The denunciation of the democratic societies is one of the extraordinary

acts of boldness of which we have seen so many from the faction of

monocrats. It is wonderful indeed, that the President should have

permitted himself to be the organ of such an attack on the freedom of

discussion, the freedom of writing, printing and publishing. It must

be a matter of rare curiosity to get at the modifications of these

rights proposed by them, and to see what line their ingenuity would draw

between democratical societies, whose avowed object is the nourishment

of the republican principles of our Constitution, and the society of

the Cincinnati, _a self-created_ one, carving out for itself hereditary

distinctions, lowering over our Constitution eternally, meeting together

in all parts of the Union, periodically, with closed doors, accumulating a

capital in their separate treasury, corresponding secretly and regularly,

and of which society the very persons denouncing the democrats are

themselves the fathers, founders and high officers. Their sight must be

perfectly dazzled by the glittering of crowns and coronets, not to see

the extravagance of the proposition to suppress the friends of general

freedom, while those who wish to confine that freedom to the few, are

permitted to go on in their principles and practices. I here put out

of sight the persons whose misbehavior has been taken advantage of to

slander the friends of popular rights; and I am happy to observe, that as

far as the circle of my observation and information extends, everybody

has lost sight of them, and views the abstract attempt on their natural

and constitutional rights in all its nakedness. I have never heard, or

heard of, a single expression or opinion which did not condemn it as an

inexcusable aggression. And with respect to the transactions against the

excise law, it appears to me that you are all swept away in the torrent

of governmental opinions, or that we do not know what these transactions

have been. We know of none which, according to the definitions of the

law, have been anything more than riotous. There was indeed a meeting to

consult about a separation. But to consult on a question does not amount

to a determination of that question in the affirmative, still less to

the acting on such a determination; but we shall see, I suppose, what the

court lawyers, and courtly judges, and would-be ambassadors will make of

it. The excise law is an infernal one. The first error was to admit it by

the Constitution; the second, to act on that admission; the third and last

will be, to make it the instrument of dismembering the Union, and setting

us all afloat to choose what part of it we will adhere to. The information

of our militia, returned from the westward, is uniform, that though the

people there let them pass quietly, they were objects of their laughter,

not of their fear; that one thousand men could have cut off their whole

force in a thousand places of the Alleghany; that their detestation of

the excise law is universal, and has now associated to it a detestation of

the government; and that a separation which perhaps was a very distant and

problematical event, is now near, and certain, and determined in the mind

of every man. I expected to have seen some justification of arming one

part of the society against another; of declaring a civil war the moment

before the meeting of that body which has the sole right of declaring war;

of being so patient of the kicks and scoffs of our enemies, and rising

at a feather against our friends; of adding a million to the public debt

and deriding us with recommendations to pay it if we can &c., &c. But

the part of the speech which was to be taken as a justification of the

armament, reminded me of parson Saunders' demonstration why _minus_ into

_minus_ make _plus_. After a parcel of shreds of stuff from Æsop's fables

and Tom Thumb, he jumps all at once into his _ergo_, _minus_ multiplied

into _minus_ make _plus_. Just so the fifteen thousand men enter after the

fables, in the speech.

However, the time is coming when we shall fetch up the lee-way of our

vessel. The changes in your House, I see, are going on for the better,

and even the Augean herd over your heads are slowly purging off their

impurities. Hold on then, my dear friend, that we may not shipwreck in

the meanwhile. I do not see, in the minds of those with whom I converse,

a greater affliction than the fear of your retirement; but this must

not be, unless to a more splendid and a more efficacious post. There I

should rejoice to see you; I hope I may say, I shall rejoice to see you.

I have long had much in my mind to say to you on that subject. But double

delicacies have kept me silent. I ought perhaps to say, while I would

not give up my own retirement for the empire of the universe, how I can

justify wishing one whose happiness I have so much at heart as yours, to

take the front of the battle which is fighting for my security. This would

be easy enough to be done, but not at the heel of a lengthy epistle.

* * * * *

Present me respectfully to Mrs. Madison, and pray her to keep you where

you are for her own satisfaction and the public good, and accept the

cordial affections of us all. Adieu.

TO M. D'IVERNOIS.

MONTICELLO, February 6, 1795.

DEAR SIR,--Your several favors on the affairs of Geneva found me here,

in the month of December last. It is now more than a year that I have

withdrawn myself from public affairs, which I never liked in my life,

but was drawn into by emergencies which threatened our country with

slavery, but ended in establishing it free. I have returned, with infinite

appetite, to the enjoyment of my farm, my family and my books, and had

determined to meddle in nothing beyond their limits. Your proposition,

however, for transplanting the college of Geneva to my own county, was too

analogous to all my attachments to science, and freedom, the first-born

daughter of science, not to excite a lively interest in my mind, and the

essays which were necessary to try its practicability. This depended

altogether on the opinions and dispositions of our State legislature,

which was then in session. I immediately communicated your papers to a

member of the legislature, whose abilities and zeal pointed him out as

proper for it, urging him to sound as many of the leading members of the

legislature as he could, and if he found their opinions favorable, to

bring forward the proposition; but if he should find it desperate, not

to hazard it; because I thought it best not to commit the honor either

of our State or of your college, by an useless act of eclat. It was not

till within these three days that I have had an interview with him, and an

account of his proceedings. He communicated the papers to a great number

of the members, and discussed them maturely, but privately, with them.

They were generally well-disposed to the proposition, and some of them

warmly; however, there was no difference of opinion in the conclusion,

that it could not be effected. The reasons which they thought would with

certainty prevail against it, were 1, that our youth, not familiarized

but with their mother tongue, were not prepared to receive instructions in

any other; 2, that the expense of the institution would excite uneasiness

in their constituents, and endanger its permanence; and 3, that its

extent was disproportioned to the narrow state of the population with us.

Whatever might be urged on these several subjects, yet as the decision

rested with others, there remained to us only to regret that circumstances

were such, or were thought to be such, as to disappoint your and our

wishes.

I should have seen with peculiar satisfaction the establishment of such a

mass of science in my country, and should probably have been tempted to

approach myself to it, by procuring a residence in its neighborhood, at

those seasons of the year at least when the operations of agriculture are

less active and interesting. I sincerely lament the circumstances which

have suggested this emigration. I had hoped that Geneva was familiarized

to such a degree of liberty, that they might without difficulty or

danger fill up the measure to its _maximum_; a term, which, though in

the insulated man, bounded only by his natural powers, must, in society,

be so far restricted as to protect himself against the evil passions of

his associates, and consequently, them against him. I suspect that the

doctrine, that small States alone are fitted to be republics, will be

exploded by experience, with some other brilliant fallacies accredited by

Montesquieu and other political writers. Perhaps it will be found, that

to obtain a just republic (and it is to secure our just rights that we

resort to government at all) it must be so extensive as that local egoisms

may never reach its greater part; that on every particular question, a

majority may be found in its councils free from particular interests, and

giving, therefore, an uniform prevalence to the principles of justice. The

smaller the societies, the more violent and more convulsive their schisms.

We have chanced to live in an age which will probably be distinguished

in history, for its experiments in government on a larger scale than has

yet taken place. But we shall not live to see the result. The grosser

absurdities, such as hereditary magistracies, we shall see exploded in our

day, long experience having already pronounced condemnation against them.

But what is to be the substitute? This our children or grand children

will answer. We may be satisfied with the certain knowledge that none can

ever be tried, so stupid, so unrighteous, so oppressive, so destructive of

every end for which honest men enter into government, as that which their

forefathers had established, and their fathers alone venture to tumble

headlong from the stations they have so long abused. It is unfortunate,

that the efforts of mankind to recover the freedom of which they have been

so long deprived, will be accompanied with violence, with errors, and even

with crimes. But while we weep over the means, we must pray for the end.

But I have been insensibly led by the general complexion of the times,

from the particular case of Geneva, to those to which it bears no

similitude. Of that we hope good things. Its inhabitants must be too

much enlightened, too well experienced in the blessings of freedom and

undisturbed industry, to tolerate long a contrary state of things. I

should be happy to hear that their government perfects itself, and leaves

room for the honest, the industrious and wise; in which case, your own

talents, and those of the persons for whom you have interested yourself,

will, I am sure, find welcome and distinction. My good wishes will always

attend you, as a consequence of the esteem and regard with which I am,

Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, April 27, 1795.

DEAR SIR,--Your letter of March the 23d came to hand the 7th of April,

and notwithstanding the urgent reasons for answering a part of it

immediately, yet as it mentioned that you would leave Philadelphia within

a few days, I feared that the answer might pass you on the road. A letter

from Philadelphia by the last post having announced to me your leaving

that place the day preceding its date, I am in hopes this will find you

in Orange. In mine, to which yours of March the 23d was an answer, I

expressed my hope of the only change of position I ever wished to see

you make, and I expressed it with entire sincerity, because there is

not another person in the United States, who being placed at the helm

of our affairs, my mind would be so completely at rest for the fortune

of our political bark. The wish too was pure, and unmixed with anything

respecting myself personally.

For as to myself, the subject had been thoroughly weighed and decided

on, and my retirement from office had been meant from all office high

or low, without exception. I can say, too, with truth, that the subject

had not been presented to my mind by any vanity of my own. I know myself

and my fellow citizens too well to have ever thought of it. But the idea

was forced upon me by continual insinuations in the public papers, while

I was in office. As all these came from a hostile quarter, I knew that

their object was to poison the public mind as to my motives, when they

were not able to charge me with facts. But the idea being once presented

to me, my own quiet required that I should face it and examine it. I

did so thoroughly, and had no difficulty to see that every reason which

had determined me to retire from the office I then held, operated more

strongly against that which was insinuated to be my object. I decided

then on those general grounds which could alone be present to my mind

at the time, that is to say, reputation, tranquillity, labor; for as

to public duty, it could not be a topic of consideration in my case. If

these general considerations were sufficient to ground a firm resolution

never to permit myself to think of the office, or to be thought of for

it, the special ones which have supervened on my retirement, still more

insuperably bar the door to it. My health is entirely broken down within

the last eight months; my age requires that I should place my affairs in a

clear state; these are sound if taken care of, but capable of considerable

dangers if longer neglected; and above all things, the delights I feel in

the society of my family, and in the agricultural pursuits in which I am

so eagerly engaged. The little spice of ambition which I had in my younger

days has long since evaporated, and I set still less store by a posthumous

than present name. In stating to you the heads of reasons which have

produced my determination, I do not mean an opening for future discussion,

or that I may be reasoned out of it. The question is forever closed with

me; my sole object is to avail myself of the first opening ever given

me from a friendly quarter (and I could not with decency do it before),

of preventing any division or loss of votes, which might be fatal to the

republican interest. If that has any chance of prevailing, it must be by

avoiding the loss of a single vote, and by concentrating all its strength

on one object. Who this should be, is a question I can more freely discuss

with anybody than yourself. In this I painfully feel the loss of Monroe.

