DEAR SIR,--I was yesterday gratified with the receipt of your favor of

December 15th, which gave me the first information of your return from

Europe. On the 20th of October I received a letter of July 30th from

Colonel Monroe, but did not know through what channel it came. I should be

glad to see the defence of his conduct which you possess, though no paper

of that title is necessary for me. He was appointed to an office during

pleasure merely to get him out of the Senate, and with an intention to

seize the first pretext for exercising the pleasure of recalling him. As

I shall be at Philadelphia the first week in March, perhaps I may have an

opportunity of seeing the paper there in Mr. Madison's hands. I think with

you it will be best to publish nothing concerning Colonel Monroe till his

return, that he may accommodate the complexion of his publication to times

and circumstances. When you left America you had not a good opinion of the

train of our affairs. I dare say you do not find that they have got into

better train. It will never be easy to convince me that by a firm yet just

conduct in 1793, we might not have obtained such a respect for our neutral

rights from Great Britain, as that her violations of them and use of our

means to all her wars, would not have furnished any pretence to the other

party to do the same. War with both would have been avoided, commerce and

navigation protected and enlarged. We shall now either be forced into a

war, or have our commerce and navigation at least totally annihilated, and

the produce of our farms for some years left to rot on our hands. A little

time will unfold these things, and show which class of opinions would have

been most friendly to the firmness of our government, and to the interests

of those for whom it was made. I am, with great respect, dear Sir, your

most obedient servant.

TO DOCTOR RUSH.

MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--I received yesterday your kind favor of the 4th instant, and

the eulogium it covered on the subject of our late invaluable friend

Rittenhouse, and I perused it with the avidity and approbation which the

matter and manner of everything from your pen has long taught me to feel.

I thank you too for your congratulations on the public call on me to

undertake the second office in the United States, but still more for the

justice you do me in viewing as I do the _escape_ from the first. I have

no wish to meddle again in public affairs, being happier at home than I

can be anywhere else. Still less do I wish to engage in an office where it

would be impossible to satisfy either friends or foes, and least of all

at a moment when the storm is about to burst, which has been conjuring

up for four years past. If I am to act however, a more tranquil and

unoffending station could not have been found for me, nor one so analogous

to the dispositions of my mind. It will give me philosophical evenings in

the winter, and rural days in summer. I am indebted to the Philosophical

Society a communication of some bones of an animal of the lion kind, but

of most exaggerated size. What are we to think of a creature whose claws

were eight inches long, when those of the lion are not 1½ inches; whose

thigh-bone was 6¼ diameter; when that of the lion is not 1½ inches? Were

not the things within the jurisdiction of the rule and compass, and of

ocular inspection, credit to them could not be obtained. I have been

disappointed in getting the femur as yet, but shall bring on the bones

I have, if I can, for the Society, and have the pleasure of seeing you

for a few days in the first week of March. I wish the usual delays of the

publications of the Society may admit the addition to our new volume, of

this interesting article, which it would be best to have first announced

under the sanction of their authority. I am, with sincere esteem, dear

Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, January 30, 1797.

Yours of the 18th came to hand yesterday. I am very thankful for the

discretion you have exercised over the letter. That has happened to

be the case, which I knew to be possible, that the honest expression

of my feelings towards Mr. Adams might be rendered _mal-apropos_ from

circumstances existing, and known at the seat of government, but not known

by me in my retired situation. Mr. Adams and myself were cordial friends

from the beginning of the revolution. Since our return from Europe,

some little incidents have happened, which were capable of affecting a

jealous mind like his. His deviation from that line of politics on which

we had been united, has not made me less sensible of the rectitude of his

heart; and I wished him to know this, and also another truth, that I am

sincerely pleased at having escaped the late draught for the helm, and

have not a wish which he stands in the way of. That he should be convinced

of these truths, is important to our mutual satisfaction, and perhaps to

the harmony and good of the public service. But there was a difficulty

in conveying them to him, and a possibility that the attempt might do

mischief there or somewhere else; and I would not have hazarded the

attempt, if you had not been in place to decide upon its expediency. It

has now become unnecessary to repeat it by a letter.

* * * * *

I have turned to the Constitution and laws, and find nothing to warrant

the opinion that I might not have been qualified here, or wherever else

I could meet with a Senator; any member of that body being authorized

to administer the oath, without being confined to time or place, and

consequently to make a record of it, and to deposit it with the records

of the Senate. However, I shall come on, on the principle which had first

determined me,--respect to the public. I hope I shall be made a part of no

ceremony whatever. I shall escape into the city as covertly as possible.

If Governor Mifflin should show any symptoms of ceremony, pray contrive to

parry them. We have now fine mild weather here. The thermometer is above

the point which renders fires necessary. Adieu affectionately.

TO JAMES SULLIVAN.

MONTICELLO, February 9, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--I have many acknowledgments to make for the friendly anxiety

you are pleased to express in your letter of January the 12th, for my

undertaking the office to which I have been elected. The idea that I would

accept the office of President, but not that of Vice President of the

United States, had not its origin with me. I never thought of questioning

the free exercise of the right of my fellow citizens, to marshal those

whom they call into their service according to their fitness, nor ever

presumed that they were not the best judges of that. Had I indulged a

wish in what manner they should dispose of me, it would precisely have

coincided with what they have done. Neither the splendor, nor the power,

nor the difficulties, nor the fame or defamation, as may happen, attached

to the first magistracy, have any attractions for me. The helm of a free

government is always arduous, and never was ours more so, than at a moment

when two friendly people are like to be committed in war by the ill temper

of their administrations. I am so much attached to my domestic situation,

that I would not have wished to leave it at all. However, if I am to

be called from it, the shortest absences and most tranquil station suit

me best. I value highly, indeed, the part my fellow citizens gave me in

their late vote, as an evidence of their esteem, and I am happy in the

information you are so kind as to give, that many in the eastern quarter

entertain the same sentiment.

Where a constitution, like ours, wears a mixed aspect of monarchy and

republicanism, its citizens will naturally divide into two classes

of sentiment, according as their tone of body or mind, their habits,

connections and callings, induce them to wish to strengthen either the

monarchial or the republican features of the Constitution. Some will

consider it as an elective monarchy, which had better be made hereditary,

and therefore endeavor to lead towards that all the forms and principles

of its administration. Others will view it as an energetic republic,

turning in all its points on the pivot of free and frequent elections. The

great body of our native citizens are unquestionably of the republican

sentiment. Foreign education, and foreign connections of interest, have

produced some exceptions in every part of the Union, north and south,

and perhaps other circumstances in your quarter, better known to you,

may have thrown into the scale of exceptions a greater number of the

rich. Still there, I believe, and here, I am sure, the great mass is

republican. Nor do any of the forms in which the public disposition has

been pronounced in the last half dozen years, evince the contrary. All of

them, when traced to their true source, have only been evidences of the

preponderant popularity of a particular great character. That influence

once withdrawn, and our countrymen left to the operation of their own

unbiassed good sense, I have no doubt we shall see a pretty rapid return

of general harmony, and our citizens moving in phalanx in the paths of

regular liberty, order, and a sacrosanct adherence to the constitution.

Thus I think it will be, if war with France can be avoided. But if that

untoward event comes athwart us in our present point of deviation, nobody,

I believe, can foresee into what port it will drive us.

I am always glad of an opportunity of inquiring after my most ancient

and respected friend Mr. Samuel Adams. His principles, founded on the

immovable basis of equal right and reason, have continued pure and

unchanged. Permit me to place here my sincere veneration for him, and

wishes for his health and happiness; and to assure yourself of the

sentiments of esteem and respect with which I am, Dear Sir, your most

obedient and most humble servant.

TO PEREGRINE FITZHUGH, ESQ.

MONTICELLO, April 9, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of March 25th came safely to hand with the ---- of

---- covered, for which accept my thanks. A nephew of mine, Mr. S., who

married a daughter of Mr. Carr, near Georgetown, setting out this day for

that place, I have sent him some of the peas you desired, which he will

enclose under cover to you, and lodge in the care of Mr. Thompson Mason.

This letter goes separately by post, to notify you that you may call for

them in time for the present season. I wish it were in my power to satisfy

you with respect to the sentiments expressed by my friend Mr. Madison in

the general Convention. But the papers in my possession are under a seal

which I have not broken yet, and wish not to break, till I have time to

give them a thorough perusal and consideration. Two things may be safely

said; 1st. When a man whose life has been marked by its candor, has given

a latter opinion contrary to a former one, it is probably the result of

further inquiry, reflection and conviction. This is a sound answer, if

the contrariety of sentiment as to the treaty-making power were really

expressed by him on the former and latter occasion, as was alleged to you.

But, 2d. As no man weighs more maturely than Mr. Madison before he takes

a side on any question, I do not expect he has changed either his opinion

on that subject, or the expressions of it, and therefore I presume the

allegation founded in some misconception or misinformation. I have just

received a summons to _Congress_ for the 15th of next month. I am sorry

for it, as everything pacific could have been done without _Congress_,

and I hope nothing is contemplated which is not pacific. I wish I may be

as fortunate in my travelling companions as I was the last trip. I hope

you found your father and family well; present him, if you please, the

respectful homage of one who knew him when too young probably to have been

known by him, and accept yourself assurances of the great esteem of, Dear

Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

PHILADELPHIA, May 13, 1797.

My Dear Friend,--Your favor of the 4th instant came to hand yesterday.

That of the 4th of April, with the one for Monroe, has never been

received. The first, of March 27th, did not reach me till April the

21st, when I was within a few days of setting out for this place, and

I put off acknowledging it till I should come here. I entirely commend

your dispositions towards Mr. Adams; knowing his worth as intimately and

esteeming it as much as any one, and acknowledging the preference of his

claims, if any I could have had, to the high office conferred on him. But

in truth, I had neither claims nor wishes on the subject, though I know it

will be difficult to obtain belief of this. When I retired from this place

and the office of Secretary of State, it was in the firmest contemplation

of never more returning here. There had indeed been suggestions in the

public papers, that I was looking towards a succession to the President's

chair, but feeling a consciousness of their falsehood, and observing that

the suggestions came from hostile quarters, I considered them as intended

merely to excite public odium against me. I never in my life exchanged a

word with any person on the subject, till I found my name brought forward

generally, in competition with that of Mr. Adams. Those with whom I then

communicated, could say, if it were necessary, whether I met the call with

desire, or even with a ready acquiescence, and whether from the moment

of my first acquiescence, I did not devoutly pray that the very thing

might happen which has happened. The second office of the government is

honorable and easy, the first is but a splendid misery.

You express apprehensions that stratagems will be used, to produce a

misunderstanding between the President and myself. Though not a word

having this tendency has ever been hazarded to me by any one, yet I

consider as a certainty that nothing will be left untried to alienate him

from me. These machinations will proceed from the Hamiltonians by whom he

is surrounded, and who are only a little less hostile to him than to me.

