed his whole
body-guard he first called Sura's physician and had him anoint his eyes
and then his barber shave his chin. Anciently the emperors themselves as
well as all other people used to do this. It was Hadrian who first set the
fashion of wearing a beard. When he had done this, he next took a bath and
had dinner. So the next day he said to his friends who were always in the
habit of making statements detrimental to Sura: "If Sura had wanted to
kill me, he would have killed me yesterday." [Sidenote:--16--] Now he did
a great thing in running this risk in the case of a man who had been
calumniated, but a still greater thing in believing that he would never be
harmed by him.
So it was that the confidence of his mind was strengthened by his own
knowledge of his dealings with Sura instead of being influenced by the
fancies of others.
Indeed, when he first handed to him [Footnote: Saburanus. (?)] who was to
be prefect of the Pretorians the sword which the latter required to wear
by his side, he bared the blade, holding it up said: "Take this sword, to
the end that if I rule well, you may use it for me, but if ill, against
me."
He also set up images of Sosia and Palma and Celsus, [Footnote: _L.
Publilius Celsus_.]--so greatly did he esteem them above others. Those,
however, who conspired against him (among whom was Crassus) he brought
before the senate and caused to be punished.
[Sidenote: A.D. 114 (a.u. 867)] Again he gathered collections of books.
And he set up in the Forum an enormous column, to serve at once as a
sepulchral monument to himself and as a reminder of his work in the Forum.
The whole region there was hilly and he dug it down for a distance
equaling the height of the column, thus making the Forum level.
[Sidenote:--17--] Next he made a campaign against the Armenians and
Parthians on the pretext that the Armenian king [Footnote:
_Exedares_.] had obtained his diadem not at his hands but from the
Parthian king. [Footnote: _Osrhoes_.] His real reason, however, was a
desire to win fame. [On his campaign against the Parthians, when he had
reached Athens, an embassy from Osrhoes met him asking for peace and
proffering gifts. This king had learned of his advance and was terrified
because Trajan was wont to make good his threats by deeds. Therefore he
humbled his pride and sent a supplication that war be not made against
him: he asked Armenia for Parthomasiris, who was likewise a son of
Pacorus, and requested that the diadem be sent to him. He had put a stop,
he said, to the reign of Exedares, who was beneficial neither to the
Romans nor to the Parthians.
The emperor neither received the gifts, nor sent any answer or command,
save that friendship is determined by deeds and not by words; and that
accordingly when he should reach Syria he would do what was proper.
And being of this mind he proceeded through Asia, Syria, and adjoining
provinces to Seleucia. Upon his coming to Antioch, Abgarus the Osrhoenian
did not appear in person, but sent gifts and a friendly communication.
For, as he dreaded both him and the Parthians, he was trying to play a
double game and for that reason would not come to confer with him.]
[Sidenote:--19--] Parthomasiris behaved in rather violent fashion. In his
first letter to Trajan he had signed himself as king, but when no answer
came to his epistle, he wrote again, omitting this title, and asked that
Marcus Junius, the governor of Cappadocia, be sent to him, implying that
he wanted to prefer some request through him. Trajan, accordingly, sent
him the son of Junius, and himself went ahead to Arsamosata, of which he
took possession without a struggle. Then he came to Satala and rewarded
with gifts Anchialus, the king of the Heniochi and Machelones. At Elegeia
in Armenia he awaited Parthomasiris. He was seated upon a platform in the
trenches. The prince greeted him, took off his diadem from his head, and
laid it at his feet. Then he stood there in silence, expecting to receive
it back. At this the soldiers shouted aloud, and hailed Trajan imperator
as if on account of some victory. (They termed it an uncrowned, [Footnote:
Reading [Greek: haselinon] (Bekker) = "without the parsley crown" (such as
was bestowed upon victors in some of the Greek games).] bloodless victory
to see the king, a descendant of Arsaces, a son of Pacorus, and a nephew
of Osrhoes, standing beside Trajan without a diadem, like a captive). The
shout terrified the prince, who thought that it heralded insult and
destruction for him. He turned about as if to flee, but, seeing that he
was hemmed in on all sides, begged as a favor not to be obliged to speak
before the crowd. Accordingly, he was escorted into the tent, where he had
none of his wishes granted. [Sidenote:--20--] So out he rushed in a rage,
and from there out of the camp, but Trajan sent for him, and again
ascending the platform bade him speak in the hearing of all everything
that he desired. This was to prevent any person from spreading a false
report through ignorance of what had been said in private conference. On
hearing this exhortation Parthomasiris no longer kept silence, but with
great frankness made many statements, some of them being to the effect
that he had not been defeated or captured, but had come there voluntarily,
believing that he should not be wronged and should receive back the
kingdom, as Tiridates had received it from Nero. Trajan made appropriate
replies to all his remarks and said that he should abandon Armenia to no
one. It belonged to the Romans and should have a Roman governor. He would,
however, allow Parthomasiris to depart to any place he pleased. So he sent
the prince away together with his Parthian companions and gave them an
escort of cavalry to ensure their meeting no one and adopting no
rebellious tactics. All the Armenians who had come with him he commanded
to remain where they were, on the ground that they were already his
subjects.