Had he been here, I should have been at no loss for a channel through

which to make myself understood; if I have been misunderstood by anybody

through the instrumentality of Mr. Fenno and his abettors. I long to see

you. I am proceeding in my agricultural plans with a slow but sure step.

To get under full way will require four or five years. But patience and

perseverance will accomplish it. My little essay in red clover, the last

year, has had the most encouraging success. I sowed then about forty

acres. I have sowed this year about one hundred and twenty, which the

rain now falling comes very opportunely on. From one hundred and sixty

to two hundred acres, will be my yearly sowing. The seed-box described in

the agricultural transactions of New York, reduces the expense of seeding

from six shillings to two shillings and three pence the acre, and does

the business better than is possible to be done by the human hand. May we

hope a visit from you? If we may, let it be after the middle of May, by

which time I hope to be returned from Bedford. I have had a proposition to

meet Mr. Henry there this month, to confer on the subject of a convention,

to the calling of which he is now become a convert. The session of

our district court furnished me a just excuse for the time; but the

impropriety of my entering into consultation on a measure in which I would

take no part, is a permanent one.

Present my most respectful compliments to Mrs. Madison, and be assured of

the warm attachment of, Dear Sir, yours affectionately.

TO WILLIAM B. GILES.

MONTICELLO, April 27, 1795.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 16th came to hand by the last post. I

sincerely congratulate you on the great prosperities of our two first

allies, the French and Dutch. If I could but see them now at peace

with the rest of their continent, I should have little doubt of dining

with Pichegru in London, next autumn; for I believe I should be tempted

to leave my clover for awhile, to go and hail the dawn of liberty and

republicanism in that island. I shall be rendered very happy by the visit

you promise me. The only thing wanting to make me completely so, is the

more frequent society of my friends. It is the more wanting, as I am

become more firmly fixed to the globe. If you visit me as a farmer, it

must be as a condisciple: for I am but a learner; an eager one indeed, but

yet desperate, being too old now to learn a new art. However, I am as much

delighted and occupied with it, as if I was the greatest adept. I shall

talk with you about it from morning till night, and put you on very short

allowance as to political aliment. Now and then a pious ejaculation for

the French and Dutch republicans, returning with due despatch to clover,

potatoes, wheat, &c. That I may not lose the pleasure promised me, let it

not be till the middle of May, by which time I shall be returned from a

trip I meditated to Bedford. Yours affectionately.

TO MANN PAGE.

MONTICELLO, August 30, 1795.

It was not in my power to attend at Fredericksburg according to the kind

invitation in your letter, and in that of Mr. Ogilvie. The heat of the

weather, the business of the farm, to which I have made myself necessary,

forbade it; and to give one round reason for all, _mature sanus_, I have

laid up my Rosinante in his stall, before his unfitness for the road shall

expose him faultering to the world. But why did not I answer you in time?

Because, in truth, I am encouraging myself to grow lazy, and I was sure

you would ascribe the delay to anything sooner than a want of affection

or respect to you, for this was not among the possible causes. In truth,

if anything could ever induce me to sleep another night out of my own

house, it would have been your friendly invitation and my solicitude for

the subject of it, the education of our youth. I do most anxiously wish

to see the highest degrees of education given to the higher degrees of

genius, and to all degrees of it, so much as may enable them to read and

understand what is going on in the world, and to keep their part of it

going on right: for nothing can keep it right but their own vigilant and

distrustful superintendence. I do not believe with the Rochefoucaults

and Montaignes, that fourteen out of fifteen men are rogues: I believe

a great abatement from that proportion may be made in favor of general

honesty. But I have always found that rogues would be uppermost, and I

do not know that the proportion is too strong for the higher orders, and

for those who, rising above the swinish multitude, always contrive to

nestle themselves into the places of power and profit. These rogues set

out with stealing the people's good opinion, and then steal from them the

right of withdrawing it, by contriving laws and associations against the

power of the people themselves. Our part of the country is in considerable

fermentation, on what they suspect to be a recent roguery of this kind.

They say that while all hands were below deck mending sails, splicing

ropes, and every one at his own business, and the captain in his cabin

attending to his log book and chart, a rogue of a pilot has run them

into an enemy's port. But metaphor apart, there is much dissatisfaction

with Mr. Jay and his treaty. For my part, I consider myself now but as a

passenger, leaving the world and its government to those who are likely

to live longer in it. That you may be among the longest of these, is

my sincere prayer. After begging you to be the bearer of my compliments

and apologies to Mr. Ogilvie, I bid you an affectionate farewell, always

wishing to hear from you.

TO H. TAZEWELL, ESQ.

MONTICELLO, September 13, 1795.

DEAR SIR,--I ought much sooner to have acknowledged your obliging

attention in sending me a copy of the treaty. It was the first we received

in this part of the country. Though I have interdicted myself all serious

attention to political matters, yet a very slight notice of that in

question sufficed to decide my mind against it. I am not satisfied we

should not be better without treaties with any nation. But I am satisfied

we should be better without such as this. The public dissatisfaction

too and dissension it is likely to produce, are serious evils. I am

not without hope that the operations on the 12th article may render a

recurrence to the Senate yet necessary, and so give to the majority an

opportunity of correcting the error into which their exclusion of public

light has led them. I hope also that the recent results of the English

will at length awaken in our Executive that sense of public honor and

spirit, which they have not lost sight of in their proceedings with other

nations, and will establish the eternal truth that acquiescence under

insult is not the way to escape war. I am with great esteem, Dear Sir,

your most obedient humble servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, September 21, 1795.

I received about three weeks ago, a box containing six dozen volumes, of

two hundred and eighty-three pages, 12 mo, with a letter from Lambert,

Beckley's clerk, that they came from Mr. Beckley, and were to be divided

between yourself, J. Walker, and myself. I have sent two dozen to J.

Walker, and shall be glad of a conveyance for yours. In the meantime,

I send you by post, the title page, table of contents, and one of the

pieces, Curtius, lest it should not have come to you otherwise. It is

evidently written by Hamilton, giving a first and general view of the

subject, that the public mind might be kept a little in check, till he

could resume the subject more at large from the beginning, under his

second signature of Camillus. The piece called "The Features of the

Treaty," I do not send, because you have seen it in the newspapers. It

is said to be written by Coxe, but I should rather suspect, by Beckley.

The antidote is certainly not strong enough for the poison of Curtius.

If I had not been informed the present came from Beckley, I should

have suspected it from Jay or Hamilton. I gave a copy or two, by way of

experiment, to honest, sound-hearted men of common understanding, and they

were not able to parry the sophistry of Curtius. I have ceased therefore,

to give them. Hamilton is really a colossus to the anti-republican party.

Without numbers, he is an host within himself. They have got themselves

into a defile, where they might be finished; but too much security on the

republican part will give time to his talents and indefatigableness to

extricate them. We have had only middling performances to oppose to him.

In truth, when he comes forward, there is nobody but yourself who can

meet him. His adversaries having begun the attack, he has the advantage

of answering them, and remains unanswered himself. A solid reply might

yet completely demolish what was too feebly attacked, and has gathered

strength from the weakness of the attack. The merchants were certainly

(except those of them who are English) as open mouthed at first against

the treaty, as any. But the general expression of indignation has alarmed

them for the strength of the government. They have feared the shock would

be too great, and have chosen to tack about and support both treaty and

government, rather than risk the government. Thus it is, that Hamilton,

Jay, &c., in the boldest act they ever ventured on to undermine the

government, have the address to screen themselves, and direct the hue and

cry against those who wish to drag them into light. A bolder party-stroke

was never struck. For it certainly is an attempt of a party, who find

they have lost their majority in one branch of the Legislature, to make a

law by the aid of the other branch and of the executive, under color of

a treaty, which shall bind up the hands of the adverse branch from ever

restraining the commerce of their patron-nation. There appears a pause

at present in the public sentiment, which may be followed by a revulsion.

This is the effect of the desertion of the merchants, of the President's

chiding answer to Boston and Richmond, of the writings of Curtius and

Camillus, and of the quietism into which people naturally fall after

first sensations are over. For God's sake take up your pen, and give a

fundamental reply to Curtius and Camillus. Adieu affectionately.

TO MONSIEUR ODIT.

MONTICELLO, October 14, 1795.

SIR,--I received with pleasure your letter of the 9th ult., by post, but

should with greater pleasure have received it from your own hand, that

I might have had an opportunity of testifying to you in person the great

respect I bear for your character, which had come to us before you, and

of expressing my obligations to Professor Pictet, for procuring me the

honor of your acquaintance. It would have been a circumstance of still

higher satisfaction and advantage to me, if fortune had timed the periods

of our service together, so that the drudgery of public business, which

I always hated, might have been relieved by conversations with you on

subjects which I always loved, and particularly in learning from you the

new advances of science on the other side the Atlantic. The interests of

our two republics also could not but have been promoted by the harmony

of their servants. Two people whose interests, whose principles, whose

habits of attachment, founded on fellowship in war and mutual kindnesses,

have so many points of union, cannot but be easily kept together. I hope

you have accordingly been sensible, Sir, of the general interest which

my countrymen take in all the successes of your republic. In this no one

joins with more enthusiasm than myself, an enthusiasm kindled by our love

of liberty, by my gratitude to your nation who helped us to acquire it,

by my wishes to see it extended to all men, and first to those whom we

love most. I am now a private man, free to express my feelings, and their

expression will be estimated at neither more or less than they weigh,

to wit, the expressions of a private man. Your struggles for liberty

keep alive the only sparks of sensation which public affairs now excite

in me. As to the concerns of my own country, I leave them willingly and

safely to those who will have a longer interest in cherishing them. My

books, my family, my friends, and my farm, furnish more than enough to

occupy me the remainder of my life, and of that tranquil occupation most

analogous to my physical and moral constitution. The correspondence you

are pleased to invite me to on the natural history of my country, cannot

but be profitable and acceptable to me. My long absence from it, indeed,

has deprived me of the means of throwing any new lights on it; but I shall

have the benefit of participating of your views of it, and occasions of

expressing to you those sentiments of esteem and respect with which I have

the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE.

MONTICELLO, November 30, 1795.