It cannot but damp the pleasure of cordiality, when we suspect that it is

suspected. I cannot help thinking, that it is impossible for Mr. Adams

to believe that the state of my mind is what it really is; that he may

think I view him as an obstacle in my way. I have no supernatural power

to impress truth on the mind of another, nor he any to discover that the

estimate which he may form, on a just view of the human mind as generally

constituted, may not be just in its application to a special constitution.

This may be a source of private uneasiness to us; I honestly confess

that it is so to me at this time. But neither of us is capable of letting

it have effect on our public duties. Those who may endeavor to separate

us, are probably excited by the fear that I might have influence on the

executive councils; but when they shall know that I consider my office as

constitutionally confined to legislative functions, and that I could not

take any part whatever in executive consultations, even were it proposed,

their fears may perhaps subside, and their object be found not worth a

machination.

I do sincerely wish with you, that we could take our stand on a ground

perfectly neutral and independent towards all nations. It has been my

constant object through my public life; and with respect to the English

and French, particularly, I have too often expressed to the former my

wishes, and made to them propositions verbally and in writing, officially

and privately, to official and private characters, for them to doubt of

my views, if they would be content with equality. Of this they are in

possession of several written and formal proofs, in my own hand writing.

But they have wished a monopoly of commerce and influence with us; and

they have in fact obtained it. When we take notice that theirs is the

workshop to which we go for all we want; that with them centre either

immediately or ultimately all the labors of our hands and lands; that to

them belongs either openly or secretly the great mass of our navigation;

that even the factorage of their affairs here, is kept to themselves

by factitious citizenships; that these foreign and false citizens now

constitute the great body of what are called our merchants, fill our sea

ports, are planted in every little town and district of the interior

country, sway everything in the former places by their own votes, and

those of their dependants, in the latter, by their insinuations and the

influence of their ledgers; that they are advancing fast to a monopoly

of our banks and public funds, and thereby placing our public finances

under their control; that they have in their alliance the most influential

characters in and out of office; when they have shown that by all these

bearings on the different branches of the government, they can force it

to proceed in whatever direction they dictate, and bend the interests

of this country entirely to the will of another; when all this, I say,

is attended to, it is impossible for us to say we stand on independent

ground, impossible for a free mind not to see and to groan under the

bondage in which it is bound. If anything after this could excite

surprise, it would be that they have been able so far to throw dust in the

eyes of our own citizens, as to fix on those who wish merely to recover

self-government the charge of subserving one foreign influence, because

they resist submission to another. But they possess our printing presses,

a powerful engine in their government of us. At this very moment, they

would have drawn us into a war on the side of England, had it not been

for the failure of her bank. Such was their open and loud cry, and that

of their gazettes till this event. After plunging us in all the broils of

the European nations, there would remain but one act to close our tragedy,

that is, to break up our Union; and even this they have ventured seriously

and solemnly to propose and maintain by arguments in a Connecticut

paper. I have been happy, however, in believing, from the stifling of

this effort, that that dose was found too strong, and excited as much

repugnance there as it did horror in other parts of our country, and that

whatever follies we may be led into as to foreign nations, we shall never

give up our Union, the last anchor of our hope, and that alone which is

to prevent this heavenly country from becoming an arena of gladiators.

Much as I abhor war, and view it as the greatest scourge of mankind, and

anxiously as I wish to keep out of the broils of Europe, I would yet go

with my brethren into these, rather than separate from them. But I hope we

may still keep clear of them, notwithstanding our present thraldom, and

that time may be given us to reflect on the awful crisis we have passed

through, and to find some means of shielding ourselves in future from

foreign influence, political, commercial, or in whatever other form it

may be attempted. I can scarcely withhold myself from joining in the wish

of Silas Deane, that there were an ocean of fire between us and the old

world.

A perfect confidence that you are as much attached to peace and union

as myself, that you equally prize independence of all nations, and the

blessings of self-government, has induced me freely to unbosom myself

to you, and let you see the light in which I have viewed what has

been passing among us from the beginning of the war. And I shall be

happy, at all times, in an intercommunication of sentiments with you,

believing that the dispositions of the different parts of our country

have been considerably misrepresented and misunderstood in each part,

as to the other, and that nothing but good can result from an exchange

of information and opinions between those whose circumstances and morals

admit no doubt of the integrity of their views.

I remain, with constant and sincere esteem, Dear Sir, your affectionate

friend and servant.

TO COLONEL BELL.

PHILADELPHIA, May 18, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--I enclose you a copy of the President's speech at the opening

of Congress, from which you will see what were the objects in calling us

together. When we first met, our information from the members from all

parts of the Union, were that peace was the universal wish. Whether they

will now raise their tone to that of the Executive, and embark in all

the measures indicative of war, and, by taking a threatening posture,

provoke hostilities from the opposite party, is far from being certain.

There are many who think, that, not to support the Executive, is to

abandon Government. As far as we can judge as yet, the changes in the

late election have been unfavorable to the Republican interest; still, we

hope they will neither make nor provoke war. There appears no probability

of any embargo, general or special; the bankruptcy of the English Bank

is admitted to be complete, and nobody scarcely will venture to buy or

draw bills, lest they should be paid there in depreciated currency. They

prefer remitting dollars, for which they will get an advanced price; but

this will drain us of our specie. Good James river tobacco is 8½ to 9

dollars, flour 8½ to 9 dollars, wheat not saleable. The bankruptcies have

been immense, but are rather at a stand. Be so good as to make known to

our commercial friends of your place and Milton, the above commercial

intelligence. Adieu.

P. S.--Take care that nothing from my letter gets into the newspapers.

TO MR. GIROUD.

PHILADELPHIA, May 22, 1797.

SIR,--I received at this place, from Mr. Bache, the letter of 20th

Germinal, with the seeds of the bread-tree which you were so kind as to

send me. I am happy that the casual circumstances respecting Oglethorpe's

affairs, has led to this valuable present, and I shall take immediate

measures to improve the opportunity it gives us of introducing so precious

a plant into our Southern States. The successive supplies of the same

seeds which you are kind enough to give me expectations of receiving from

you, will, in like manner, be thankfully received, and distributed to

those persons and places most likely to render the experiment successful.

One service of this kind rendered to a nation, is worth more to them than

all the victories of the most splendid pages of their history, and becomes

a source of exalted pleasure to those who have been instrumental to it.

May that pleasure be yours, and your name be pronounced with gratitude by

those who will at some future time be tasting the sweets of the blessings

you are now procuring them. With my thanks for this favor, accept

assurances of the sentiments of esteem and regard with which I am, &c.

TO THOMAS PINCKNEY.

PHILADELPHIA, May 29, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--I received from you, before you left England, a letter

enclosing one from the Prince of Parma. As I learnt soon after that you

were shortly to return to America, I concluded to join my acknowledgments

of it with my congratulations on your arrival; and both have been

delayed by a blameable spirit of procrastination, forever suggesting

to our indolence that we need not do to-day what may be done to-morrow.

Accept these now, in all the sincerity of my heart. It is but lately I

have answered the Prince's letter. It required some time to establish

arrangements which might effect his purpose, and I wished also to forward

a particular article or two of curiosity. You have found on your return a

higher style of political difference than you had left here. I fear this

is inseparable from the different constitutions of the human mind, and

that degree of freedom which permits unrestrained expression. Political

dissension is doubtless a less evil than the lethargy of despotism, but

still it is a great evil, and it would be as worthy the efforts of the

patriot as of the philosopher, to exclude its influence, if possible,

from social life. The good are rare enough at best. There is no reason

to subdivide them by artificial lines. But whether we shall ever be able

so far to perfect the principles of society, as that political opinions

shall, in its intercourse, be as inoffensive as those of philosophy,

mechanics, or any other, may be well doubted. Foreign influence is the

present and just object of public hue and cry, and, as often happens,

the most guilty are foremost and loudest in the cry. If those who are

truly independent, can so trim our vessel as to beat through the waves

now agitating us, they will merit a glory the greater as it seems less

possible. When I contemplate the spirit which is driving us on here, and

that beyond the water which will view us as but a mouthful the more, I

have little hope of peace. I anticipate the burning of our sea ports,

havoc of our frontiers, household insurgency, with a long train of et

ceteras, which is enough for a man to have met once in his life. The

exchange, which is to give us new neighbors in Louisiana (probably the

present French armies when disbanded) has opened us to a combination of

enemies on that side where we are most vulnerable. War is not the best

engine for us to resort to, nature has given us one in our commerce,

which, if properly managed, will be a better instrument for obliging the

interested nations of Europe to treat us with justice. If the commercial

regulations had been adopted which our Legislature were at one time

proposing, we should at this moment have been standing on such an eminence

of safety and respect as ages can never recover. But having wandered

from that, our object should now be to get back, with as little loss as

possible, and, when peace shall be restored to the world, endeavor so to

form our commercial regulations as that justice from other nations shall

be their mechanical result. I am happy to assure you that the conduct

of Gen. Pinckney has met universal approbation. It is marked with that

coolness, dignity, and good sense which we expected from him. I am told

that the French government had taken up an unhappy idea, that Monroe was

recalled for the candor of his conduct in what related to the British

Treaty, and Gen. Pinckney was sent as having other dispositions towards

them. I learn further, that some of their well-informed citizens here are

setting them right as to Gen. Pinckney's dispositions, so well known to

have been just towards them; and I sincerely hope, not only that he may

be employed as Envoy Extraordinary to them, but that their minds will be

better prepared to receive him. I candidly acknowledge, however, that I

do not think the speech and addresses of Congress as conciliatory as the

preceding irritations on both sides would have rendered wise. I shall

be happy to hear from you at all times, to make myself useful to you

whenever opportunity offers, and to give every proof of the sincerity of

the sentiments of esteem and respect with which I am, Dear Sir, your most

obedient and most humble servant.

TO GENERAL GATES.

PHILADELPHIA, May 30, 1797.

DEAR GENERAL,--I thank you for the pamphlet of Erskine enclosed in your

favor of the 9th instant, and still more for the evidence which your

letter affords me of the health of your mind, and I hope of your body

also. Erskine has been reprinted here, and has done good. It has refreshed

the memory of those who had been willing to forget how the war between

France and England had been produced; and who, apeing St. James', called

it a defensive war on the part of England. I wish any events could

induce us to cease to copy such a model, and to assume the dignity of

being original. They had their paper system, stockjobbing, speculations,

public debt, moneyed interest, &c., and all this was contrived for us.

They raised their cry against jacobinism and revolutionists, we against

democratic societies and anti-federalists; their alarmists sounded

insurrection, ours marched an army to look for one, but they could not

find it. I wish the parallel may stop here, and that we may avoid, instead

of imitating, a general bankruptcy and disastrous war.

Congress, or rather the Representatives, have been a fortnight debating

between a more or less irritating answer to the President's speech. The

latter was lost yesterday, by forty-eight against fifty-one or fifty-two.