[Sidenote:--21--] [Leaving garrisons at opportune points Trajan came to
Edessa, and there for the first time he set eyes upon Abgarus. Previously
this person had sent envoys and gifts to the prince frequently, but he
himself for different reasons at different times failed to put in an
appearance. The same was true also of Mannus, the phylarch of adjoining
Arabia, and Sporaces, phylarch of Anthemusia. On this occasion, however,
he was persuaded partly by his son Arvandes, who was beautiful and in the
prime of youth and therefore on good terms with Trajan, and partly by the
fear of the latter's presence near by; consequently he met him on the
road, made his apologies, and obtained pardon. He had a powerful
intercessor in the boy. Accordingly, he became a friend of Trajan's and
entertained him with a banquet. At the dinner in question he presented his
boy in some kind of barbaric dance.]
[Sidenote:--22--] [When Trajan came into Mesopotamia, Mannus sent a herald
to him, and Manisarus despatched envoys in regard to peace, because, he
said, Osrhoes was making a campaign against him, and he was ready to
withdraw from Armenia and Mesopotamia so far as captured. Thereupon the
emperor replied that he would not believe him until he should come to him
and confirm his offers by deeds, as he was promising. He was also
suspicious of Mannus, especially because the latter had sent an auxiliary
force to Mebarsapes, king of Adiabene, and then had lost it all at the
hands of the Romans. Therefore Mannus never waited for the Romans to draw
near but took his course to Adiabene to find shelter with the other two
princes. Thus were Singara and some other points occupied by Lusius,
without a battle.]
When he had captured the whole country of Armenia and
had won over also many of the kings, some of whom, since they submitted,
he treated as his friends, and others, though disobedient, he subdued
without resort to arms, [Sidenote:--23--] the senate voted to him many
honors of various descriptions, and they bestowed upon him the title of
Optimus, i.e., Excellent.--He was always accustomed to trudge on foot with
his entire army and he had the ordering and arrangement of the troops
throughout the entire expedition, leading them sometimes in one order and
sometimes in another; and he forded as many rivers as they did. Sometimes
he even had his scouts circulate false reports, in order that the soldiers
might at the same time practice military manoeuvres and be so impervious
to alarm as to be ready for anything. After he had captured Nisibis and
Batnae he was given the title of Parthicus. But he took greater pride in
the name of Optimus than in all the rest, inasmuch as it belonged rather
to his character than to his arms.
[Sidenote: A.D. 115 (a.u. 868)] [Sidenote:--24--] While he was staying in
Antioch, a dreadful earthquake occurred. Many cities were damaged, but
Antioch was most of all unfortunate. Since Trajan was wintering there and
many soldiers and many private persons had flocked thither from all
directions for lawsuits, embassies, business, or sightseeing, there was no
nation nor people that went unscathed. Thus in Antioch the whole world
under Roman sway suffered disaster.
There were many thunderstorms to start with and portentous winds, but no
one could have expected that so many evils would result from them. First
came, on a sudden, a great bellowing roar, and there followed it a
tremendous shock. The whole earth was up-heaved and buildings leaped into
the air. Those that were lifted up collapsed and were smashed to pieces,
[Sidenote: A.D. 115 (a.u. 868)] while others were beaten this way and that
as if by the surges and were turned about. The wrecks were strewn a long
distance over the countryside. The crash of grinding and breaking timbers,
tiles, and stones together became most frightful, and an inconceivable
mass of dust arose, so that no one could see any person nor say or hear
anything. Many persons were hurt even outside the houses, being picked up
and tossed violently about, and then with a momentum as in a fall from a
cliff dashed to the earth. Some were maimed, others killed. Not a few
trees leaped into the air, roots and all.