MY DEAR SIR,--I received your favor of October the 12th by your son,

who has been kind enough to visit me here, and from whose visit I have

received all that pleasure which I do from whatever comes from you, and

especially from a subject so deservedly dear to you. He found me in a

retirement I doat on, living like an antediluvian patriarch among my

children and grand children, and tilling my soil. As he had lately come

from Philadelphia, Boston, &c., he was able to give me a great deal of

information of what is passing in the world, and I pestered him with

questions pretty much as our friends Lynch, Nelson, &c., will us, when we

step across the Styx, for they will wish to know what has been passing

above ground since they left us. You hope I have not abandoned entirely

the service of our country. After five and twenty years' continual

employment in it, I trust it will be thought I have fulfilled my tour,

like a punctual soldier, and may claim my discharge. But I am glad of the

sentiment from you, my friend, because it gives a hope you will practice

what you preach, and come forward in aid of the public vessel. I will not

admit your old excuse, that you are in public service though at home. The

campaigns which are fought in a man's own house are not to be counted.

The present situation of the President, unable to get the offices filled,

really calls with uncommon obligation on those whom nature has fitted for

them. I join with you in thinking the treaty an execrable thing. But both

negotiators must have understood, that, as there were articles in it which

could not be carried into execution without the aid of the Legislatures

on both sides, therefore it must be referred to them, and that these

Legislatures being free agents, would not give it their support if they

disapproved of it. I trust the popular branch of our Legislature will

disapprove of it, and thus rid us of this infamous act, which is really

nothing more than a treaty of alliance between England and the Anglomen of

this country, against the Legislature and people of the United States. I

am, my dear friend, yours affectionately.

TO WILLIAM B. GILES.

MONTICELLO, December 31, 1795.

DEAR SIR,--Your favors of December the 15th and 20th came to hand by the

last post. I am well pleased with the manner in which your House have

testified their sense of the treaty; while their refusal to pass the

original clause of the reported answer proved their condemnation of it,

the contrivance to let it disappear silently respected appearances in

favor of the President, who errs as other men do, but errs with integrity.

Randolph seems to have hit upon the true theory of our Constitution; that

when a treaty is made, involving matters confided by the Constitution to

the three branches of the Legislature conjointly, the Representatives

are as free as the President and Senate were, to consider whether the

national interest requires or forbids their giving the forms and force of

law to the articles over which they have a power. I thank you much for the

pamphlet. His narrative is so straight and plain, that even those who did

not know him will acquit him of the charge of bribery. Those who knew him

had done it from the first. Though he mistakes his own political character

in the aggregate, yet he gives it to you in the detail. Thus, he supposes

himself a man of no party (page 57); that his opinions not containing any

systematic adherence to party, fell sometimes on one side and sometimes

on the other (page 58). Yet he gives you these facts, which show that they

fall generally on both sides, and are complete inconsistencies.

1. He never gave an opinion in the cabinet against the rights of the

people (page 97); yet he advised the denunciation of the popular societies

(page 67).

2. He would not neglect the overtures of a commercial treaty with France

(page 79); yet he always opposed it while Attorney General, and never

seems to have proposed it while Secretary of State.

3. He concurs in resorting to the militia to quell the pretended

insurrections in the west (page 81), and proposes an augmentation from

twelve thousand five hundred to fifteen thousand, to march against men

at their ploughs (page 80); yet on the 5th of August he is against their

marching (pages 83, 101), and on the 25th of August he is for it (page

84).

4. He concurs in the measure of a mission extraordinary to London (as is

inferred from page 58), but objects to the men, to wit, Hamilton and Jay

(page 50).

5. He was against granting commercial powers to Mr. Jay (page 58); yet he

besieged the doors of the Senate to procure their advice to ratify.

6. He advises the President to a ratification on the merits of the treaty

(page 97), but to a suspension till the provision order is repealed (page

98). The fact is, that he has generally given his principles to the one

party, and his practice to the other, the oyster to one, the shell to

the other. Unfortunately, the shell was generally the lot of his friends,

the French and republicans, and the oyster of their antagonists. Had he

been firm to the principles he professes in the year 1793, the President

would have been kept from an habitual concert with the British and

anti-republican party. But at that time, I do not know which R. feared

most, a British fleet, or French disorganizers. Whether his conduct is to

be ascribed to a superior view of things, an adherence to right without

regard to party, as he pretends, or to an anxiety to trim between both,

those who know his character and capacity will decide. Were parties here

divided merely by a greediness for office, as in England, to take a part

with either would be unworthy of a reasonable or moral man. But where the

principle of difference is as substantial, and as strongly pronounced

as between the republicans and the monocrats of our country, I hold it

as honorable to take a firm and decided part, and as immoral to pursue a

middle line, as between the parties of honest men and rogues, into which

every country is divided.

A copy of the pamphlet came by this post to Charlottesville. I suppose we

shall be able to judge soon what kind of impression it is likely to make.

It has been a great treat to me, as it is a continuation of that cabinet

history, with the former part of which I was intimate. I remark, in the

reply of the President a small travestie of the sentiment contained in the

answer of the Representatives. They acknowledge that he has _contributed_

a great share to the national happiness by his services. He thanks them

for ascribing to his _agency_ a great share of those benefits. The former

keeps in view the co-operation of others towards the public good. The

latter presents to view his sole agency. At a time when there would have

been less anxiety to publish to the people a strong approbation from your

House, this strengthening of your expression would not have been noticed.

Our attentions have been so absorbed by the first manifestation of the

sentiments of your House, that we have lost sight of our own Legislature;

insomuch, that I do not know whether they are sitting or not. The

rejection of Mr. Rutledge by the Senate is a bold thing; because they

cannot pretend any objection to him but his disapprobation of the treaty.

It is, of course, a declaration that they will receive none but tories

hereafter into any department of the government. I should not wonder if

Monroe were to be re-called, under the idea of his being of the partisans

of France, whom the President considers as the partisans of _war and

confusion_, in his letter of July the 31st, and as disposed to excite

them to hostile measures, or at least to unfriendly sentiments; a most

infatuated blindness to the true character of the sentiments entertained

in favor of France. The bottom of my page warns me that it is time to end

my commentaries on the facts you have furnished me. You would of course,

however, wish to know the sensations here on those facts.

My friendly respects to Mr. Madison, to whom the next week's dose will be

directed. Adieu affectionately.

TO G. WYTHE.

MONTICELLO, January 16, 1796.

In my letter which accompanied the box containing my collection of

printed laws, I promised to send you by post a statement of the contents

of the box. On taking up the subject I found it better to take a more

general review of the whole of the laws I possessed, as well manuscript

as printed, as also of those which I do not possess, and suppose to be

no longer extant. This general view you will have in the enclosed paper,

whereof the articles stated to be printed constitute the contents of the

box I sent you. Those in manuscript were not sent, because not supposed

to have been within your view, and because some of them will not bear

removal, being so rotten, that in turning over a leaf it sometimes falls

into powder. These I preserve by wrapping and sewing them up in oil cloth,

so that neither air nor moisture can have access to them. Very early in

the course of my researches into the laws of Virginia, I observed that

many of them were already lost, and many more on the point of being lost,

as existing only in single copies in the hands of careful or curious

individuals, on whose death they would probably be used for waste paper. I

set myself therefore to work, to collect all which were then existing, in

order that when the day should come in which the public should advert to

the magnitude of their loss in these precious monuments of our property,

and our history, a part of their regret might be spared by information

that a portion had been saved from the wreck, which is worthy of their

attention and preservation. In searching after these remains, I spared

neither time, trouble, nor expense; and am of opinion that scarcely any

law escaped me, which was in being as late as the year 1790 in the middle

or southern parts of the State. In the northern parts, perhaps something

might still be found. In the clerk's offices in the ancient counties, some

of these manuscript copies of the laws may possibly still exist, which

used to be furnished at the public expense to every county, before the

use of the press was introduced; and in the same places, and in the hands

of ancient magistrates or of their families, some of the fugitive sheets

of the laws of separate sessions, which have been usually distributed

since the practice commenced of printing them. But recurring to what we

actually possess, the question is, what means will be the most effectual

for preserving these remains from future loss? All the care I can take

of them, will not preserve them from the worm, from the natural decay

of the paper, from the accidents of fire, or those of removal when it is

necessary for any public purposes, as in the case of those now sent you.

Our experience has proved to us that a single copy, or a few, deposited

in manuscript in the public offices, cannot be relied on for any great

length of time. The ravages of fire and of ferocious enemies have had but

too much part in producing the very loss we are now deploring. How many

of the precious works of antiquity were lost while they were preserved

only in manuscript! has there ever been one lost since the art of printing

has rendered it practicable to multiply and disperse copies? This leads

us then to the only means of preserving those remains of our laws now

under consideration, that is, a multiplication of printed copies. I think

therefore that there should be printed at public expense, an edition of

all the laws ever passed by our legislatures which can now be found; that

a copy should be deposited in every public library in America, in the

principal public offices within the State, and some perhaps in the most

distinguished public libraries of Europe, and the rest should be sold to

individuals, towards reimbursing the expenses of the edition. Nor do I

think that this would be a voluminous work. The MSS. would furnish matter

for one printed volume in folio, would comprehend all the laws from 1624

to 1701, which period includes Pervis. My collection of fugitive sheets

forms, as we know, two volumes, and comprehends all the extant laws from

1734 to 1783; and the laws which can be gleaned up from the Revivals to

supply the chasm between 1701 and 1734, with those from 1783 to the close

of the present century, (by which term the work might be completed,) would

not be more than the matter of another volume. So that four volumes in

folio, would give every law ever passed which is now extant; whereas those

who wish to possess as many of them as can be procured, must now buy the

six folio volumes of Revivals, to wit, Pervis and those of 1732, 1784,

1768, 1783, and 1794, and in all of them possess not one half of which

they wish. What would be the expense of the edition I cannot say, nor how

much would be reimbursed by the sales; but I am sure it would be moderate,

compared with the rates which the public have hitherto paid for printing

their laws, provided a sufficient latitude be given as to printers and

places. The first step would be to make out a single copy from the MSS.,

which would employ a clerk about a year or something more, to which

expense about a fourth should be added for collation of the MSS., which

would employ three persons at a time about half a day, or a day in every

week. As I have already spent more time in making myself acquainted with

the contents and arrangement of these MSS. than any other person probably

ever will, and their condition does not admit their removal to a distance,

I will cheerfully undertake the direction and superintendence of this

work, if it can be done in the neighboring towns of Charlottesville or

Milton, farther than which I could not undertake to go from home. For the

residue of the work, my printed volumes might be delivered to the printer.