It is believed, however, that when they come to propose measures leading

directly to war, they will lose some of their numbers. Those who have

no wish but for the peace of their country, and its independence of all

foreign influence, have a hard struggle indeed, overwhelmed by a cry as

loud and imposing as if it were true, of being under French influence, and

this raised by a faction composed of English subjects residing among us,

or such as are English in all their relations and sentiments. However,

patience will bring all to rights, and we shall both live to see the

mask taken from their faces, and our citizens sensible on which side

true liberty and independence are sought. Should any circumstance draw me

further from home, I shall with great cordiality pay my respects to you at

Rose Hill, and am not without hope of meeting you here some time.

Here, there, and everywhere else, I am with great and sincere attachment

and respect, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, June 1, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 18th of May. The address of the Senate

was soon after that. The first draught was responsive to the speech, and

higher toned. Mr. Henry arrived the day it was reported; the addressers

had not yet their strength around them. They listened therefore to

his objections, recommitted the papers, added him and Tazewell to the

committee, and it was reported with considerable alterations; but one

great attack was made on it, which was to strike out the clause approving

everything heretofore done by the executive. This clause was retained by a

majority of four. They received a new accession of members, held a caucus,

took up all the points recommended in the speech, except the raising

money, agreed the list of every committee, and on Monday passed the

resolutions and appointed the committees, by an uniform vote of seventeen

to eleven. (Mr. Henry was accidentally absent; Ross not then come.)

Yesterday they took up the nomination of John Quincy Adams to Berlin,

which had been objected to as extending our diplomatic establishment. It

was approved by eighteen to fourteen. (Mr. Tatnall accidentally absent.)

From the proceedings we are able to see, that eighteen on the one side and

ten on the other, with two wavering votes, will decide every question.

Schuyler is too ill to come this session, and Gunn has not yet come.

Pinckney (the General), John Marshall and Dana are nominated Envoys

Extraordinary to France. Chas. Lee consulted a member from Virginia to

know whether Marshall would be agreeable. He named you, as more likely

to give satisfaction. The answer was, "Nobody of Mr. Madison's way of

thinking will be appointed."

The representatives have not yet got through their addresses. An amendment

of Mr. Nicholas', which you will have seen in the papers, was lost by a

division of forty-six to fifty-two. A clause by Mr. Dayton, expressing

a wish that France might be put on an equal footing with other nations,

was inserted by fifty-two against forty-seven. This vote is most worthy

of notice, because the moderation and justice of the proposition being

unquestionable, it shows that there are forty-seven decided to go to all

lengths to[6] * * * * * They have received a new orator from the district

of Mr. Ames. He is the son of the Secretary of the Senate. They have an

accession from South Carolina also, that State being exactly divided. In

the House of Representatives I learned the following facts, which give me

real concern. When the British treaty arrived at Charleston, a meeting,

as you know, was called, and a committee of seventeen appointed, of whom

General Pinckney was one. He did not attend. They waited for him, sent

for him; he treated the mission with great hauteur, and disapproved of

their meddling. In the course of the subsequent altercations, he declared

that his brother, T. Pinckney, approved of every article of the treaty,

under the existing circumstances, and since that time, the politics of

Charleston have been assuming a different hue. Young Rutledge joining

Smith and Harper, is an ominous fact as to that whole interest.

Tobacco is at nine dollars, and flour very dull of sale. A great

stagnation in commerce generally. During the present bankruptcy in

England, the merchants seem disposed to lie on their oars. It is

impossible to conjecture the rising of Congress, as it will depend on the

system they decide on; whether of preparation for war, or inaction. In

the vote of forty-six to fifty-two, Morgan, Machir and Evans were of the

majority, and Clay kept his seat, refusing to vote with either. In that

of forty-seven to fifty-two, Evans was the only one of our delegation who

voted against putting France on an equal footing with other nations.

P. M. So far, I had written in the morning. I now take up my pen to add,

that the addresses having been reported to the House, it was moved to

disagree to so much of the amendment as went to the putting France on an

equal footing with other nations, and Morgan and Machir turning tail, (in

consequence, as is said, of having been closeted last night by Charles

Lee,) the vote was forty-nine to fifty. So the principle was saved by

a single vote. They then proposed that compensations for spoliations

shall be a _sine qua non_, and this will be decided on to-morrow. Yours

affectionately.

FOOTNOTE:

[6] [A few lines are here illegible.]

TO FRENCH STROKER, ESQ.

PHILADELPHIA, June 8, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--In compliance with the desire you expressed in the few short

moments I had the pleasure of being with you at Fredericksburg, I shall

give you some account of what is passing here. The President's speech

you will have seen; and how far its aspects was turned towards war. Our

opinion here is that the Executive had that in contemplation, and were not

without expectation that the Legislature might catch the flame. A powerful

part of that has shown a disposition to go all lengths with the Executive;

and they have been able to persuade some of more moderate principles to

go so far with them as to join them in a very sturdy address. They have

voted the completing and manning the three frigates, and going on with

the fortifications. The Senate have gone much further, they have brought

in bills for buying more armed vessels, sending them and the frigates

out as convoys to our trade, raising more cavalry, more artillerists, and

providing a great army, to come into active service only, if necessary.

They have not decided whether they will permit the merchants to arm. The

hope and belief is that the Representatives will concur in none of these

measures, though their divisions hitherto have been so equal as to leave

us under doubt and apprehension. The usual majorities have been from one

to six votes, and these sometimes one way, sometimes the other. Three of

the Virginia members dividing from their colleagues occasion the whole

difficulty. If they decline these measures, we shall rise about the 17th

instant. It appears that the dispositions of the French government towards

us wear a very angry cast indeed, and this before Pickering's letter to

Pinckney was known to them. We do not know what effect that may produce.

We expect Paine every day in a vessel from Havre, and Colonel Monroe in

one from Bordeaux. Tobacco keeps up at a high price and will still rise;

flour is dull at $7 50. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and

servant.

TO MR. MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, June 15, 1797.--A. M.

My last was of the 8th instant. I had enclosed you separately a paper

giving you an account of Bonaparte's last great victory. Since which, we

receive information that the preliminaries of peace were signed between

France and Austria. Mr. Hammond will have arrived at Vienna too late

to influence terms. The victories lately obtained by the French on the

Rhine, were as splendid as Bonaparte's. The mutiny on board the English

fleet, though allayed for the present, has impressed that country with

terror. King has written letters to his friends recommending a pacific

conduct towards France, notwithstanding the continuance of her injustices?

Volney is convinced France will not make peace with England, because it

is such an opportunity of sinking her as she never had and may not have

again. Bonaparte's army would have to march seven hundred miles to Calais.

Therefore, it is imagined that the armies of the Rhine will be destined

for England. The Senate yesterday rejected on its second reading their

own bill for raising four more companies of light dragoons, by a vote

of 15 to 13. Their cost would have been about $120,000 a year. To-day

the bill for manning the frigates and buying nine vessels (about $60,000

each,) comes to its third reading. Some flatter us we may throw it out.

The trial will be in time to mention the issue herein. The bills for

preventing our citizens from engaging in armed vessels of either party,

and for prohibiting exportation of arms and ammunition, have passed both

Houses. The fortification bill is before the Representatives still. It is

thought by many that with all the mollifying clauses they can give it,

it may perhaps be thrown out. They have a separate bill for manning the

three frigates, but its fate is uncertain. These are probably the ultimate

measures which will be adopted, if even these will be adopted. The folly

of the convocation of Congress at so inconvenient a season and an expense

of $60,000, is now palpable to everybody; or rather it is palpable that

war was the object, since, that being out of the question, it is evident

there is nothing else. However, nothing less than the miraculous string

of events which have taken place, to wit, the victories of the Rhine and

Italy, peace with Austria, bankruptcy of England, mutiny in her fleet, and

King's writing letters recommending peace, could have cooled the fury of

the British faction. Even all that will not prevent considerable efforts

still in both parties to show our teeth to France. We had hoped to have

risen this week. It is now talked of for the 24th, but it is impossible

yet to affix a time. I think I cannot omit being at our court (July 3,)

whether Congress rises or not. If so, I shall be with you on the Friday or

Saturday preceding. I have a couple of pamphlets for you, (Utrum Horum,

and Paine's Agrarian Justice,) being the only things since Erskine which

have appeared worth notice. Besides Bache's paper there are two others now

accommodated to country circulation. Grile's (successor of Oswald) twice

a week without advertisements at four dollars. His debates in Congress

are the same with Claypole's. Also Smith proposes to issue a paper once

a week, of news only, and an additional sheet while Congress shall be

in session, price four dollars. The best daily papers now are Bradford's

compiled by Loyd, and Marshland and Cary's. Claypole's you know. Have you

remarked the pieces signed Fabius? they are written by John Dickinson.

P. M. The bill before the Senate for equipping the three frigates, and

buying nine vessels of not more than twenty guns, has this day passed

on its third reading by 16 against 13. The fortification bill before the

Representatives as amended in committee of the whole, passed to its third

reading by 48 against 41. Adieu affectionately, with my best respects to

Mrs. Madison.

TO COLONEL BURR.

PHILADELPHIA, June 17, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--The newspapers give so minutely what is passing in Congress,

that nothing of detail can be wanting for your information. Perhaps,

however, some general view of our situation and prospects, since you left

us, may not be unacceptable. At any rate, it will give me an opportunity

of recalling myself to your memory, and of evidencing my esteem for you.

You well know how strong a character of division had been impressed on the

Senate by the British treaty. Common error, common censure, and common

efforts of defence had formed the treaty majority into a common band,

which feared to separate even on other subjects. Towards the close of

the last Congress, however, it had been hoped that their ties began to

loosen, and their phalanx to separate a little. This hope was blasted at

the very opening of the present session, by the nature of the appeal which

the President made to the nation; the occasion for which had confessedly

sprung from the fatal British treaty. This circumstance rallied them

again to their standard, and hitherto we have had pretty regular treaty

votes on all questions of principle. And indeed I fear, that as long

as the same individuals remain, so long we shall see traces of the same

division. In the House of Representatives the republican body has also

lost strength. The non-attendance of five or six of that description, has

left the majority very equivocal indeed. A few individuals of no fixed

system at all, governed by the panic or the prowess of the moment, flap as

the breeze blows against the republican or the aristocratic bodies, and

give to the one or the other a preponderance entirely accidental. Hence

the dissimilar aspect of the address, and of the proceedings subsequent

to that. The inflammatory composition of the speech excited sensations

of resentment which had slept under British injuries, threw the wavering

into the war scale, and produced the war address. Bonaparte's victories

and those on the Rhine, the Austrian peace, British bankruptcy, mutiny of

the seamen, and Mr. King's exhortations to pacific measures, have cooled

them down again, and the scale of peace preponderates. The threatening

propositions therefore, founded in the address, are abandoned one by

one, and the cry begins now to be, that we have been called together to

do nothing. The truth is, there is nothing to do, the idea of war being

scouted by the events of Europe; but this only proves that war was the

object for which we were called. It proves that the executive temper was

for war; and that the convocation of the Representatives was an experiment

of the temper of the nation, to see if it was in unison. Efforts at

negotiation indeed were promised; but such a promise was as difficult

to withhold, as easy to render nugatory. If negotiation alone had been

meant, that might have been pursued without so much delay, and without

calling the Representatives; and if strong and earnest negotiation had

been meant, the additional nomination would have been of persons strongly

and earnestly attached to the alliance of 1778. War then was intended.