The number of those found in the houses who perished was beyond discovery.
Multitudes were destroyed by the very force of the collapse and crowds
were suffocated in the debris. Those who lay with a part of their bodies
buried under the stones or timbers suffered fearful agony, being able
neither to live nor to find an immediate death.
[Sidenote:--25--] Nevertheless many even of these were saved, as was
natural in such overwhelming numbers of people. And those outside did not
all get off safe and sound. Numbers lost their legs or their shoulders and
some [Lacuna] their [Lacuna] heads. Others vomited blood. One of these was
Pedo the consul, and he died at once. In brief, there was no form of
violent experience that those people did not undergo at that time. And as
Heaven continued the earthquake for several days and nights, the people
were dismayed and helpless, some crushed and perishing under the weight of
the buildings pressing upon them, and others dying of hunger in case it
chanced that by the inclination of the timbers they were left alive in a
clear space, it might be in a kind of arch-shaped colonnade. When at last
the trouble had subsided, some one who ventured to mount the ruins caught
sight of a live woman. She was not alone but had also an infant, and had
endured by feeding both herself and her child with her milk. They dug her
out and resuscitated her together with her offspring, and after that they
searched the other heaps but were no longer able to find in them any
living creature save a child sucking at the breasts of its mother, who was
dead. As they drew out the corpses they no longer felt any pleasure at
their own escape.
So great were the disasters that had overwhelmed Antioch at this time.
Trajan made his way out through a window of the room where he was. Some
being of more than human stature had approached him and led him forth, so
that he survived with only a few small bruises. As the shocks extended
over a number of days, he lived out of doors in the hippodrome. Casium
itself, too, was so shaken that its peaks seemed to bend and break and to
be falling upon the city. Other hills settled, and quantities of water not
previously in existence came to light, while quantities more escaped by
flowing away.
[Sidenote:--26--] Trajan about spring time proceeded into the enemy's
country. Now since the region near the Tigris is barren of timbers fit for
shipbuilding, he brought the boats which had been constructed in the
forests surrounding Nisibis on wagons to the river. The vessels had been
arranged in such a way that they could be taken apart and put together. He
had very hard work in bridging the stream opposite Mount Carduenum, for
the opposing barbarians tried to hinder him. Trajan, however, had a great
abundance of both ships and soldiers, and so some boats were fastened
together with great speed while others lay motionless in front of them,
carrying heavy infantry and archers. Still others kept making dashes this
way and that, as if they intended to cross. As a result of these tactics
and from their very astonishment at seeing so many ships at once appear
_en masse_ from a land devoid of trees the barbarians gave way and
the Romans crossed over. They won possession of the whole of Adiabene.
(This is a portion of Assyria in the vicinity of Ninus; and Arbela and
Gaugamela, close to which Alexander conquered Darius, are also in this
same territory. The country has also been called Atyria in the language of
the barbarians, the double S being changed to T).
[Adenystrae was a strong post to which one Sentius, a
centurion, had been sent as an envoy to Mebarsapes. He was imprisoned by
the latter in that place, and later, at the approach of the Romans, he
made an arrangement with some of his fellow-prisoners, and with their aid
escaped from his shackles, killed the commander of the garrison, and
opened the gates to his countrymen.] [Sidenote:--26--] Hereupon they
advanced as far as Babylon itself, being quite free from molestation,
since the Parthian power had been ruined by civil conflicts and was still
at this time involved in dissensions.
[Sidenote:--27--] Cassius Dio Cocceianus in writings concerning the Latins
has written that this city [i.e. Babylon] comprised a circuit of four
hundred stades. (Compare also Tzetzes, Exegesis of Homer's Iliad, p. 141,
15 ff).
Here, moreover, Trajan saw the asphalt out of which the walls of Babylon
had been built. When mixed with baked bricks or smooth stones this
material affords so great strength as to render them stronger than rock or
any kind of iron. He also looked at the opening from which issues a deadly
vapor that destroys any creature living upon the earth and any winged
thing that so much as inhales a breath of it. If it extended far above
ground or had several vents, the place would not be inhabitable; but, as
it is, this gas circles round within itself and remains stationary. Hence
creatures that fly high enough above it and such as remain to one side are
safe. I saw another opening like it at Hierapolis in Asia, and tested it
by means of birds; I bent over it myself and myself gazed down upon the
vapor. It is enclosed in a sort of a cistern and a theatre had been built
over it. It destroys all living things save human beings that have been
emasculated. The reason for that I can not comprehend. I relate what I
have seen as I have seen it and what I have heard as I have heard it.