I have troubled you with these details, because you are in the place where

they may be used for the public service, if they admit of such use, and

because the order of assembly, which you mention, shows they are sensible

of the necessity of preserving such of these laws as relate to our landed

property; and a little further consideration will perhaps convince them

that it is better to do the whole work once for all, than to be recurring

to it by piece-meal, as particular parts of it shall be required, and

that too perhaps when the materials shall be lost. You are the best judge

of the weight of these observations, and of the mode of giving them any

effect they may merit. Adieu affectionately.

TO JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, March 6, 1796.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you February the 21st, since which I have received

yours of the same day. Indeed, mine of that date related only to a single

article in yours of January the 31st and February the 7th. I do not at

all wonder at the condition in which the finances of the United States are

found. Hamilton's object from the beginning, was to throw them into forms

which should be utterly undecypherable. I ever said he did not understand

their condition himself, nor was able to give a clear view of the excess

of our debts beyond our credits, nor whether we were diminishing or

increasing the debt. My own opinion was, that from the commencement of

this government to the time I ceased to attend to the subject, we had been

increasing our debt about a million of dollars annually. If Mr. Gallatin

would undertake to reduce this chaos to order, present us with a clear

view of our finances, and put them into a form as simple as they will

admit, he will merit immortal honor. The accounts of the United States

ought to be, and may be made as simple as those of a common farmer, and

capable of being understood by common farmers.

Disapproving, as I do, of the unjustifiable largess to the demands of

the Count de Grasse, I will certainly not propose to rivet it by a second

example on behalf of M. de Chastellux's son. It will only be done in the

event of such a repetition of the precedent, as will give every one a

right to share in the plunder. It is, indeed, surprising you have not yet

received the British treaty in form. I presume you would never receive

it were not your co-operation on it necessary. But this will oblige the

formal notification of it to you.

My salutations to Mrs. Madison, friendly esteem to Mr. Giles, Page, &c. I

am, with sincere affection, yours.

P. S. Have you considered all the consequences of your proposition

respecting post roads? I view it as a source of boundless patronage to

the executive, jobbing to members of Congress and their friends, and a

bottomless abyss of public money. You will begin by only appropriating the

surplus of the post office revenues; but the other revenues will soon be

called into their aid, and it will be a source of eternal scramble among

the members, who can get the most money wasted in their State; and they

will always get most who are meanest. We have thought, hitherto, that

the roads of a State could not be so well administered even by the State

legislature as by the magistracy of the county, on the spot. How will

they be when a member of New Hampshire is to mark out a road for Georgia?

Does the power to _establish_ post roads, given you by the Constitution,

mean that you shall _make_ the roads, or only _select_ from those already

made, those on which there shall be a post? If the term be equivocal,

(and I really do not think it so,) which is the safest construction? That

which permits a majority of Congress to go to cutting down mountains and

bridging of rivers, or the other, which if too restricted may be referred

to the States for amendment, securing still due measures and proportion

among us, and providing some means of information to the members of

Congress tantamount to that ocular inspection, which, even in our county

determinations, the magistrate finds cannot be supplied by any other

evidence? The fortification of harbors was liable to great objection. But

national circumstances furnished some color. In this case there is none.

The roads of America are the best in the world except those of France and

England. But does the state of our population, the extent of our internal

commerce, the want of sea and river navigation, call for such expense

on roads here, or are our means adequate to it? Think of all this, and

a great deal more which your good judgment will suggest, and pardon my

freedom.

TO WILLIAM B. GILES.

March 19, 1796.

I know not when I have received greater satisfaction than on reading the

speech of Dr. Leib, in the Pennsylvania Assembly. He calls himself a new

member. I congratulate honest republicanism on such an acquisition, and

promise myself much from a career which begins on such elevated ground.

We are in suspense here to see the fate and effect of Mr. Pitt's bill

against democratic societies. I wish extremely to get at the true history

of this effort to suppress freedom of meeting, speaking, writing and

printing. Your acquaintance with Sedgwick will enable you to do it. Pray

get the outlines of the bill he intended to have brought in for this

purpose. This will enable us to judge whether we have the merit of the

invention; whether we were really beforehand with the British minister on

this subject; whether he took his hint from our proposition, or whether

the concurrence in the sentiment is merely the result of the general

truth that great men will think alike and act alike, though without

intercommunication. I am serious in desiring extremely the outlines of

the bill intended for us. From the debates on the subject of our seamen,

I am afraid as much harm as good will be done by our endeavors to arm our

seamen against impressments. It is proposed to register them and give them

certificates. But these certificates will be lost in a thousand ways; a

sailor will neglect to take his certificate; he is wet twenty times in

a voyage; if he goes ashore without it, he is impressed; if with it, he

gets drunk, it is lost, stolen from him, taken from him, and then the

want of it gives authority to impress, which does not exist now. After ten

years' attention to the subject, I have never been able to devise anything

effectual, but that the circumstance of an American bottom be made _ipso

facto_, a protection for a number of seamen proportioned to her tonnage;

that American captains be obliged, when called on by foreign officers,

to parade the men on deck, which would show whether they exceeded their

own quota, and allow the foreign officer to send two or three persons

aboard and hunt for any suspected to be concealed. This, Mr. Pinckney

was instructed to insist upon with Great Britain; to accept of nothing

short of it; and, most especially, not to agree that a certificate of

citizenship should be requirable from our seamen; because it would be made

a ground for the authorized impressment of them. I am still satisfied that

such a protection will place them in a worse situation than they are at

present. It is true, the British minister has not shown any disposition

to accede to my proposition: but it was not totally rejected: and if

he still refuses, lay a duty of one penny sterling a yard on British

oznaburgs, to make a fund for paying the expenses of the agents you are

obliged to employ to seek out our suffering seamen. I congratulate you on

the arrival of Mr. Ames and the British treaty. The newspapers had said

they would arrive together. We have had a fine winter. Wheat looks well.

Corn is scarce and dear. Twenty-two shillings here, thirty shillings in

Amherst. Our blossoms are but just opening. I have begun the demolition

of my house, and hope to get through its re-edification in the course of

the summer. We shall have the eye of a brick-kiln to poke you into, or an

octagon to air you in. Adieu affectionately.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

MONTICELLO, March 21, 1796.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 2d instant, and now take the liberty of

troubling you, in order to have the enclosed letter to M. Gautier safely

handed to him. I will thank you for information that it gets safely to

hand, as it is of considerable importance to him, to the United States,

to the State of Virginia, and to myself, by conveying to him the final

arrangement of the accounts of Grand and Company with all those parties.

* * * * *

The British treaty has been formally, at length, laid before Congress.

All America is a tiptoe to see what the House of Representatives will

decide on it. We conceive the constitutional doctrine to be, that though

the President and Senate have the general power of making treaties, yet

wherever they include in a treaty matters confided by the Constitution to

the three branches of Legislature, an act of legislation will be requisite

to confirm these articles, and that the House of Representatives, as

one branch of the Legislature, are perfectly free to pass the act or

to refuse it, governing themselves by their own judgment whether it is

for the good of their constituents to let the treaty go into effect or

not. On the precedent now to be set will depend the future construction

of our Constitution, and whether the powers of legislation shall be

transferred from the President, Senate, and House of Representatives, to

the President and Senate, and Piamingo or any other Indian, Algerine, or

other chief. It is fortunate that the first decision is to be in a case

so palpably atrocious, as to have been predetermined by all America. The

appointment of Elsworth Chief Justice, and Chase one of the judges, is

doubtless communicated to you. My friendly respects to Mrs. Monroe. Adieu

affectionately.

TO JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, March 27, 1796.

DEAR SIR,--I am much pleased with Mr. Gallatin's speech in Bache's

paper of March the 14th. It is worthy of being printed at the end of

the Federalist, as the only rational commentary on the part of the

Constitution to which it relates. Not that there may not be objections,

and difficult ones, to it, and which I shall be glad to see his answers

to; but if they are never answered, they are more easily to be gulped

down than those which lie to the doctrines of his opponents, which do in

fact annihilate the whole of the powers given by the Constitution to the

Legislature. According to the rule established by usage and common sense,

of construing one part of the instrument by another, the objects on which

the President and Senate may exclusively act by treaty are much reduced,

but the field on which they may act with the sanction of the Legislature,

is large enough; and I see no harm in rendering their sanction necessary,

and not much harm in annihilating the whole treaty-making power, except

as to making peace. If you decide in favor of your right to refuse

co-operation in any case of treaty, I should wonder on what occasion it

is to be used, if not in one where the rights, the interest, the honor

and faith of our nation are so grossly sacrificed; where a faction has

entered into a conspiracy with the enemies of their country to chain

down the Legislature at the feet of both; where the whole mass of your

constituents have condemned this work in the most unequivocal manner, and

are looking to you as their last hope to save them from the effects of the

avarice and corruption of the first agent, the revolutionary machinations

of others, and the incomprehensible acquiescence of the only honest man

who has assented to it. I wish that his honesty and his political errors

may not furnish a second occasion to exclaim, "curse on his virtues, they

have undone his country." Cold weather, mercury at twenty degrees in the

morning. Corn fallen at Richmond to twenty shillings; stationary here;

Nicholas sure of his election; R. Jouett and Jo. Monroe in competition for

the other vote of the county. Affection to Mrs. M. and yourself. Adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, April 19, 1796.

DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 4th instant came to hand the day before yesterday.

I have turned to the conventional history, and enclose you an exact copy

of what is there on the subject you mentioned. I have also turned to my

own papers, and send you some things extracted from them, which show that

the recollection of the President has not been accurate, when he supposed

his own opinion to have been uniformly that declared in his answer of

March the 30th. The records of the Senate will vouch for this. My respects

to Mrs. Madison. Adieu affectionately.

[The papers referred to in the preceding.]

_Extract, verbatim, from last page but one and the last page._

"Mr. King suggested that the journals of the Convention should be either

destroyed, or deposited in the custody of the President. He thought, if

suffered to be make public, a bad use would be made of them by those who

would wish to prevent the adoption of the Constitution.

"Mr. Wilson preferred the second expedient. He had at one time liked the

first best; but as false suggestions may be propagated, it should not be

made impossible to contradict them.

"A question was then put on depositing the journals and other papers of

the Convention in the hands of the President, on which New Hampshire, aye,

Massachusetts, aye, Connecticut, aye, New Jersey, aye, Pennsylvania, aye,

Delaware, aye, Maryland, no, Virginia, aye, North Carolina, aye, South

Carolina, aye, and Georgia, aye. This negative of Maryland was occasioned

by the language of the instructions to the Deputies of that State, which

required them to report to the State the _proceedings_ of the Convention.

"The President having asked what the Convention meant should be done with

the journals, &c., whether copies were to be allowed to the members, if

applied for, it was resolved _nem. con._ that he retain the journal and

other papers subject to the order of the Congress, if ever formed under

the Constitution."