Whether abandoned or not, we must judge from future indications and

events; for the same secrecy and mystery are affected to be observed by

the present, which marked the former administration. I had always hoped,

that the popularity of the late President being once withdrawn from active

effect, the natural feelings of the people towards liberty would restore

the equilibrium between the executive and legislative departments, which

had been destroyed by the superior weight and effect of that popularity;

and that their natural feelings of moral obligation would discountenance

the ungrateful predilection of the executive in favor of Great Britain.

But unfortunately, the preceding measures had already alienated the nation

who were the object of them, had excited reaction from them, and this

reaction has on the minds of our citizens an effect which supplies that

of the Washington popularity. This effect was sensible on some of the late

congressional elections, and this it is which has lessened the republican

majority in Congress. When it will be reinforced, must depend on events,

and these are so incalculable, that I consider the future character of

our republic as in the air; indeed its future fortune will be in the air,

if war is made on us by France, and if Louisiana becomes a Gallo-American

colony.

I have been much pleased to see a dawn of change in the spirit of your

State. The late elections have indicated something, which, at a distance,

we do not understand. However, what with the English influence in the

lower, and the Patroon influence in the upper part of your State, I

presume little is to be hoped. If a prospect could be once opened upon us

of the penetration of truth into the eastern States; if the people there,

who are unquestionably republicans, could discover that they have been

duped into the support of measures calculated to sap the very foundations

of republicanism, we might still hope for salvation, and that it would

come, as of old, from the east. But will that region ever awake to the

true state of things? Can the middle, southern and western States hold

on till they awake? These are painful and doubtful questions; and if,

in assuring me of your health, you can give me a comfortable solution of

them, it will relieve a mind devoted to the preservation of our republican

government in the true form and spirit in which it was established, but

almost oppressed with apprehensions that fraud will at length effect

what force could not, and that what with currents and counter-currents,

we shall, in the end, be driven back to the land from which we launched

twenty years ago. Indeed, my dear Sir, we have been but a sturdy fish on

the hook of a dexterous angler, who, letting us flounce till we have spent

our force, brings us up at last.

I am tired of the scene, and this day se'nnight shall change it for one,

where, to tranquillity of mind may be added pursuits of private utility,

since none public are admitted by the state of things.

I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

P. S. Since writing the above, we have received a report that the French

Directory has proposed a declaration of war against the United States to

the Council of Ancients, who have rejected it. Thus we see two nations

who love one another affectionately, brought by the ill temper of their

executive administrations, to the very brink of a necessity to imbrue

their hands in the blood of each other.

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

PHILADELPHIA, June 21, 1797.

MY DEAR FRIEND,--It was with infinite joy to me, that you were yesterday

announced to the Senate, as Envoy Extraordinary, jointly with General

Pinckney and Mr. Marshall, to the French Republic. It gave me certain

assurance that there would be a preponderance in the mission, sincerely

disposed to be at peace with the French government and nation. Peace

is undoubtedly at present the first object of our nation. Interest and

honor are also national considerations. But interest, duly weighed, is

in favor of peace even at the expense of spoliations past and future;

and honor cannot now be an object. The insults and injuries committed on

us by both the belligerent parties, from the beginning of 1793 to this

day, and still continuing, cannot now be wiped off by engaging in war

with one of them. As there is great reason to expect this is the last

campaign in Europe, it would certainly be better for us to rub through

this year, as we have done through the four preceding ones, and hope that

on the restoration of peace, we may be able to establish some plan for

our foreign connections more likely to secure our peace, interest and

honor, in future. Our countrymen have divided themselves by such strong

affections, to the French and the English, that nothing will secure us

internally but a divorce from both nations; and this must be the object

of every real American, and its attainment is practicable without much

self-denial. But for this, peace is necessary. Be assured of this, my

dear Sir, that if we engage in a war during our present passions, and our

present weakness in some quarters, our Union runs the greatest risk of not

coming out of that war in the shape in which it enters it. My reliance for

our preservation is in your acceptance of this mission. I know the tender

circumstances which will oppose themselves to it. But its duration will

be short, and its reward long. You have it in your power, by accepting and

determining the character of the mission, to secure the present peace and

eternal union of your country. If you decline, on motives of private pain,

a substitute may be named who has enlisted his passions in the present

contest, and by the preponderance of his vote in the mission may entail

on us calamities, your share in which, and your feelings, will outweigh

whatever pain a temporary absence from your family could give you. The

sacrifice will be short, the remorse would be never ending. Let me, then,

my dear Sir, conjure your acceptance, and that you will, by this act, seal

the mission with the confidence of all parties. Your nomination has given

a spring to hope, which was dead before.

I leave this place in three days, and therefore shall not here have

the pleasure of learning your determination. But it will reach me in my

retirement, and enrich the tranquillity of that scene. It will add to

the proofs which have convinced me that the man who loves his country on

its own account, and not merely for its trappings of interest or power,

can never be divorced from it, can never refuse to come forward when he

finds that she is engaged in dangers which he has the means of warding

off. Make then an effort, my friend, to renounce your domestic comforts

for a few months, and reflect that to be a good husband and good father

at this moment, you must be also a good citizen. With sincere wishes for

your acceptance and success, I am, with unalterable esteem, dear Sir, your

affectionate friend and servant.

TO MR. MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, June 22, 1797.

The Senate have this day rejected their own bill for raising a provisional

army of 15,000 men. I think they will reject that for permitting private

vessels to arm. The Representatives have thrown out the bill of the

Senate for raising artillery. They (Wednesday) put off one forbidding

our citizens to serve in foreign vessels of war till November, by a vote

of fifty-two to forty-four. This day they came to a resolution proposing

to the Senate to adjourn on Wednesday, the 28th, by a majority of four.

Thus it is now perfectly understood that the convocation of Congress is

substantially condemned by their several decisions that nothing is to be

done. I may be with you somewhat later than I expected, say from the 1st

to the 4th. Preliminaries of peace between Austria and France are signed.

_Wane_ has declined the mission to France. Gerry is appointed in his room,

being supported in Senate by the republican vote; six nays of the opposite

description of Monroe or Payne. Adieu.

TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE.

PHILADELPHIA, June 24, 1797.

MY DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge your two favors of May the 4th and

19th, and to thank you for your attentions to the commissions for the

peas and oranges, which I learn have arrived in Virginia. Your draft I

hope will soon follow on Mr. John Barnes, merchant, here; who, as I before

advised you, is directed to answer it.

When Congress first met, the assemblage of facts presented in the

President's speech, with the multiplied accounts of spoliations by the

French West Indians, appeared by sundry votes on the address, to incline

a majority to put themselves in a posture of war. Under this influence

the address was formed, and its spirit would probably have been pursued

by corresponding measures, had the events of Europe been of an ordinary

train. But this has been so extraordinary, that numbers have gone over

to those, who, from the first, feeling with sensibility the French

insults, as they had felt those of England before, thought now as they

thought then, that war measures should be avoided, and those of peace

pursued. Their favorite engine, on the former occasion, was _commercial

regulations_, in preference to negotiations, to war preparations and

increase of debt. On the latter, as we have no commerce with France, the

restriction of which could press on them, they wished for negotiation.

Those of the opposite sentiment had, on the former occasion, preferred

negotiation, but at the same time voted for great war preparations, and

increase of debt; now also they were for negotiation, war preparations

and debt. The parties have in debate mutually charged each other with

inconsistency, and with being governed by an attachment to this or that

of the belligerent nations, rather than the dictates of reason and pure

Americanism. But, in truth, both have been consistent; the same men

having voted for war measures who did before, and the same against them

now who did before. The events of Europe coming to us in astonishing and

rapid succession, to wit, the public bankruptcy of England, Buonaparte's

successes, the successes on the Rhine, the Austrian peace, mutiny of the

British fleet, Irish insurrection, a demand of forty-three millions for

the current services of the year, and, above all, the warning voice, as

is said, of Mr. King, to abandon all thought of connection with Great

Britain, that she is going down irrecoverably, and will sink us also, if

we do not clear ourselves, have brought over several to the pacific party,

so as, at present, to give majorities against all threatening measures.

They go on with frigates and fortifications, because they were going on

with them before. They direct eighty thousand of their militia to hold

themselves in readiness for service. But they reject the propositions to

raise cavalry, artillery, and a provisional army, and to trust private

ships with arms in the present combustible state of things. They believe

the present is the last campaign of Europe, and wish to rub through

this fragment of a year as they have through the four preceding ones,

opposing patience to insult, and interest to honor. They will, therefore,

immediately adjourn. This is, indeed, a most humiliating state of things,

but it commenced in 1793. Causes have been adding to causes, and effects

accumulating on effects, from that time to this. We had, in 1793, the most

respectable character in the universe. What the neutral nations think of

us now, I know not; but we are low indeed with the belligerents. Their

kicks and cuffs prove their contempt. If we weather the present storm, I

hope we shall avail ourselves of the calm of peace, to place our foreign

connections under a new and different arrangement. We must make the

interest of every nation stand surety for their justice, and their own

loss to follow injury to us, as effect follows its cause. As to everything

except commerce, we ought to divorce ourselves from them all. But this

system would require time, temper, wisdom, and occasional sacrifice of

interest; and how far all of these will be ours, our children may see,

but we shall not. The passions are too high at present, to be cooled in

our day. You and I have formerly seen warm debates and high political

passions. But gentlemen of different politics would then speak to each

other, and separate the business of the Senate from that of society. It is

not so now. Men who have been intimate all their lives, cross the streets

to avoid meeting, and turn their heads another way, lest they should be

obliged to touch their hats. This may do for young men with whom passion

is enjoyment. But it is afflicting to peaceable minds. Tranquillity is

the old man's milk. I go to enjoy it in a few days, and to exchange the

roar and tumult of bulls and bears, for the prattle of my grand-children

and senile rest. Be these yours, my dear friend, through long years, with

every other blessing, and the attachment of friends as warm and sincere,

as yours affectionately.

TO E. RANDOLPH.

PHILADELPHIA, June 27, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two favors of May

26th and 29th, which came to hand in due time, and relieved my mind

considerably, though it was not finally done. During the vacation we may

perhaps be able to hunt up the letters which are wanting, and get this

tornado which has been threatening us, dissipated.

You have seen the speech and the address, so nothing need be said on them.