[Sidenote: A.D. 116 (a.u. 869)] Trajan had planned to conduct the
Euphrates through a channel into the Tigris, in order that boats might be
floated down by this route, affording him an opportunity to make a bridge.
But on learning that it had a much higher elevation than the Tigris, he
did not do it, fearing that the water might rush pell-mell down hill and
render the Euphrates unnavigable. So he conveyed the boats across by means
of hauling engines at the point where the space between the rivers is the
least--the whole stream of the Euphrates empties into a swamp and from
there somehow joins the Tigris--then crossed the Tigris and entered
Ctesiphon. Having taken possession of this town he was saluted as
imperator and established his right to the title of Parthicus. Various
honors were voted him by the senate, among others the privilege of
celebrating as many triumphs as he might desire.
After his capture of Ctesiphon he felt a wish to sail down into the Red
Sea. This is a part of the ocean and has been so named [Footnote: [Greek:
erythra] from Erythras, who was said to have been drowned in it (as if in
English we should invent a King Redd).] from some person formerly ruler
there. Mesene, the island in the Tigris of which Athambelus was king, he
acquired without difficulty. [And it remained loyal to Trajan, although
ordered to pay tribute.] But through a storm, and the violence of the
Tigris, and the backward flow from the ocean, he fell into danger. The
inhabitants of the so-called palisade of Spasinus [they were subject to
the dominion of Athambelus] received him kindly.
[Sidenote:--29--] Thence he came to the ocean itself, and when he had
learned its nature and seen a boat sailing to India, he said: "I should
certainly have crossed over to the Indi, if I were still young." He gave
much thought to the Indi, and was curious about their affairs. Alexander
he counted a happy man and at the same time declared that he himself had
advanced farther. This was the tenor of the despatch that he forwarded to
the senate, although he was unable to preserve even what territory had
been subdued. On its receipt he obtained among other honors the privilege
of celebrating a triumph for as many nations as he pleased. For, on
account of the number of those peoples regarding which communications in
writing were being constantly forwarded to them, they were unable to
understand them or even to name some of them correctly. So the citizens of
the capital prepared a trophy-bearing arch, besides many other decorations
in his own forum, and were getting themselves in readiness to meet him
some distance out when he should return. But he was destined never to
reach Rome again nor to accomplish anything deserving comparison with his
previous exploits, and furthermore to lose even those earlier
acquisitions. For, during the time that he was sailing down the ocean and
returning from there again, all his conquests were thrown into tumult and
revolted. And the garrisons placed among the various peoples were in some
cases driven out and in others killed.
[Sidenote:--30--] Trajan ascertained this in Babylon. [Footnote: The
Tauchnitz reading, [Greek: en ploio] will not fit the context. Just below
[Greek: ithous] (Bekker) has to be read for [Greek: mythous].] He had
taken the side-trip there on the basis of reports, unmerited by aught that
he saw (which were merely mounds and stones and ruins), and for the sake
of Alexander, to whose spirit he offered sacrifice in the room where he
had died. When, therefore, he ascertained it, he sent Lusius and Maximus
against the rebels. The latter perished after a defeat in the field; but
Lusius was generally successful, recovering Nisibis, besieging Edessa,
plundering and burning. Seleucia was also captured by Erucius Clarus and
Julius Alexander, lieutenants, and was burned. Trajan, in fear that the
Parthians, too, might begin some revolt, decided to give them a king of
their own. And when he came to Ctesiphon he called together in a great
plain all the Romans and likewise all the Parthians that were there at the
time. He mounted a lofty platform, and, after describing in lofty language
what he had accomplished, he appointed Parthamaspates king of the
Parthians and set the diadem upon his head.
[Sidenote: LXXV, 9, 6] When Volgaesus, the son of Sanatruces, confronted
in battle array the followers of Severus and before coming to an actual
test of strength asked and secured an armistice, Trajan sent envoys to him
and granted him a portion of Armenia in return for peace.