"The members then proceeded to sign the instrument," &c.

"In the Senate, February 1, 1791.

"The committee, to whom was referred that part of the speech of the

President of the United States, at the opening of the session, which

relates to the commerce of the Mediterranean, and also the letter from

the Secretary of State, dated the 20th of January, 1791, with the papers

accompanying the same, reported: whereupon,

"_Resolved_, That the Senate do advise and consent, that the President

of the United States take such measures as he may think necessary for

the redemption of the citizens of the United States, now in captivity at

Algiers, provided the expense shall not exceed forty thousand dollars, and

also, that measures be taken to confirm the treaty now existing between

the United States and the Emperor of Morocco."

The above is a copy of a resolve of the Senate, referred to me by the

President, to propose an answer to, and I find immediately following

this, among my papers, a press copy, from an original written fairly in my

own hand, ready for the President's signature, and to be given in to the

Senate, of the following answer:

"_Gentlemen of the Senate_,--

"I will proceed to take measures for the ransom of our citizens in

captivity at Algiers, in conformity with your resolution of advice

of the 1st instant, so soon as the moneys necessary shall be

appropriated _by the Legislature_, and shall be in readiness.

"The recognition of our treaty with the new Emperor of Morocco

requires also previous appropriation and provision. The importance

of this last to the liberty and property of our citizens, induces

me to urge it on your earliest attention."

Though I have no memorandum of the delivery of this to the Senate,

yet I have not the least doubt it was given in to them, and will

be found among their records.

I find, among my press copies, the following in my hand writing:

"The committee to report, that the President does not think that

circumstances will justify, in the present instance, his entering

into _absolute_ engagements for the ransom of our captives in

Algiers, nor calling for money from the treasury, nor raising it

by loan, without previous authority from _both branches_ of the

Legislature."

April 9, 1792.

I do not recollect the occasion of the above paper with certainty; but

I think there was a committee appointed by the Senate to confer with

the President on the subject of the ransom, and to advise what is there

declined, and that a member of the committee advising privately with me as

to the report they were to make to the House, I minuted down the above, as

the substance of what he observed to be the proper report, after what had

passed with the President, and gave the original to the member, preserving

the press copy. I think the member was either Mr. Izard or Mr. Butler, and

have no doubt such a report will be found on the files of the Senate.

On the 8th of May following, in consequence of questions proposed by the

President to the Senate, they came to a resolution, on which a mission was

founded.

TO P. MAZZEI.[4]

MONTICELLO, April 24, 1796.

MY DEAR FRIEND,--

* * * * *

The aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed since you left

us. In place of that noble love of liberty and republican government

which carried us triumphantly through the war, an Anglican monarchical

aristocratical party has sprung up, whose avowed object is to draw over

us the substance, as they have already done the forms, of the British

government. The main body of our citizens, however, remain true to their

republican principles; the whole landed interest is republican, and so

is a great mass of talents. Against us are the Executive, the Judiciary,

two out of three branches of the Legislature, all the officers of the

government, all who want to be officers, all timid men who prefer the

calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty, British merchants

and Americans trading on British capitals, speculators and holders in

the banks and public funds, a contrivance invented for the purposes of

corruption, and for assimilating us in all things to the rotten as well

as the sound parts of the British model. It would give you a fever were

I to name to you the apostates who have gone over to these heresies, men

who were Samsons in the field and Solomons in the council, but who have

had their heads shorn by the harlot England. In short, we are likely

to preserve the liberty we have obtained only by unremitting labors and

perils. But we shall preserve it; and our mass of weight and wealth on

the good side is so great, as to leave no danger that force will ever

be attempted against us. We have only to awake and snap the Lilliputian

cords with which they have been entangling us during the first sleep which

succeeded our labors.

I will forward the testimonial of the death of Mrs. Mazzei, which I can

do the more incontrovertibly as she is buried in my grave yard, and I

pass her grave daily. The formalities of the proof you require, will

occasion delay. I begin to feel the effects of age. My health has suddenly

broken down, with symptoms which give me to believe I shall not have much

to encounter of the _tedium vita_. While it remains, however, my heart

will be warm in its friendships, and among these, will always foster the

affections with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

FOOTNOTE:

[4] [The first part of this letter is on private business, and is

therefore omitted.]

TO COLONEL MONROE.

MONTICELLO, June 12, 1796.

DEAR SIR,--

* * * * *

Congress have risen. You will have seen by their proceedings the truth

of what I always observed to you, that one man outweighs them all in the

influence over the people, who have supported his judgment against their

own and that of their representatives. Republicanism must lie on its oars,

resign the vessel to its pilot, and themselves to the course he thinks

best for them. I had always conjectured, from such facts as I could get

hold of, that our public debt was increasing about a million of dollars

a year. You will see by Gallatin's speeches that the thing is proved.

You will see further, that we are completely saddled and bridled, and

that the bank is so firmly mounted on us that we must go where they will

guide. They openly publish a resolution, that the national property being

increased in value, they must by an increase of circulating medium furnish

an adequate representation of it, and by further additions of active

capital promote the enterprises of our merchants. It is supposed that

the paper in circulation in and around Philadelphia, amounts to twenty

millions of dollars, and that in the whole Union, to one hundred millions.

I think the last too high. All the imported commodities are raised about

fifty per cent. by the depreciation of the money. Tobacco shares the rise,

because it has no competition abroad. Wheat has been extraordinarily high

from other causes. When these cease, it must fall to its ancient nominal

price, notwithstanding the depreciation of that, because it must contend

in market with foreign wheats. Lands had risen within the vortex of the

paper, and as far out as that can influence. They have not risen at all

here. On the contrary, they are lower than they were twenty years ago.

Those I had mentioned to you, to wit, Carter's and Colle, were sold before

your letter came. Colle at two dollars the acre. Carter's had been offered

me for two French crowns (13s. 2d). Mechanics here get from a dollar to a

dollar and a half a day, yet are much worse off than at the old prices.

Volney is with me at present. He is on his way to the Illinois. Some late

appointments, judiciary and diplomatic, you will have heard, and stared

at. The death of R. Jouett is the only small news in our neighborhood.

Our best affections attend Mrs. Monroe, Eliza and yourself. Adieu

affectionately.

TO THE PRESIDENT.

MONTICELLO, June 19, 1796.

In Bache's Aurora, of the 9th instant, which came here by the last post,

a paper appears, which, having been confided, as I presume, to but few

hands, makes it truly wonderful how it should have got there. I cannot

be satisfied as to my own part, till I relieve my mind by declaring, and

I attest everything sacred and honorable to the declaration, that it has

got there neither through me nor the paper confided to me. This has never

been from under my own lock and key, or out of my own hands. No mortal

ever knew from me, that these questions had been proposed. Perhaps I

ought to except one person, who possesses all my confidence, as he has

possessed yours. I do not remember, indeed, that I communicated it even

to him. But as I was in the habit of unlimited trust and council with

him, it is possible I may have read it to him; no more: for the quire of

which it makes a part was never in any hand but my own, nor was a word

ever copied or taken down from it, by any body. I take on myself, without

fear, any divulgation on his part. We both know him incapable of it. From

myself, then, or my papers, this publication has never been derived. I

have formerly mentioned to you, that from a very early period of my life,

I had laid it down as a rule of conduct, never to write a word for the

public papers. From this, I have never departed in a single instance;

and on a late occasion, when all the world seemed to be writing, besides

a rigid adherence to my own rule, I can say with truth, that not a line

for the press was ever communicated to me, by any other, except a single

petition referred for my correction; which I did not correct, however,

though the contrary, as I have heard, was said in a public place, by one

person through error, through malice by another. I learn that this last

has thought it worth his while to try to sow tares between you and me,

by representing me as still engaged in the bustle of politics, and in

turbulence and intrigue against the government. I never believed for a

moment that this could make any impression on you, or that your knowledge

of me would not overweigh the slander of an intriguer, dirtily employed

in sifting the conversations of my table, where alone he could hear

of me; and seeking to atone for his sins against you by sins against

another, who had never done him any other injury than that of declining

his confidences. Political conversations I really dislike, and therefore

avoid where I can without affectation. But when urged by others, I have

never conceived that having been in public life requires me to belie

my sentiments, or even to conceal them. When I am led by conversation

to express them, I do it with the same independence here which I have

practiced everywhere, and which is inseparable from my nature. But enough

of this miserable tergiversator, who ought indeed either to have been of

more truth, or less trusted by his country.[5]

While on the subject of papers, permit me to ask one from you. You

remember the difference of opinion between Hamilton and Knox on the one

part, and myself on the other, on the subject of firing on the little

Sarah, and that we had exchanged opinions and reasons in writing. On

your arrival in Philadelphia I delivered you a copy of my reasons, in

the presence of Colonel Hamilton. On our withdrawing, he told me he had

been so much engaged that he had not been able to prepare a copy of his

and General Knox's for you, and that if I would send you the one he had

given me, he would replace it in a few days. I immediately sent it to

you, wishing you should see both sides of the subject together. I often

after applied to both the gentlemen but could never obtain another copy.

I have often thought of asking this one, or a copy of it, back from you,

but have not before written on subjects of this kind to you. Though I

do not know that it will ever be of the least importance to me, yet one

loves to possess arms, though they hope never to have occasion for them.

They possess my paper in my own handwriting. It is just I should possess

theirs. The only thing amiss is, that they should have left me to seek a

return of the paper, or a copy of it, from you.

I put away this disgusting dish of old fragments, and talk to you of my

peas and clover. As to the latter article, I have great encouragement

from the friendly nature of our soil. I think I have had, both the last

and present year, as good clover from common grounds, which had brought

several crops of wheat and corn without ever having been manured, as I

ever saw on the lots around Philadelphia. I verily believe that a yield

of thirty-four acres, sowed on wheat April was twelvemonth, has given me

a ton to the acre at its first cutting this spring. The stalks extended,

measured three and a half feet long very commonly. Another field, a year

older, and which yielded as well the last year, has sensibly fallen off

this year. My exhausted fields bring a clover not high enough for hay,

but I hope to make seed from it. Such as these, however, I shall hereafter

put into peas in the broadcast, proposing that one of my sowings of wheat

shall be after two years of clover, and the other after two years of peas.