The spirit of both has been so whittled down by Bonaparte's victories,

the victories on the Rhine, the Austrian peace, Irish insurgency, English

bankruptcy, insubordination of the fleet, &c., that Congress is rejecting

one by one the measures brought in on the principles of their own address.

But nothing less than such miraculous events as have been pouring in on

us from the first of our convening could have assuaged the fermentation

produced in men's minds. In consequence of these events, what was the

majority at first, is by degrees become the minority, so that we may

say that in the Representatives moderation will govern. But nothing

can establish firmly the republican principles of our government but an

establishment of them in England. France will be the apostle for this.

We very much fear that Gerry will not accept the mission to Paris. The

delays which have attended this measure have left a dangerous void in our

endeavors to preserve peace, which can scarcely be reconciled to a wish to

preserve it. I imagine we shall rise from the 1st to the 3d of July. I am,

Dear Sir, your friend and servant.

P. S. The interruption of letters is becoming so notorious, that I am

forming a resolution of declining correspondence with my friends through

the channels of the Post Office altogether.

TO JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, August 3, 1797.

I scribbled you a line on the 24th ultimo; it missed of the post, and

so went by a private hand. I perceive from yours by Mr. Bringhurst, that

you had not received it. In fact, it was only an earnest exhortation to

come here with Monroe, which I still hope you will do. In the meantime,

I enclose you a letter from him, and wish your opinion on its principal

subject. The variety of other topics the day I was with you, kept out

of sight the letter to Mazzei imputed to me in the papers, the general

substance of which is mine, though the diction has been considerably

altered and varied in the course of its translations from English into

Italian, from Italian into French, and from French into English. I first

met with it at Bladensburg, and for a moment conceived I must take the

field of the public papers. I could not disavow it wholly, because the

greatest part was mine, in substance though not in form. I could not avow

it as it stood, because the form was not mine, and, in one place, the

substance very materially falsified. This, then, would render explanations

necessary; nay, it would render proofs of the whole necessary, and draw

me at length into a publication of all (even the secret) transactions of

the administration while I was in it; and embroil me personally with every

member of the executive, with the judiciary, and with others still. I soon

decided in my own mind, to be entirely silent. I consulted with several

friends at Philadelphia, who, every one of them, were clearly against

my avowing or disavowing, and some of them conjured me most earnestly to

let nothing provoke me to it. I corrected, in conversation with them, a

substantial misrepresentation in the copy published. The original has a

sentiment like this (for I have it not before me), "they are endeavoring

to submit us to the substance, as they already have to the _forms_ of

the British government;" meaning by _forms_, the birth-days, levees,

processions to parliament, inauguration pomposities, &c. But the copy

published says, "as they have already submitted us to the _form_ of the

British," &c., making me express hostility to the form of our government,

that is to say, to the Constitution itself. For this is really the

difference of the word _form_, used in the singular or plural, in that

phrase, in the English language. Now it would be impossible for me to

explain this publicly, without bringing on a personal difference between

General Washington and myself, which nothing before the publication

of this letter has ever done. It would embroil me also with all those

with whom his character is still popular, that is to say, nine tenths

of the people of the United States; and what good would be obtained by

avowing the letter with the necessary explanations? Very little indeed,

in my opinion, to counterbalance a good deal of harm. From my silence

in this instance, it cannot be inferred that I am afraid to own the

general sentiments of the letter. If I am subject to either imputation,

it is to that of avowing such sentiments too frankly both in private and

public, often when there is no necessity for it, merely because I disdain

everything like duplicity. Still, however, I am open to conviction. Think

for me on the occasion, and advise me what to do, and confer with Colonel

Monroe on the subject.

Let me entreat you again to come with him; there are other important

things to consult on. One will be his affair. Another is the subject of

the petition now enclosed you, to be proposed to our district, on the late

presentment of our representative by the grand jury: the idea it brings

forward is still confined to my own breast. It has never been mentioned

to any mortal, because I first wish your opinion on the expediency of the

measure. If you approve it, I shall propose to * * * * * or some other,[7]

to father it, and to present it to the counties at their general muster.

This will be in time for our Assembly. The presentment going in the

public papers just at the moment when Congress was together, produced a

great effect both on its friends and foes in that body, very much to the

disheartening and mortification of the latter. I wish this petition, if

approved, to arrive there under the same circumstances, to produce the

counter effect so wanting for their gratification. I could have wished to

receive it from you again at our court on Monday, because * * * * * and

* * * * * will be there, and might also be consulted, and commence measures

for putting it into motion. If you can return it then, with your opinion,

it will be of importance. Present me affectionately to Mrs. Madison, and

convey to her my entreaties to interpose her good offices and persuasives

with you to bring her here, and before we uncover our house, which will

yet be some weeks.

Salutations and adieu.

FOOTNOTE:

[7] [The places in this letter where the asterisks are inserted,

are blanks in the original.]

TO COL. JOHN STUART.

MONTICELLO, August 15, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--With great pleasure I forward to you the Diploma of the

American Philosophical Society, adopting you into their body. The

attention on your part, to which they are indebted for the knowledge that

such an animal has existed as the Megalonyx, as we have named him, gives

them reason to hope that the same attention continued will enrich us with

other objects of science, which your part of the country may yet, we hope,

furnish. On my arrival at Philadelphia, I met with an account published in

Spain of the skeleton of an enormous animal from Paraguay, of the clawed

kind, but not of the lion class at all; indeed, it is classed with the

sloth, ant-eater, &c., which are not of the carnivorous kinds; it was dug

up 100 feet below the surface, near the river La Plata. The skeleton is

now mounted at Madrid, is 12 feet long and 6 feet high. There are several

circumstances which lead to a supposition that our megalonyx may have

been the same animal with this. There are others which still induce us

to class him with the lion. Since this discovery has led to questioning

the Indians as to this animal, we have received some of their traditions

which confirm his classification with the lion. As soon as our 4th volume

of transactions, now in the press, shall be printed, I will furnish you

with the account given in to the Society. I take for granted that you

have little hope of recovering any more of the bones. Those sent me are

delivered to the society. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most

obedient servant.

TO ST. GEORGE TUCKER.

MONTICELLO, August 28, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two favors of the

2d and 22d instant, and to thank you for the pamphlet covered by the

former. You know my subscription to its doctrines; and as to the mode of

emancipation, I am satisfied that that must be a matter of compromise

between the passions, the prejudices, and the real difficulties which

will each have their weight in that operation. Perhaps the first chapter

of this history, which has begun in St. Domingo, and the next succeeding

ones, which will recount how all the whites were driven from all the other

islands, may prepare our minds for a peaceable accommodation between

justice, policy and necessity; and furnish an answer to the difficult

question, whither shall the colored emigrants go? and the sooner we put

some plan under way, the greater hope there is that it may be permitted

to proceed peaceably to its ultimate effect. But if something is not

done, and soon done, we shall be the murderers of our own children. The

"murmura venturos nautis prudentia ventos" has already reached us; the

revolutionary storm, now sweeping the globe, will be upon us, and happy

if we make timely provision to give it an easy passage over our land.

From the present state of things in Europe and America, the day which

begins our combustion must be near at hand; and only a single spark is

wanting to make that day to-morrow. If we had begun sooner, we might

probably have been allowed a lengthier operation to clear ourselves, but

every day's delay lessens the time we may take for emancipation. Some

people derive hope from the aid of the confederated States. But this is a

delusion. There is but one State in the Union which will aid us sincerely,

if an insurrection begins, and that one may, perhaps, have its own fire

to quench at the same time. The facts stated in yours of the 22d, were

not identically known to me, but others like them were. From the General

Government no interference need be expected. Even the merchant and

navigator, the immediate sufferers, are prevented by various motives from

wishing to be redressed. I see nothing but a State procedure which can

vindicate us from the insult. It is in the power of any single magistrate,

or of the Attorney for the Commonwealth, to lay hold of the commanding

officer, whenever he comes ashore, for the breach of the peace, and to

proceed against him by indictment. This is so plain an operation, that no

power can prevent its being carried through with effect, but the want of

will in the officers of the State. I think that the matter of finances,

which has set the people of Europe to thinking, is now advanced to that

point with us, that the next step, and it is an unavoidable one, a land

tax, will awaken our constituents, and call for inspection into past

proceedings. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO COLONEL ARTHUR CAMPBELL.

MONTICELLO, September 1, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of July the

4th, and to recognize in it the sentiments you have ever held, and worthy

of the day on which it is dated. It is true that a party has risen up

among us, or rather has come among us, which is endeavoring to separate

us from all friendly connection with France, to unite our destinies with

those of Great Britain, and to assimilate our government to theirs. Our

lenity in permitting the return of the old tories, gave the first body

to this party; they have been increased by large importations of British

merchants and factors, by American merchants dealing on British capital,

and by stock dealers and banking companies, who, by the aid of a paper

system, are enriching themselves to the ruin of our country, and swaying

the government by their possession of the printing presses, which their

wealth commands, and by other means, not always honorable to the character

of our countrymen. Hitherto, their influence and their system have been

irresistible, and they have raised up an executive power which is too

strong for the Legislature. But I flatter myself they have passed their

zenith. The people, while these things were doing, were lulled into

rest and security from a cause which no longer exists. No prepossessions

now will shut their ears to truth. They begin to see to what port their

leaders were steering during their slumbers, and there is yet time to

haul in, if we can avoid a war with France. All can be done peaceably,

by the people confining their choice of Representatives and Senators to

persons attached to republican government and the principles of 1776, not

office-hunters, but farmers, whose interests are entirely agricultural.

Such men are the true representatives of the great American interest, and

are alone to be relied on for expressing the proper American sentiments.

We owe gratitude to France, justice to England, good will to all, and

subservience to none. All this must be brought about by the people, using

their elective rights with prudence and self-possession, and not suffering

themselves to be duped by treacherous emissaries. It was by the sober

sense of our citizens that we were safely and steadily conducted from

monarchy to republicanism, and it is by the same agency alone we can be

kept from falling back. I am happy in this occasion of reviving the memory

of old things, and of assuring you of the continuance of the esteem and

respect of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN F. MERCER, ESQ.

MONTICELLO, September 5, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--We have now with us our friend Monroe. He is engaged in stating

his conduct for the information of the public. As yet, however, he has

done little, being too much occupied with re-arranging his household. His

preliminary skirmish with the Secretary of State has, of course, bespoke a

suspension of the public mind, till he can lay his statement before them.

Our Congressional district is fermenting under the presentiment of their

representative by the Grand Jury; and the question of a Convention for

forming a State Constitution will probably be attended to in these parts.

These are the news of our Canton. Those of a more public nature you know

before we do. My best respects to Mrs. Mercer, and assurances to yourself

of the affectionate esteem of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MONROE.

MONTICELLO, September 7, 1797.