[Sidenote:--31--] Next he came into Arabia and commenced operations
against the people of Hatra, since they, too, had revolted. This city is
neither large nor prosperous. The surrounding country is mostly desert and
holds no water (save a small amount, poor in quality), nor timber, nor
herb. It is protected by these very features, which make a siege in any
form impossible, and by the Sun, to whom it is, in a way, consecrated. It
was neither at this time taken by Trajan nor later by Severus, although
they knocked down some parts of its wall. Trajan sent the cavalry ahead
against the wall but failed in his attempt, and the attacking force was
hurled back into the camp. As he was riding by, he barely missed being
wounded himself, in spite of the fact that he had laid aside his imperial
attire to avoid being recognized. Seeing the majestic gray head and his
august countenance they suspected him to be the man he was, shot at him,
and killed a cavalryman in his escort. There were peals of thunder and
rainbow tints glimmered indistinctly. Flashes of lightning and spray-like
storms, hail and thunderbolts fell upon the Romans as often as they made
assaults. And whenever they ate a meal, flies settled on the food and
drink causing universal discomfort. Thus Trajan left the place and not
long after began to fail in health.
[Sidenote:--32--] Meanwhile the Jews in the region of Cyrene had put one
Andreas at their head and were destroying both the Romans and the Greeks.
They would cook their flesh, make belts for themselves of their entrails,
anoint themselves with their blood, and wear their skins for clothing.
Many they sawed in two, from the head downwards. Others they would give to
wild beasts and force still others to fight as gladiators. In all,
consequently, two hundred and twenty thousand perished. In Egypt, also,
they performed many similar deeds, and in Cyprus under the leadership of
Artemio. There, likewise, two hundred and forty thousand perished. For
this reason no Jew may set foot in that land, but even if one of them is
driven upon the island by force of the wind, he is put to death. Various
persons took part in subduing these Jews, one being Lusius, who was sent
by Trajan.
[Lusius Quietus was a Moor, himself a leader of the
Moors, and had belonged to [Footnote: Some puzzling corruption in the MS.]
a troop in the cavalry. Condemned for base conduct he was temporarily
relieved of his command and dishonored. [Footnote: Probably in the days of
Domitian.] But later, when the Dacian war came on and the army stood in
need of the Moorish alliance, he came to it of his own accord and gave
great exhibitions of prowess. For this he was honored, and in the second
war performed far greater and more numerous exploits. Finally, he advanced
so far in bravery and good fortune during this war which we are
considering that he was enrolled among the ex-praetors, became consul, and
governed Palestine. To this chiefly was due the jealousy and hatred felt
for him, and his destruction.] Now when Trajan had invaded the hostile
territory, the satraps and kings of that region approached him with gifts.
One of these gifts was a horse taught to do obeisance. It would kneel
with its front legs and place its head beneath the feet of whoever stood
near.
[Sidenote: A.D. 117 (a.u. 870)] [Sidenote:--33--] Now Trajan was preparing
to make a new expedition into Mesopotamia. Finding himself, however, held
fast by the clutches of the disease, he started to sail to Italy himself
and left behind Publius Aelius Hadrian with the army in Syria. So the
Romans, who had conquered Armenia, most of Mesopotamia, and the Parthians,
had labored in vain and had vainly undergone danger. The Parthians
disdained Parthamaspates and began to have kings according to their
original custom. Trajan suspected that his falling sick was due to the
administration of poison. Some declare it was because his blood, which
annually descended into the lower part of his body, was kept from flowing.
He had also become paralyzed, so that part of his body was disabled, and
his general diathesis was dropsical. And on coming to Selinus in Cilicia,
which we also call Traianoupolis, he suddenly expired after a reign of
nineteen years, six months, and fifteen days.
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
69
Hadrian without being adopted succeeds, through the favor of Plotina
(chapters 1, 2).
About the assassinations authorized by Hadrian: about his varied learning
and jealousies (chapters 3, 4).
His virtues, particularly affability and generosity: old arrears of debt
forgiven (chapters 5, 8).
Travels: discipline of the army reformed: interest in hunting (chapters 9,
10).
How he honored Antinous with various marks of remembrance (chapter 11).
Uprising of Jews on account of the founding of Capitolina: Bithynia
recovered (chapters 12-14).
The Albanians are held in check: Pharasmanes the Iberian is honored
(chapter 15).
The Temple of Jupiter Olympius and the Panellenium are consecrated
(chapter 16).
Growing ill, he adopts Commodus, slays Servianus: the distinguished
services of Turbo, Fronto, Similis (chapters 17-19).
On the death of Commodus he adopts Antoninus, the latter adopting at the
same time Marcus and Verus (chapters 20, 21).
How Hadrian departed this life (chapters 22, 23).