I am trying the white boiling pea of Europe (the Albany pea) this year,

till I can get the hog pea of England, which is the most productive of

all. But the true winter vetch is what we want extremely. I have tried

this year the Carolina drill. It is absolutely perfect. Nothing can be

more simple, nor perform its office more perfectly for a single row. I

shall try to make one to sow four rows at a time of wheat or peas, at

twelve inches distance. I have one of the Scotch threshing machines nearly

finished. It is copied exactly from a model Mr. Pinckney sent me, only

that I have put the whole works (except the horse wheel) into a single

frame, movable from one field to another on the two axles of a wagon. It

will be ready in time for the harvest which is coming on, which will give

it a full trial. Our wheat and rye are generally fine, and the prices

talked of bid fair to indemnify us for the poor crops of the two last

years.

I take the liberty of putting under your cover a letter to the son of the

Marquis de la Fayette, not exactly knowing where to direct to him.

With very affectionate compliments to Mrs. Washington, I have the honor

to be, with great and sincere esteem and respect, Dear Sir, your most

obedient and most humble servant.

FOOTNOTE:

[5] [Here, in the margin of the copy, is written, apparently at a

later date, "General H. Lee."]

TO M. DE LA FAYETTE.

MONTICELLO, June 19, 1796.

DEAR SIR,--The inquiries of Congress were the first intimation which

reached my retirement of your being in this country, and from M. Volney,

now with me, I first learned where you are. I avail myself of the earliest

moments of this information, to express to you the satisfaction with

which I learn that you are in a land of safety, where you will meet in

every person the friend of your worthy father and family. Among these, I

beg leave to mingle my own assurances of sincere attachment to him, and

my desire to prove it by every service I can render you. I know, indeed,

that you are already under too good a patronage to need any other, and

that my distance and retirement render my affections unavailing to you.

They exist, nevertheless, in all their purity and warmth towards your

father and every one embraced by his love; and no one has wished with more

anxiety to see him once more in the bosom of a nation, who, knowing his

works and his worth, desire to make him and his family forever their own.

You were, perhaps, too young to remember me personally when in Paris. But

I pray you to remember, that should any occasion offer wherein I can be

useful to you, there is no one on whose friendship and zeal you may more

confidently count. You will, some day perhaps, take a tour through these

States. Should anything in this part of them attract your curiosity, it

would be a circumstance of great gratification to me to receive you here,

and to assure you in person of those sentiments of esteem and attachment,

with which I am, Dear Sir, your friend and humble servant.

TO MR. HITE.

MONTICELLO, June 29, 1796.

SIR,--The bearer hereof is the Duke de Liancourt, one of the principal

noblemen of France, and one of the richest. All this he has lost in the

revolutions of his country, retaining only his virtue and good sense,

which he possesses in a high degree. He was President of the National

Assembly of France in its earliest stage, and forced to fly from the

proscriptions of Marat. Being a stranger, and desirous of acquiring some

knowledge of the country he passes through, he has asked me to introduce

him to some person in or near Winchester, but I too am a stranger after

so long an absence from my country. Some apology then is necessary for my

undertaking to present this gentleman to you. It is the general interest

of our country that strangers of distinction passing through it, should

be made acquainted with its best citizens, and those most qualified to

give favorable impressions of it. He well deserves any attentions you will

be pleased to show him. He would have had a letter from Mr. Madison to

you, as he was to have visited Mr. Madison at his own house, being well

acquainted with him, but the uncertainty whether he has returned home,

and his desire to see Staunton, turns him off the road at this place. I

beg leave to add my acknowledgments to his for any civilities you will be

pleased to show him, and to assure you of the sentiments of esteem with

which I am, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS.

MONTICELLO, July 3, 1796.

DEAR SIR,--I take shame to myself for having so long left unanswered your

valuable favor on the subject of the mountains. But in truth, I am become

lazy as to everything except agriculture. The preparations for harvest,

and the length of the harvest itself, which is not yet finished, would

have excused the delay however, at all times and under all dispositions.

I examined, with great satisfaction, your barometrical estimate of

the heights of our mountains; and with the more, as they corroborated

conjectures on this subject which I had made before. My estimates had made

them a little higher than yours (I speak of the Blue Ridge). Measuring

with a very nice instrument the angle subtended vertically by the highest

mountain of the Blue Ridge opposite to my own house, a distance of about

eighteen miles south westward, I made the highest about two thousand feet,

as well as I remember, for I can no longer find the notes I made. You

make the south side of the mountain near Rockfish Gap, one thousand seven

hundred and twenty-two feet above Woods'. You make the other side of the

mountain seven hundred and sixty-seven feet. Mr. Thomas Lewis deceased,

an accurate man, with a good quadrant, made the north side of the highest

mountain opposite my house something more (I think) than one thousand

feet; but the mountain estimated by him and myself is probably higher than

that next Rockfish Gap. I do not remember from what principles I estimated

the Peaks of Otter at four thousand feet; but some late observations

of Judge Tucker's coincided very nearly with my estimate. Your measures

confirm another opinion of mine, that the Blue Ridge, on its south side,

is the highest ridge in our country compared with its base. I think your

observations on these mountains well worthy of being published, and hope

you will not scruple to let them be communicated to the world.

You wish me to present to the Philosophical Society the result of my

philosophical researches since my retirement. But, my good Sir, I have

made researches into nothing but what is connected with agriculture.

In this way, I have a little matter to communicate, and will do it

ere long. It is the form of a mould-board _of least resistance_. I had

some years ago conceived the principles of it, and I explained them to

Mr. Rittenhouse. I have since reduced the thing to practice, and have

reason to believe the theory fully confirmed. I only wish for one of

those instruments used in England for measuring the force exerted in the

draughts of different ploughs, &c., that I might compare the resistance

of my mould-board with that of others. But these instruments are not

to be had here. In a letter of this date to Mr. Rittenhouse, I mention

a discovery in animal history, very signal indeed, of which I shall

lay before the Society the best account I can, as soon as I shall have

received some other materials collecting for me.

I have seen, with extreme indignation, the blasphemies lately vended

against the memory of the father of American philosophy. But his memory

will be preserved and venerated as long as the thunder of heaven shall be

heard or feared.

With good wishes to all of his family, and sentiments of great respect and

esteem for yourself, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble

servant.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

MONTICELLO, July 10, 1796.

DEAR SIR,--* * * * *

The campaign of Congress has closed. Though the Anglomen have in the end

got their treaty through, and so far have triumphed over the cause of

republicanism, yet it has been to them a dear-bought victory. It has given

the most radical shock to their party which it has ever received; and

there is no doubt, they would be glad to be replaced on the ground they

possessed the instant before Jay's nomination extraordinary. They see that

nothing can support them but the colossus of the President's merits with

the people, and the moment he retires, that his successor, if a monocrat,

will be overborne by the republican sense of his constituents; if a

republican, he will, of course, give fair play to that sense, and lead

things into the channel of harmony between the governors and governed. In

the meantime, patience.

Among your neighbors there is nothing new. Mr. Rittenhouse is lately dead.

We have had the finest harvest ever known in this part of the country.

Both the quantity and quality of wheat are extraordinary. We got fifteen

shillings a bushel for the last crop, and hope two-thirds of that at least

for the present one.

Most assiduous court is paid to Patrick Henry. He has been offered

everything which they knew he would not accept. Some impression is thought

to be made, but we do not believe it is radical. If they thought they

could count upon him, they would run him for their Vice President; their

first object being to produce a schism in this State. As it is, they

will run Mr. Pinckney; in which they regard his southern position rather

than his principles. Mr. Jay and his advocate Camillus are completely

treaty-foundered.

We all join in love to Mrs. Monroe; and accept for yourself assurances of

sincere and affectionate friendship. Adieu.

TO COLONEL J. STUART.

MONTICELLO, November 10, 1796.

DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your last favor, together

with the bones of the great claw, which accompanied it. My anxiety to

obtain a thigh bone is such, that I defer communicating what we have

to the Philosophical Society, in the hope of adding that bone to the

collection. We should then be able to fix the stature of the animal,

without going into conjecture and calculation, as we should possess

a whole limb, from the haunch bone to the claw inclusive. However, as

you announce to me that the recovery of a thigh bone is desperate, I

shall make the communication to the Philosophical Society. I think it

happy that this incident will make known to them a person so worthy as

yourself to be taken into their body, and without whose attention to

these extraordinary remains, the world might have been deprived of the

knowledge of them. I cannot, however, help believing that this animal, as

well as the mammoth, are still existing. The annihilation of any species

of existence, is so unexampled in any parts of the economy of nature

which we see, that we have a right to conclude, as to the parts we do not

see, that the probabilities against such annihilation are stronger than

those for it. In hopes of hearing from you, as soon as you can form a

conclusion satisfactory to yourself, that the thigh bone will or will not

be recovered, I remain, with great respect and esteem, Dear Sir, your most

obedient servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, December 17, 1796.

Your favor of the 5th came to hand last night. The first wish of my heart

was, that you should have been proposed for the administration of the

government. On your declining it, I wish any body rather than myself; and

there is nothing I so anxiously hope, as that my name may come out either

second or third. These would be indifferent to me; as the last would

leave me at home the whole year, and the other two-thirds of it. I have

no expectation that the Eastern States will suffer themselves to be so

much outwitted, as to be made the tools for bringing in P. instead of A. I

presume they will throw away their second vote. In this case, it begins to

appear possible, that there may be an equal division where I had supposed

the republican vote would have been considerably minor. It seems also

possible, that the Representatives may be divided. This is a difficulty

from which the Constitution has provided no issue. It is both my duty and

inclination, therefore, to relieve the embarrassment, should it happen;

and in that case, I pray you and authorize you fully, to solicit on my

behalf that Mr. Adams may be preferred. He has always been my senior, from

the commencement of our public life, and the expression of the public will

being equal, this circumstance ought to give him the preference. And when

so many motives will be operating to induce some of the members to change

their vote, the addition of my wish may have some effect to preponderate

the scale. I am really anxious to see the speech. It must exhibit a very

different picture of our foreign affairs from that presented in the adieu,

or it will little correspond with my views of them. I think they never

wore so gloomy an aspect since the year 1783. Let those come to the helm

who think they can steer clear of the difficulties. I have no confidence

in myself for the undertaking.

We have had the severest weather ever known in November. The thermometer

was at twelve degrees here and in Goochland and I suppose generally.

It arrested my buildings very suddenly, when eight days more would

have completed my walls, and permitted us to cover in. The drought is

excessive. From the middle of October to the middle of December, not rain

enough to lay the dust. A few days ago there fell a small rain but the

succeeding cold has probably prevented it from sprouting the grain sown

during the drought.

Present me in friendly terms to Messrs. Giles, Venable, and Page. Adieu

affectionately.

TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE.

MONTICELLO, December 27, 1796.

MY DEAR SIR,--* * * * *

You have seen my name lately tacked to so much of eulogy and of abuse,

that I dare say you hardly thought it meant your old acquaintance of '76.