The doubt which you suggest as to our jurisdiction over the case of the

Grand Jury _vs._ Cabell, had occurred to me, and naturally occurs on first

view of the question. But I knew, that to send the petition to the House

of Representatives in Congress, would make bad worse; that a majority

of that House would pass a vote of approbation. On examination of the

question, too, it appeared to me that we could maintain the authority of

our own government over it.

A right of free correspondence between citizen and citizen, on their joint

interests, whether public or private, and under whatsoever laws these

interests arise, (to wit, of the State, of Congress, of France, Spain,

or Turkey), is a natural right; it is not the gift of any municipal law,

either of England, or Virginia, or of Congress; but in common with all our

other natural rights, it is one of the objects for the protection of which

society is formed, and municipal laws established.

The courts of this commonwealth (and among them the General Court, as a

court of impeachment) are originally competent to the cognizance of all

infractions of the rights of one citizen by another citizen; and they

still retain all their judiciary cognizances not expressly alienated by

the federal Constitution.

The federal Constitution alienates from them all cases arising 1st,

under the constitution; 2dly, under the laws of Congress; 3dly, under

treaties, &c. But this right of free correspondence, whether with a public

representative in General Assembly, in Congress, in France, in Spain, or

with a private one charged with pecuniary trust, or with a private friend

the object of our esteem, or any other, has not been given to us under,

1st, the federal Constitution; 2dly, any law of Congress; or 3dly, any

treaty; but as before observed, by nature. It is therefore not alienated,

but remains under the protection of our courts.

Were the question even doubtful, that is no reason for abandoning it. The

system of the General Government, is to seize all doubtful ground. We must

join in the scramble, or get nothing. Where first occupancy is to give

right, he who lies still loses all. Besides, it is not right for those who

are only to act in a preliminary form, to let their own doubts preclude

the judgment of the court of ultimate decision. We ought to let it go

to the House of Delegates for their consideration, and they, unless the

contrary be palpable, ought to let it to go to the General Court, who are

ultimately to decide on it.

It is of immense consequence that the States retain as complete authority

as possible over their own citizens. The withdrawing themselves under

the shelter of a foreign jurisdiction, is so subversive of order and so

pregnant of abuse, that it may not be amiss to consider how far a law

of _præmunire_ should be revised and modified, against all citizens who

attempt to carry their causes before any other than the State courts, in

cases where those other courts have no right to their cognizance. A plea

to the jurisdiction of the courts of their State, or a reclamation of a

foreign jurisdiction, if adjudged valid, would be safe; but if adjudged

invalid, would be followed by the punishment of _præmunire_ for the

attempt.

Think further of the preceding part of this letter, and we will have

further conference on it. Adieu.

P. S. Observe, that it is not the breach of Mr. Cabell's privilege which

we mean to punish: that might lie with Congress. It is the wrong done to

the citizens of our district. Congress gave no authority to punish that

wrong. They can only take cognizance of it in vindication of their member.

TO ALEXANDER WHITE, ESQ.

MONTICELLO, September 10, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--So many persons have of late found an interest or a passion

gratified by imputing to me sayings and writings which I never said

or wrote, or by endeavoring to draw me into newspapers to harass me

personally, that I have found it necessary for my quiet and my other

pursuits to leave them in full possession of the field, and not to take

the trouble of contradicting them even in private conversation. If I do it

now, it is out of respect to your application, made by private letter and

not through the newspapers, and under the perfect assurance that what I

write to you will not be permitted to get in a newspaper, while you are at

full liberty to assert it in conversation under my authority.

I never gave an opinion that the Government would not remove to the

federal city. I never entertained that opinion; but on the contrary,

whenever asked the question, I have expressed my full confidence that

they would remove there. Having had frequent occasion to declare this

sentiment, I have endeavored to conjecture on what a contrary one could

have been ascribed to me. I remember that in Georgetown, where I passed a

day in February in conversation with several gentlemen on the preparations

there for receiving the government, an opinion was expressed by some, and

not privately, that there would be few or no private buildings erected in

Washington this summer, and that the prospect of there being a sufficient

number in time, was not flattering. This they grounded on the fact that

the persons holding lots, from a view to increase their means of building,

had converted their money at low prices, into Morris and Nicholson's

notes, then possessing a good degree of credit, and that having lost

these by the failure of these gentlemen, they were much less able to build

than they would have been. I then observed, and I did it with a view to

excite exertion, that if there should not be private houses in readiness

sufficient for the accommodation of Congress and the persons annexed

to the Government, it could not be expected that men should come there

to lodge, like cattle, in the fields, and that it highly behoved those

interested in the removal to use every exertion to provide accommodations.

In this opinion, I presume I shall be joined by yourself and every other.

But delivered, as it was, only on the hypothesis of a fact stated by

others, it could not authorize the assertion of an absolute opinion,

separated from the statement of facts on which it was hypothetically

grounded. I have seen no reason to believe that Congress have changed

their purpose with respect to the removal. Every public indication from

them, and every sentiment I have heard privately expressed by the members,

convinces me they are steady in the purpose. Being on this subject, I

will suggest to you, what I did privately at Georgetown to a particular

person, in confidence that it should be suggested to the managers, if in

event it should happen that there should not be a sufficiency of private

buildings erected within the proper time, would it not be better for the

commissioners to apply for a suspension of the removal for one year, than

to leave it to the hazard which a contrary interest might otherwise bring

on it? Of this however you have yet two summers to consider, and you

have the best knowledge of the circumstances on which a judgment may be

formed whether private accommodations will be provided. As to the public

buildings, every one seems to agree that they will be in readiness.

I have for five or six years been encouraging the opening a direct road

from the Southern part of this State, leading through this county to

Georgetown. The route proposed is from Georgetown by Colonel Alexander's,

Elk-run Church, Norman's Ford, Stevensburg, the Racoon Ford, the Marquis's

Road, Martin Key's Ford on the Rivanna, the mouth of Slate River, the high

bridge on Appomattox, Prince Edward Courthouse, Charlotte Courthouse,

Cole's ferry on Stanton, Dix's ferry on Dan, Guilford Courthouse,

Salisbury, Crosswell's ferry on Saluda, Ninety-six, Augusta. It is

believed this road will shorten the distance along the continent one

hundred miles. It will be to open anew only from Georgetown to Prince

Edward Courthouse. An actual survey has been made from Stevensburg to

Georgetown, by which that much of the road will be shortened twenty miles,

and be all a dead level. The difficulty is to get it first through Fairfax

and Prince William. The counties after that will very readily carry it on.

We consider it as opening to us a direct road to the market of the federal

city, for all the beef and mutton we could raise, for which we have no

market at present. I am in possession of the survey, and had thought of

getting the Bridge company at Georgetown to undertake to get the road

carried through Fairfax and Prince William, either by those counties or

by themselves. But I have some apprehension that by pointing our road to

the bridge, it might get out of the level country, and be carried over the

hills, which will be but a little above it. This would be inadmissible.

Perhaps you could suggest some means of our getting over the obstacle

of those two counties. I shall be very happy to concur in any measure

which can effect all our purposes. I am with esteem, dear Sir, your most

obedient servant.

TO MANN PAGE, ESQ.

PHILADELPHIA, January 2, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I do not know whether you have seen some very furious abuse of

me in the Baltimore papers by a Mr. Luther Martin, on account of Logan's

speech, published in the "Notes on Virginia." He supposes both the speech

and story made by me to support an argument against Buffon. I mean not to

enter into a newspaper contest with Mr. Martin; but I wish to collect, as

well as the lapse of time will permit, the evidence on which we received

that story. It was brought to us I remember by Lord Dunmore and his

officers on the return from the expedition of 1776. I am sure it was from

them I got it. As you were very much in the same circle of society in

Williamsburg with myself, I am in hopes your memory will be able to help

out mine, and recall some facts which have escaped me. I ask it as a great

favor of you to endeavor to recollect, and to communicate to me all the

circumstances you possibly can relative to this matter, particularly the

authority on which we received it, and the names of any persons who you

think can give me information. I mean to fix the fact with all possible

care and truth, and either to establish or correct the former statement in

an appendix to the "Notes on Virginia," or in the first republication of

the work.

Congress have done nothing interesting except postponing the Stamp Act.

An act continuing the currency of the foreign coins three years longer has

passed the Representatives, but was lost in the Senate. We have hopes that

our envoys will be received decently at Paris, and some compromise agreed

on. There seems to be little appearance of peace in Europe. Those among

us who were so timid when they apprehended war with England, are now bold

in propositions to arm. I do not think however that the Representatives

will change the policy pursued by them at their summer session. The land

tax will not be brought forward this year. Congress of course have no real

business to be employed on. We may expect in a month or six weeks to hear

so far from our commissioners at Paris as to judge what will be the aspect

of our situation with France. If peaceable, as we hope, I know of nothing

which should keep us together. In my late journey to this place, I came

through Culpeper and Prince William to Georgetown. When I return, it will

be through the eastern shore (a country I have never seen), by Norfolk and

Petersburg; so that I shall fail then also of the pleasure of seeing you.

Present respectful compliments to Mrs. Page, and accept assurances of the

sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, January 3, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 25th came to hand yesterday. I shall observe

your directions with respect to the post day. I have spoken with the

Deputy Post Master General on the subject of our Fredericksburg post. He

never knew before that the Fredericksburg printer had taken the contract

of the rider. He will be glad, if either in your neighborhood or ours,

some good person will undertake to ride from April next. The price given

this year is three hundred and thirty dollars, and it will go to the

lowest bidder who can be depended on. I understand (though not from him)

that Wyatt will be changed; and in general they determine that printers

shall not be postmasters or riders.

Our weather has been here, as with you, cold and dry. The thermometer has

been at eight degrees. The river closed here the first week of December,

which has caught a vast number of vessels destined for departure. It

deadens also the demand for wheat. The price at New York is one dollar

seventy-five cents, and of flour eight dollars fifty cents to nine

dollars; tobacco eleven to twelve dollars; there need be no doubt of

greater prices. The bankruptcies here continue: the prison is full of the

most reputable merchants, and it is understood that the scene has not yet

got to its height. Prices have fallen greatly. The market is cheaper than

it has been for four years. Labor and house rent much reduced. Dry goods

somewhat. It is expected that they will fall till they get nearly to old

prices. Money scarce beyond all example.

The Representatives have rejected the President's proposition for enabling

him to prorogue them. A law has passed putting off the stamp act till July

next. The land tax will not be brought on. The Secretary of the Treasury

says he has money enough. No doubt these two measures may be taken up more

boldly at the next session, when most of the elections will be over. It

is imagined the stamp act will be extended or attempted on every possible

object. A bill has passed the Representatives to suspend for three years

the law arresting the currency of foreign coins. The Senate propose an

amendment, continuing the currency of the foreign gold only. Very possibly

the bill may be lost. The object of opposing the bill is to make the

French crowns a subject of speculation (for it seems they fell on the

President's proclamation to a dollar in most of the States), and to force

bank paper (for want of other medium) through all the States generally.