In truth, I did not know myself under the pens either of my friends or

foes. It is unfortunate for our peace, that unmerited abuse wounds, while

unmerited praise has not the power to heal. These are hard wages for the

services of all the active and healthy years of one's life. I had retired

after five and twenty years of constant occupation in public affairs, and

total abandonment of my own. I retired much poorer than when I entered

the public service, and desired nothing but rest and oblivion. My name,

however, was again brought forward, without concert or expectation on my

part; (on my salvation I declare it.) I do not as yet know the result,

as a matter of fact; for in my retired canton we have nothing later from

Philadelphia than of the second week of this month. Yet I have never one

moment doubted the result. I knew it was impossible Mr. Adams should

lose a vote north of the Delaware, and that the free and moral agency

of the South would furnish him an abundant supplement. On principles of

public respect I should not have refused; but I protest before my God,

that I shall, from the bottom of my heart, rejoice at escaping. I know

well that no man will ever bring out of that office the reputation which

carries him into it. The honey moon would be as short in that case as

in any other, and its moments of ecstasy would be ransomed by years of

torment and hatred. I shall highly value, indeed, the share which I may

have had in the late vote, as an evidence of the share I hold in the

esteem of my countrymen. But in this point of view, a few votes more

or less will be little sensible, and in every other, the minor will be

preferred by me to the major vote. I have no ambition to govern men; no

passion which would lead me to delight to ride in a storm. _Flumina amo,

sylvasque, inglorius._ My attachment to my home has enabled me to make

the calculation with rigor, perhaps with partiality, to the issue which

keeps me there. The newspapers will permit me to plant my corn, peas, &c.,

in hills or drills as I please (and my oranges, by-the-bye, when you send

them), while our eastern friend will be struggling with the storm which is

gathering over us; perhaps be shipwrecked in it. This is certainly not a

moment to covet the helm.

I have often doubted whether most to praise or to blame your line of

conduct. If you had lent to your country the excellent talents you

possess, on you would have fallen those torrents of abuse which have

lately been poured forth on me. So far, I praise the wisdom which has

descried and steered clear of a water-spout ahead. But now for the blame.

There is a debt of service due from every man to his country, proportioned

to the bounties which nature and fortune have measured to him. Counters

will pay this from the poor of spirit; but from you, my friend, coin was

due. There is no bankrupt law in heaven, by which you may get off with

shillings in the pound; with rendering to a single State what you owed

to the whole confederacy. I think it was by the Roman law that a father

was denied sepulture, unless his son would pay his debts. Happy for you

and us, that you have a son whom genius and education have qualified to

pay yours. But as you have been a good father in everything else, be so

in this also. Come forward and pay your own debts. Your friends, the Mr.

Pinckneys, have at length undertaken their tour. My joy at this would be

complete if you were in gear with them. I love to see honest and honorable

men at the helm, men who will not bend their politics to their purses,

nor pursue measures by which they may profit, and then profit by their

measures. _Au diable les Bougres!_ I am at the end of my curse and bottom

of my page, so God bless you and yours. Adieu affectionately.

_Statement from memory, of a letter I wrote to John Adams; copy omitted to

be retained._

MONTICELLO, December 28, 1796.

DEAR SIR,--The public, and the public papers, have been much occupied

lately in placing us in a point of opposition to each other. I confidently

trust we have felt less of it ourselves. In the retired canton where

I live, we know little of what is passing. Our last information from

Philadelphia is of the 16th instant. At that date the issue of the late

election seems not to have been known as a matter of fact. With me,

however, its issue was never doubted. I knew the impossibility of your

losing a single vote north of the Delaware; and even if you should lose

that of Pennsylvania in the mass, you would get enough south of it to make

your election sure. I never for a single moment expected any other issue;

and though I shall not be believed, yet it is not the less true, that I

never wished any other. My neighbors, as my compurgators, could aver this

fact, as seeing my occupations and my attachment to them. It is possible,

indeed, that even you may be cheated of your succession by a trick worthy

the subtlety of your arch friend of New York, who has been able to make

of your real friends tools for defeating their and your just wishes.

Probably, however, he will be disappointed as to you; and my inclinations

put me out of his reach. I leave to others the sublime delights of riding

in the storm, better pleased with sound sleep and a warmer berth below it,

encircled with the society of my neighbors, friends, and fellow laborers

of the earth, rather than with spies and sycophants. Still, I shall value

highly the share I may have had in the late vote, as a measure of the

share I hold in the esteem of my fellow citizens. In this point of view, a

few votes less are but little sensible, while a few more would have been

in their effect very sensible and oppressive to me. I have no ambition

to govern men. It is a painful and thankless office. And never since the

day you signed the treaty of Paris, has our horizon been so overcast.

I devoutly wish you may be able to shun for us this war, which will

destroy our agriculture, commerce, and credit. If you do, the glory will

be all your own. And that your administration may be filled with glory

and happiness to yourself, and advantage to us, is the sincere prayer of

one, who, though in the course of our voyage, various little incidents

have happened or been contrived to separate us, yet retains for you the

solid esteem of the times when we were working for our independence, and

sentiments of sincere respect and attachment.

_Statement from memory, of a letter I wrote to James Madison; copy omitted

to be retained._

MONTICELLO, January 1, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--Yours of December the 19th is safely received. I never

entertained a doubt of the event of the election. I knew that the eastern

troops were trained in the schools of their town meetings to sacrifice

little differences of opinion to the solid advantages of operating in

phalanx, and that the more free and moral agency of the other States would

fully supply their deficiency. I had no expectation, indeed, that the

vote would have approached so near an equality. It is difficult to obtain

full credit to declarations of disinclination to honors, and most so with

those who still remain in the world. But never was there a more solid

unwillingness, founded on rigorous calculation, formed in the mind of any

man, short of peremptory refusal. No arguments, therefore, were necessary

to reconcile me to a relinquishment of the first office, or acceptance of

the second. No motive could have induced me to undertake the first, but

that of putting our vessel upon her republican tack, and preventing her

being driven too far to leeward of her true principles. And the second is

the only office in the world about which I cannot decide in my own mind,

whether I had rather have it or not have it. Pride does not enter into the

estimate. For I think with the Romans of old, that the General of to-day

should be a common soldier to-morrow, if necessary. But as to Mr. Adams,

particularly, I could have no feelings which would revolt at being placed

in a secondary station to him. I am his junior in life, I was his junior

in Congress, his junior in the diplomatic line, and lately his junior in

our civil government. I had written him the enclosed letter before the

receipt of yours. I had intended it for some time, but had put it off,

from time to time, from the discouragement of despair to make him believe

me sincere. As the information by the last post does not make it necessary

to change anything in the letter, I enclose it open for your perusal, as

well that you may be possessed of the true state of dispositions between

us, as that if there be any circumstance which might render its delivery

ineligible, you may return it to me. If Mr. Adams could be induced to

administer the government on its true principles, quitting his bias for

an English constitution, it would be worthy consideration whether it

would not for the public good, to come to a good understanding with him

as to his future elections. He is the only sure barrier against Hamilton's

getting in.

* * * * *

The Political Progress is a work of value and of a singular complexion.

The author's eye seems to be a natural achromatic, divesting every object

of the glare of color. The former work of the same title possessed the

same kind of merit. They disgust one, indeed, by opening to his view

the ulcerated state of the human mind. But to cure an ulcer you must go

to the bottom of it, which no author does more radically than this. The

reflections into which it leads us are not very flattering to the human

species. In the whole animal kingdom I recollect no family but man,

steadily and systematically employed in the destruction of itself. Nor

does what is called civilization produce any other effect, than to teach

him to pursue the principle of the _bellum omnium in omnia_ on a greater

scale, and instead of the little contest between tribe and tribe, to

comprehend all the quarters of the earth in the same work of destruction.

If to this we add, that as to other animals, the lions and tigers are mere

lambs compared with man as a destroyer, we must conclude that nature has

been able to find in man alone a sufficient barrier against the too great

multiplication of other animals and of man himself, an equilibrating power

against the fecundity of generation. While in making these observations,

my situation points my attention to the warfare of man in the physical

world, yours may perhaps present him as equally warring in the moral one.

Adieu. Yours affectionately.

TO MR. VOLNEY.

MONTICELLO, January 8, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--I received yesterday your two favors of December the 26th and

29th. Your impatience to receive your valise and its key was natural; and

it is we who have been to blame; Mr. Randolph, for not taking information

of the vessel and address to which your valise was committed, and myself

for having waited till I heard of your being again immerged into the land

of newspapers before I forwarded your key. However, as you have at length

got them safe, I claim absolution under the proverb, that "all is well

which ends well."

About the end of 1793, I received from Mr. Dombey (then at Lyons) a letter

announcing his intention to come here. And in May, 1794, I received one

from a M. L'Epine, dated from New York, and stating himself to be master

of the brig de Boon, Captain Brown, which had sailed from Havre with Mr.

Dombey on board, who had sealed up his baggage and wrote my address on

them, to save them in case of capture; and that when they were taken,

the address did in fact protect them. He mentioned then the death of Mr.

Dombey, and that he had delivered his baggage to the Custom House at New

York. I immediately wrote to M. L'Epine, disclaiming any right or interest

in the packages under my address, and authorizing, as far as depended

on me, the consul at New York, or any person the representative of Mr.

Dombey, to open the packages and dispose of them according to right. I

enclosed this letter open to Mr. Randolph, then Secretary of State, to get

his interference for the liberation of the effects. It may have happened

that he failed to forward the letter, or that M. L'Epine may have gone

before it reached New York. In any event, I can do no more than repeat my

disclaimer of any right to Mr. Dombey's effects, and add all the authority

which I can give to yourself, or the consul of France at New York, to do

with those effects whatever I might do. Certainly, it would be a great

gratification to me to receive the Metre and Grave committed to Mr.

Dombey for me, and that you would be so good as to be the channel of my

acknowledgments to Bishop Gregoire, or any one else to whom I should owe

this favor.

You wish to know the state of the air here during the late cold spell,

or rather the present one, for it is at this moment so cold that the ink

freezes in my pen, so that my letter will scarcely be legible.

The following is copied from my diary.

Sun rise. 3 P. M.

Nov. 22 60 69

23 32½ 44

24 23 28

25 21 35

26 12 26

27 15 29

28 18 "

29 25 36

30 22 43

Dec. 19 50 48

20 19 "

21 24 "

22 12 "

23 5 below 0 11

24 0 20

25 18 32

26 21 30

27 15 29

28 18 34

29 30 39

30 31 34 } a snow 1½ inches

31 34 39 } deep.

Jan. 1 0 30 43

2 28 33

3 23 30 } a snow 3 inches

4 23 30 } deep.

5 21 35

6 27 38

7 25 22

8 12

In the winter of 1779-80, the mercury in Fahrenheits thermometer fell

at Williamsburg once to six degrees above zero. In 1783-84, I was at

Annapolis without a thermometer, and I do not know that there was one

in that State; I heard from Virginia, that the mercury was again down

to six degrees. In 1789-90, I was at Paris. The mercury here was as low

as eighteen degrees below zero, of Fahrenheit. These have been the most

remarkably cold winters ever known in America. We are told, however,

that in 1762, at Philadelphia, it was twenty-two degrees below zero; in

December, 1793, it was three degrees below zero there by my thermometer.

On the 31st of January, 1796, it was one and three-fourth degrees above

zero at Monticello. I shall therefore have to change the maximum of our

cold, if ever I revise the Notes on Virginia; as six degrees above zero

was the greatest which had ever been observed.

It seems possible, from what we hear of the votes at the late election,

that you may see me in Philadelphia about the beginning of March, exactly

in that character which, if I were to reappear at Philadelphia, I would

prefer to all others; for I change the sentiment of Clorinda to "L'Alte

temo, l'humile non sdegno." I have no inclination to govern men. I should

have no views of my own in doing it; and as to those of the governed, I

had rather that their disappointment (which must always happen) should

be pointed to any other cause, real or supposed, than to myself. I value

the late vote highly; but it is only as the index of the place I hold in

the esteem of my fellow citizens. In this point of view, the difference

between sixty-eight and seventy-one votes is little sensible, and still

less that between the real vote, which was sixty-nine and seventy;

because one real elector in Pennsylvania was excluded from voting by the

miscarriage of the votes, and one who was not an elector was admitted

to vote. My farm, my family, my books and my building, give me much more

pleasure than any public office would, and, especially, one which would

keep me constantly from them. I had hoped, when you were here, to have

finished the walls of my house in the autumn, and to have covered it early

in winter. But we did not finish them at all. I have to resume the work,

therefore, in the spring, and to take off the roof of the old part during

the summer, to cover the whole. This will render it necessary for me to

make a very short stay in Philadelphia, should the late vote have given me

any public duty there. My visit there will be merely out of respect to the

public, and to the new President.

I am sorry you have received so little information on the subject of

our winds. I had once (before our revolution war) a project on the same

subject. As I had then an extensive acquaintance over this State, I meant

to have engaged some person in every county of it, giving them each a

thermometer, to observe that and the winds twice a day, for one year, to

wit, at sun-rise and at four P. M., (the coldest and the warmest point of

the twenty-four hours,) and to communicate their observations to me at the

end of the year. I should then have selected the days in which it appeared

that the winds blew to a centre within the State, and have made a map of

them, and seen how far they had analogy with the temperature of the air. I

meant this to be merely a specimen to be communicated to the Philosophical

Society at Philadelphia, in order to engage them, by means of their

correspondents, to have the same thing done in every State, and through

a series of years. By seizing the days when the winds centred in any part

of the United States, we might, in time, have come to some of the causes

which determine the direction of the winds, which I suspect to be very

various. But this long-winded project was prevented by the war which came

upon us, and since that I have been far otherwise engaged. I am sure you

will have viewed the subject from much higher ground, and I shall be happy

to learn your views in some of the hours of _délassement_, which I hope we

are yet to pass together. To this must be added your observations on the

new character of man, which you have seen in your journey, as he is in all

his shapes a curious animal, on whom no one is better qualified to judge

than yourself; and no one will be more pleased to participate of your

views of him than one, who has the pleasure of offering you his sentiments

of sincere respect and esteem.

TO HENRY TAZEWELL.

MONTICELLO, January 16, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--As far as the public papers are to be credited, I may suppose

that the choice of Vice President has fallen on me. On this hypothesis

I trouble you, and only pray, if it be wrong, that you will consider

this letter as not written. I believe it belongs to the Senate to notify

the Vice President of his election. I recollect to have heard, that

on the first election of President and Vice President, gentlemen of

considerable office were sent to notify the parties chosen. But this

was the inauguration of our new government, and ought not to be drawn

into example. At the second election, both gentlemen were on the spot

and needed no messengers. On the present occasion, the President will

be on the spot, so that what is now to be done respects myself alone;

and considering that the season of notification will always present one

difficulty, that the distance in the present case adds a second, not

inconsiderable, and which may in future happen to be sometimes much more

considerable, I hope the Senate will adopt that method of notification,

which will always be least troublesome and most certain. The channel of

the post is certainly the least troublesome, is the most rapid, and,

considering also that it may be sent by duplicates and triplicates,

is unquestionably the most certain. Indorsed to the postmaster at

Charlottesville, with an order to send it by express, no hazard can

endanger the notification. Apprehending, that should there be a difference

of opinion on this subject in the Senate, my ideas of self-respect might

be supposed by some to require something more formal and inconvenient, I

beg leave to avail myself of your friendship to declare, if a different

proposition should make it necessary, that I consider the channel of the

post-office as the most eligible in every respect, and that it is to me

the most desirable; which I take the liberty of expressing, not with a

view of encroaching on the respect due to that discretion which the Senate

have a right to exercise on the occasion, but to render them the more free

in the exercise of it, by taking off whatsoever weight the supposition of

a contrary desire in me might have on the mind of any member.

I am, with sincere respect, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 8th came to hand yesterday. I was not aware of any

necessity of going on to Philadelphia immediately, yet I had determined

to do it, as a mark of respect to the public, and to do away the doubts

which have spread, that I should consider the second office as beneath

my acceptance. The journey, indeed, for the month of February, is a

tremendous undertaking for me, who have not been seven miles from home

since my re-settlement. I will see you about the rising of Congress; and

presume I need not stay there a week. Your letters written before the 7th

of February will still find me here. My letters inform me that Mr. Adams

speaks of me with great friendship, and with satisfaction in the prospect

of administering the government in concurrence with me. I am glad of the

first information, because though I saw that our ancient friendship was

affected by a little leaven, produced partly by his constitution, partly

by the contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminution of confidence

in his integrity, and retained a solid affection for him. His principles

of government I knew to be changed, but conscientiously changed. As to my

participating in the administration, if by that he meant the executive

cabinet, both duty and inclination will shut that door to me. I cannot

have a wish to see the scenes of 1793 revived as to myself, and to descend

daily into the arena like a gladiator, to suffer martyrdom in every

conflict. As to duty, the Constitution will know me only as the member

of a legislative body; and its principle is, that of a separation of

legislative, executive and judiciary functions, except in cases specified.

If this principle be not expressed in direct terms, yet it is clearly the

spirit of the Constitution, and it ought to be so commented and acted on

by every friend to free government.

I sincerely deplore the situation of our affairs with France. War with

them, and consequent alliance with Great Britain, will completely compass

the object of the executive council, from the commencement of the war

between France and England; taken up by some of them from that moment,

by others, more latterly. I still, however, hope it will be avoided. I

do not believe Mr. Adams wishes war with France; nor do I believe he will

truckle to England as servilely as has been done. If he assumes this front

at once, and shows that he means to attend to self-respect and national

dignity with both the nations, perhaps the depredations of both on our

commerce may be amicably arrested. I think we should begin first with

those who first began with us, and, by an example on them, acquire a right

to re-demand the respect from which the other party has departed.

I suppose you are informed of the proceeding commenced by the legislature

of Maryland, to claim the south branch of the Potomac as their boundary,

and thus of Albemarle, now the central county of the State, to make a

frontier. As it is impossible, upon any consistent principles, and after

such a length of undisturbed possession, that they can expect to establish

their claim, it can be ascribed to no other than an intention to irritate

and divide; and there can be no doubt from what bow the shaft is shot.

However, let us cultivate Pennsylvania, and we need not fear the universe.

The Assembly have named me among those who are to manage this controversy.

But I am so averse to motion and contest, and the other members are so

fully equal to the business, that I cannot undertake to act in it. I

wish you were added to them. Indeed, I wish and hope you may consent to

be added to our Assembly itself. There is no post where you can render

greater services, without going out of your State. Let but this block

stand firm on its basis, and Pennsylvania do the same, our Union will be

perpetual, and our General Government kept within the bounds and form of

the Constitution. Adieu affectionately.

TO G. WYTHE.

MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797.

It seems probable that I will be called on to preside in a legislative

chamber. It is now so long since I have acted in the legislative line,

that I am entirely rusty in the Parliamentary rules of procedure. I know

they have been more studied and are better known by you than by any man

in America, perhaps by any man living. I am in hopes that while inquiring

into the subject you made notes on it. If any such remain in your hands,

however informal, in books or in scraps of paper, and you will be so good

as to trust me with them a little while, they shall be most faithfully

returned. If they lie in small compass they might come by post, without

regard to expense. If voluminous, Mr. Randolph will be passing through

Richmond on his way from Varina to this place about the 10th of February,

and could give them a safe conveyance. Did the Assembly do anything for

the preservation by publication of the laws? With great affection, adieu.

TO JOHN LANGDON.

MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797.

DEAR SIR,--Your friendly letter of the 2d instant, never came to hand

till yesterday, and I feel myself indebted for the solicitude you therein

express for my undertaking the office to which you inform me I am called.

I know not from what source an idea has spread itself, which I have found

to be generally spread, that I would accept the office of President of

the United States, but not of Vice President. When I retired from the

office I last held, no man in the Union less expected than I did, ever

to have come forward again; and, whatever has been insinuated to the

contrary, to no man in the Union was the share which my name bore in the

late contest, more unexpected than it was to me. If I had contemplated

the thing beforehand, and suffered my will to enter into action at all on

it, it would have been in a direction exactly the reverse of what has been

imputed to me; but I had no right to a will on the subject, much less to

control that of the people of the United States in arranging us according

to our capacities. Least of all could I have any feelings which would

revolt at taking a station secondary to Mr. Adams. I have been secondary

to him in every situation in which we ever acted together in public life

for twenty years past. A contrary position would have been the novelty,

and his the right of revolting at it. Be assured then, my dear Sir, that

if I had had a fibre in my composition still looking after public office,

it would have been gratified precisely by the very call you are pleased to

announce to me, and no other. But in truth I wish for neither honors nor

offices. I am happier at home than I can be elsewhere. Since, however, I

am called out, an object of great anxiety to me is that those with whom

I am to act, shutting their minds to the unfounded abuse of which I have

been the subject, will view me with the same candor with which I shall

certainly act. An acquaintance of many long years ensures to me your

just support, as it does to you the sentiments of sincere respect and

attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO DOCTOR JOHN EDWARDS.

MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797.