Tench Coxe is displaced, and no reason ever spoken of. It is therefore

understood to be for his activity during the late election. It is said,

that the people from hence quite to the eastern extremity are beginning

to be sensible that their government has been playing a foul game. In

Vermont, Chipman was elected Senator by a majority of one, against the

republican candidate. In Maryland, Lloyd by a majority of one, against

Winder the republican candidate. Tichenor chosen Governor of Vermont by a

very small majority. The House of Representatives of this State has become

republican by a firm majority of six. Two counties, it is said, have come

over generally to the republican side. It is thought the republicans have

also a majority in the New York House of Representatives. Hard elections

are expected there between Jay and Livingston, and here between Ross

and M'Kean. In the House of Representatives of Congress, the republican

interest has at present, on strong questions, a majority of about half

a dozen, as is conjectured, and there are as many of their firmest men

absent; not one of the anti-republicans is from his post. The bill for

permitting private vessels to arm, was put off to the first Monday in

February by a sudden vote, and a majority of five. It was considered as an

index of their dispositions on that subject, though some voted both ways

on other ground. It is most evident, that the anti-republicans wish to

get rid of Blount's impeachment. Many metaphysical niceties are handing

about in conversation, to show that it cannot be sustained. To show the

contrary, it is evident must be the task of the republicans, or of nobody.

Monroe's book is considered as masterly by all those who are not opposed

in principle, and it is deemed unanswerable. An answer, however, is

commenced in Fenno's paper of yesterday, under the signature of Scipio.

The real author not yet conjectured. As I take these papers merely to

preserve them, I will forward them to you, as you can easily return them

to me on my arrival at home; for I shall not see you on my way, as I

mean to go by the Eastern Shore and Petersburg. Perhaps the paragraphs in

some of these abominable papers may draw from you now and then a squib. A

pamphlet of Fauchet's appeared yesterday. I send you a copy under another

cover. A handbill has just arrived here from New York, where they learn

from a vessel which left Havre about the 9th of November, that the Emperor

had signed the definitive articles, given up Mantua, evacuated Mentz,

agreed to give passage to the French troops to Hanover, and that the

Portuguese ambassador had been ordered to quit Paris, on account of the

seizure of fort St. Julian's by the English, supposed with the connivance

of Portugal. Though this is ordinary mercantile news, it looks like truth.

The latest official intelligence from Paris, is from Talleyrand to the

French consul here, (Lastombe,) dated September the 28th, saying that our

Envoys were arrived, and would find every disposition on the part of his

government to accommodate with us.

My affectionate respects to Mrs. Madison; to yourself, health and

friendship. Adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, January 25, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 2d instant, on which day I received

yours of December 25th. I have not resumed my pen, because there has

really been nothing worth writing about, but what you would see in the

newspapers. There is, as yet, no certainty what will be the aspect of our

affairs with France. Either the Envoys have not written to the government,

or their communications are hushed up. This last is suspected, because

so many arrivals have happened from Bordeaux and Havre. The letters

from American correspondents in France have been always to Boston; and

the experience we had last summer of their adroitness in counterfeiting

this kind of intelligence, inspires doubts as to their late paragraphs.

A letter is certainly received here by an individual from Talleyrand,

which says our Envoys have been heard, that their pretensions are high,

that possibly no arrangement may take place, but that there will be no

declaration of war by France. It is said that Bournonville has written

that he has hopes of an accommodation (three audiences having then,

November, been had), and to be himself a member of a new diplomatic

mission to this country. On the whole, I am entirely suspended as to what

is to be expected. The Representatives have been several days in debate on

the bill for foreign intercourse. A motion has been made to reduce it to

what it was before the extension of 1796. The debate will probably have

good effects, in several ways, on the public mind, but the advocates for

the reformation expect to lose the question. They find themselves deceived

in the expectation entertained in the beginning of the session, that they

had a majority. They now think the majority is on the other side by two

or three, and there are moreover two or three of them absent. Blount's

affair is to come on next. In the mean time the Senate have before them

a bill for regulating proceedings in impeachment. This will be made the

occasion of offering a clause for the introduction of juries into these

trials. (Compare the paragraph in the Constitution which says, that all

crimes, _except in cases of impeachment_, shall be by jury, with the

eighth amendment, which says, that in _all_ criminal prosecutions the

trial shall be by jury.) There is no expectation of carrying this; because

the division in the Senate is of two to one, but it will draw forth the

principles of the parties, and concur in accumulating proofs on which side

all the sound principles are to be found.

Very acrimonious altercations are going on between the Spanish minister

and the executive, and at the Natchez something worse than mere

altercation. If hostilities have not begun there, it has not been for want

of endeavors to bring them on by our agents. Marshall, of Kentucky, this

day proposed in Senate some amendments to the Constitution. They were

barely read just as we were adjourning, and not a word of explanation

given. As far as I caught them in my ear, they went only to modifications

of the elections of President and Vice President, by authorizing voters

to add the office for which they name each, and giving to the Senate the

decision of a disputed election of President, and to the Representatives

that of Vice President. But I am apprehensive I caught the thing

imperfectly, and probably incorrectly. Perhaps this occasion may be

taken of proposing again the Virginia amendments, as also to condemn

elections by the legislatures, themselves to transfer the power of trying

impeachments from the Senate to some better constituted court, &c., &c.

Good tobacco here is thirteen dollars, flour eight dollars and fifty

cents, wheat one dollar and fifty cents, but dull, because only the

millers buy. The river, however, is nearly open, and the merchants will

now come to market and give a spur to the price. But the competition will

not be what it has been. Bankruptcies thicken, and the height of them has

by no means yet come on. It is thought this winter will be very trying.

Friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison. Adieu affectionately.

January 28. I enclose Marshall's propositions. They have been this day

postponed to the 1st of June, chiefly by the vote of the anti-republicans,

under the acknowledged fear that other amendments would be also proposed,

and that this is not the time for agitating the public mind.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, February 8, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 25th ultimo; since which yours of the

21st has been received. Bache had put five hundred copies of Monroe's

book on board a vessel, which was stopped by the early and unexpected

freezing of the river. He tried in vain to get them carried by fifties

at a time, by the stage. The river is now open here, the vessels are

falling down, and if they can get through the ice below, the one with

Bache's packet will soon be at Richmond. It is surmised here that Scipio

is written by C. Lee. Articles of impeachment were yesterday given in

against Blount. But many great preliminary questions will arise. Must

not a _formal law_ settle the oath of the Senators, form of pleadings,

process against person or goods, &c.? May he not appear by attorney? Must

he not be tried by a jury? Is a Senator impeachable? Is an ex-Senator

impeachable? You will readily conceive that these questions, to be settled

by twenty-nine lawyers, are not likely to come to speedy issue. A very

disagreeable question of privilege has suspended all other proceedings for

some days. You will see this in the newspapers. The question of arming

vessels came on, on Monday last; that morning, the President sent in an

inflammatory message about a vessel taken and burnt by a French privateer,

near Charleston. Of this he had been possessed some time, and it had

been through all the newspapers. It seemed to come in now _apropos_ for

spurring on the disposition to arm. However, the question has not come on.

In the meantime, the general spirit, even of the merchants, is becoming

adverse to it. In New Hampshire and Rhode Island they are unanimously

against arming; so in Baltimore. This place is becoming more so. Boston

divided and desponding. I know nothing of New York; but I think there is

no danger of the question being carried, unless something favorable to

it is received from our Envoys. From them we hear nothing. Yet it seems

reasonably believed that the executive has heard, and that it is something

which would not promote their views of arming. For every action of theirs

shows they are panting to come to blows. Giles has arrived.

My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison. Adieu affectionately.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, February 15, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 8th. We have still not a word from

our Envoys. This long silence (if they have been silent) proves things

are not going on very roughly. If they have not been silent, it proves

their information, if made public, would check the disposition to arm. I

had flattered myself, from the progress of the public sentiment against

arming, that the same progress had taken place in the Legislature. But

I am assured by those who have better opportunities of forming a good

judgment, that if the question against arming is carried at all, it will

not be by more than a majority of two; and particularly, that there will

not be more than four votes against it from the five eastern States, or

five votes at the utmost. You will have perceived that Dayton has gone

over completely. He expects to be appointed Secretary of War, in the room

of M'Henry, who, it is said, will retire. He has been told, as report

goes, that they would not have confidence enough in him to appoint him.

The desire of inspiring them with more, seems the only way to account

for the eclat which he chooses to give to his conversion. You will have

seen the disgusting proceedings in the case of Lyon: if they would have

accepted even of a commitment to the serjeant, it might have been had.

But to get rid of his vote was the most material object. These proceedings

must degrade the General Government, and lead the people to lean more on

their State governments, which have been sunk under the early popularity

of the former. This day, the question of the jury in cases of impeachment

comes on. There is no doubt how it will go. The general division of the

Senate is twenty-two and ten; and under the probable prospect of what it

will forever be, I see nothing in the mode of proceeding by impeachment

but the most formidable weapon for the purposes of dominant faction that

ever was contrived. It would be the most effectual one of getting rid of

any man whom they consider as dangerous to their views, and I do not know

that we could count on one-third in an emergency. All depends then on the

House of Representatives, who are the impeachers; and there the majorities

are of one, two, or three only; and these sometimes one way and sometimes

another: in a question of pure party they have the majority, and we do not

know what circumstances may turn up to increase that majority temporarily,

if not permanently. I know of no solid purpose of punishment which the

courts of law are not equal to, and history shows, that in England,

impeachment has been an engine more of passion than justice. A great ball

is to be given here on the 22d, and in other great towns of the Union.

This is, at least, very indelicate, and probably excites uneasy sensations

in some. I see in it, however, this useful deduction, that the birth days

which have been kept, have been, not those of the President, but of the

General. I enclose with the newspapers, the two acts of parliament passed

on the subject of our commerce, which are interesting. The merchants here

say, that the effect of the countervailing tonnage on American vessels,

will throw them completely out of employ as soon as there is peace. The

eastern members say nothing but among themselves. But it is said that it

is working like gravel in their stomachs. Our only comfort is, that they

have brought it on themselves. My respectful salutation to Mrs. Madison;

and to yourself, friendship and adieu.

TO GENERAL GATES.

PHILADELPHIA, February 21, 1798.

DEAR GENERAL,--I received duly your welcome favor of the 15th, and

had an opportunity of immediately delivering the one it enclosed to

General Kosciusko. I see him often, and with great pleasure mixed with

commiseration. He is as pure a son of liberty as I have ever known, and

of that liberty which is to go to all, and not to the few or the rich

alone. We are here under great anxiety to hear from our Envoys. * * * * *

I agree with you, that some of our merchants have been milking the cow:

yet the great mass of them have become deranged; they are daily falling

down by bankruptcies, and on the whole, the condition of our commerce

far less firm and really prosperous, than it would have been by the

regular operations and steady advances which a state of peace would have

occasioned. Were a war to take place, and throw our agriculture into equal

convulsions with our commerce, our business would be done at both ends.

But this I hope will not be. The good news from the Natchez has cut off

the fear of a breach in that quarter, where a crisis was brought on which

has astonished every one. How this mighty duel is to end between Great

Britain and France, is a momentous question. The sea which divides them

makes it a game of chance; but it is narrow, and all the chances are not

on one side. Should they make peace, still our fate is problematical.

The countervailing acts of Great Britain, now laid before Congress,

threaten, in the opinion of merchants, the entire loss of our navigation

to England. It makes a difference, from the present state of things,

of five hundred guineas on a vessel of three hundred and fifty tons.

If, as the newspapers have told us, France has renewed her _Arret_ of

1789, laying a duty of seven livres a hundred on all tobacco brought in

foreign bottoms (even our own), and should extend it to rice and other

commodities, we are done, as navigators, to that country also. In fact, I

apprehend that those two great nations will think it their interest not to

permit us to be navigators. France had thought otherwise, and had shown

an equal desire to encourage our navigation as her own, while she hoped

its weight would at least not be thrown into the scale of her enemies.

She sees now that that is not to be relied on, and will probably use

her own means, and those of the nations under her influence, to exclude

us from the ocean. How far it may lessen our happiness to be rendered

merely agricultural, how far that state is more friendly to principles of

virtue and liberty, are questions yet to be solved. Kosciusko has been

disappointed by the sudden peace between France and Austria. A ray of

hope seemed to gleam on his mind for a moment, that the extension of the

revolutionary spirit through Italy and Germany, might so have occupied the

remnants of monarchy there, as that his country might have risen again. I

sincerely rejoice to find that you preserve your health so well. That you

may so go on to the end of the chapter, and that it may be a long one, I

sincerely pray. Make my friendly salutations acceptable to Mrs. Gates, and

accept yourself assurances of the great and constant esteem and respect

of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, February 22, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 12th is received. I wrote you last on the 15th,

but the letter getting misplaced, will only go by this post. We still

hear nothing from our Envoys. Whether the executive hear, we know not.

But if war were to be apprehended, it is impossible our Envoys should

not find means of putting us on our guard, or that the executive should

hold back their information. No news, therefore, is good news. The

countervailing act, which I sent you by the last post, will, confessedly,

put American bottoms out of employ in our trade with Great Britain. So

say well-informed merchants. Indeed, it seems probable, when we consider

that hitherto, with the advantage of our foreign tonnage, our vessels

could only share with the British, and the countervailing duties will,

it is said, make a difference of five hundred guineas to our prejudice

on a ship of three hundred and fifty tons. Still the eastern men say

nothing. Every appearance and consideration render it probable, that on

the restoration of peace, both France and Britain will consider it their

interest to exclude us from the ocean, by such peaceable means as are in

their power. Should this take place, perhaps it may be thought just and

politic to give to our _native capitalists_ the monopoly of our internal

commerce. This may at once relieve us from the dangers of wars abroad and

British thraldom at home. The news from the Natchez, of the delivery of

the posts, which you will see in the papers, is to be relied on. We have

escaped a dangerous crisis there. The great contest between Israel and

Morgan, of which you will see the papers full, is to be decided this day.

It is snowing fast at this time, and the most sloppy walking I ever saw.

This will be to the disadvantage of the party which has the most invalids.

Whether the event will be known this evening, I am uncertain. I rather

presume not, and therefore, that you will not learn it till next post.

You will see in the papers, the ground on which the introduction of the

jury into the trial by impeachment was advocated by Mr. Tazewell, and the

fate of the question. Reader's motion, which I enclosed you, will probably

be amended and established, so as to declare a Senator unimpeachable,

absolutely; and yesterday an opinion was declared, that not only officers

of the State governments, but every private citizen of the United States,

are impeachable. Whether they will think this the time to make the

declaration, I know not; but if they bring it on, I think there will be

not more than two votes north of the Potomac against the universality of

the impeaching power. The system of the Senate may be inferred from their

transactions heretofore, and from the following declaration made to me

personally by their oracle.[8] "No republic can ever be of any duration,

without a Senate, and a Senate deeply and strongly rooted, strong enough

to bear up against all popular storms and passions. The only fault in

the Constitution of our Senate is, that their term of office is not

durable enough. Hitherto they have done well, but probably they will be

forced to give way in time." I suppose their having done well hitherto,

alluded to the stand they made on the British treaty. This declaration

may be considered as their text; that they consider themselves as the

bulwarks of the government, and will be rendering that the more secure, in

proportion as they can assume greater powers. The foreign intercourse bill

is set for to-day; but the parties are so equal on that in the House of

Representatives, that they seem mutually to fear the encounter.

My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison and the family. To yourself,

friendly adieus.

FOOTNOTE:

[8] [Here, in the margin of the copy filed, is written by the

author, in pencil, "Mr. Adams."]

TO PEREGRINE FITZHUGH, ESQ.

PHILADELPHIA, February 23, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I have yet to acknowledge your last favor which I received at

Monticello, and therefore cannot now refer to the date. The perversion

of the expressions of a former letter to you which you mention to have

been made in the newspapers, I had not till then heard of. Yet the spirit

of it was not new. I have been for some time used as the property of the

newspapers, a fair mark for every man's dirt. Some, too, have indulged

themselves in this exercise who would not have done it, had they known me

otherwise than through these impure and injurious channels. It is hard

treatment, and for a singular kind of offence, that of having obtained

by the labors of a life the indulgent opinions of a part of one's fellow

citizens. However, these moral evils must be submitted to, like the

physical scourges of tempest, fire, &c. We are waiting with great anxiety

to hear from our envoys at Paris. But the very circumstance of silence

speaks, I think, plain enough. If there were danger of war we should

certainly hear from them. It is impossible, if that were the aspect of

their negotiations, that they should not find or make occasion of putting

us on our guard, and of warning us to prepare. I consider therefore their

silence as a proof of peace. Indeed I had before imagined that when France

had thrown down the gauntlet to England, and was pointing all her energies

to that object, her regard for the subsistence of her islands would

keep her from cutting off our resources from them. I hope, therefore,

we shall rub through the war, without engaging in it ourselves, and that

when in a state of peace our Legislature and executive will endeavor to

provide peaceable means of obliging foreign nations to be just to us,

and of making their injustice recoil on themselves. The advantages of

our commerce to them may be made the engine for this purpose, provided

we shall be willing to submit to occasional sacrifices, which will be

nothing in comparison with the calamities of war. Congress has nothing of

any importance before them, except the bill on foreign intercourse, and

the proposition to arm our merchant vessels. These will be soon decided,

and if we then get peaceable news from our envoys, I know of nothing which

ought to prevent our immediate separation. It had been expected that we

must have laid a land tax this session. However, it is thought we can get

along another year without it. Some very disagreeable differences have

taken place in Congress. They cannot fail to lessen the respect of the

public for the general government, and to replace their State governments

in a greater degree of comparative respectability. I do not think it for

the interest of the general government itself, and still less of the Union

at large, that the State governments should be so little respected as they

have been. However, I dare say that in time all these as well as their

central government, like the planets revolving round their common sun,

acting and acted upon according to their respective weights and distances,

will produce that beautiful equilibrium on which our Constitution is

founded, and which I believe it will exhibit to the world in a degree of

perfection, unexampled but in the planetary system itself. The enlightened

statesman, therefore, will endeavor to preserve the weight and influence

of every part, as too much given to any member of it would destroy the

general equilibrium. The ensuing month will probably be the most eventful

ever yet seen in modern Europe. It may probably be the season preferred

for the projected invasion of England. It is indeed a game of chances. The

sea which divides the combatants gives to fortune as well as to valor its

share of influence on the enterprise. But all the chances are not on one

side. The subjugation of England would be a general calamity. But happily

it is impossible. Should it end in her being only republicanized, I know

not on what principle a true republican of our country could lament it,

whether he considers it as extending the blessings of a purer government

to other portions of mankind, or strengthening the cause of liberty in our

own country by the influence of that example. I do not indeed wish to see

any nation have a form of government forced on them; but if it is to be

done, I should rejoice at its being a free one. Permit me to place here

the tribute of my regrets for the affecting loss lately sustained within

your wall, and to add that of the esteem and respect with which I am, dear

Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, March 2, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote to you last on the 22d ultimo; since which I have

received yours without date, but probably of April the 18th or 19th. An

arrival to the eastward brings us some news, which you will see detailed

in the papers. The new partition of Europe is sketched, but how far

authentic we know not. It has some probability in its favor. The French

appear busy in their preparations for the invasion of England; nor is

there any appearance of movements on the part of Russia and Prussia which

might divert them from it.

The late birth-night has certainly sown tares among the exclusive

federalists. It has winnowed the grain from the chaff. The sincerely

Adamites did not go. The Washingtonians went religiously, and took the

secession of the others in high dudgeon. The one sect threatens to desert

the levees, the other the parties. The whigs went in number, to encourage

the idea that the birth-nights hitherto kept had been for the General and

not the President, and of course that time would bring an end to them.

Goodhue, Tracy, Sedgewick, &c., did not attend; but the three Secretaries

and Attorney General did.

We were surprised, the last week, with a symptom of a disposition to

repeal the stamp act. Petitions for that purpose had come from Rhode

Island and Virginia, and had been committed to rest with the Ways and

Means. Mr. Harper, the chairman, in order to enter on the law for amending

it, observed it would be necessary first to put the petitions for repeal

out of the way, and moved an immediate decision on this. The Rhode

Islanders begged and prayed for a postponement; that not knowing that this

was the next question to be called up, they were not at all prepared;

but Harper would show no mercy; not a moment's delay would be allowed.

It was taken up, and, on question without debate, determined in favor of

the petitions by a majority of ten. Astonished and confounded, when an

order to bring in a bill for revisal was named, they began in turn to beg

for time; two weeks, one week, three days, one day; not a moment would

be yielded. They made three attempts for adjournment. But the majority

appeared to grow. It was decided, by a majority of sixteen, that the bill

should be brought in. It was brought in the next day, and on the day after

passed and was sent up to the Senate, who instantly sent it back rejected

by a vote of fifteen to twelve. Rhode Island and New Hampshire voted for

the repeal in Senate. The act will therefore go into operation July the

1st, but probably without amendments. However, I am persuaded it will

be short-lived. It has already excited great commotion in Vermont, and

grumblings in Connecticut. But they are so priest-ridden, that nothing is

expected from them, but the most bigoted passive obedience.

No news yet from our commissioners; but their silence is admitted to

augur peace. There is no talk yet of the time of adjourning, though it is

admitted we have nothing to do, but what could be done in a fortnight or

three weeks. When the spring opens, and we hear from our commissioners, we

shall probably draw pretty rapidly to a conclusion. A friend of mine here

wishes to get a copy of Mazzei's Recherches Historiques et Politiques.

Where are they? Salutations and adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, March 15, 1798.