DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 2d instant. Yours of the 4th is now

at hand. The public papers will give you the news of Europe. The French

decree making the vessel friendly or enemy, according to the hands by

which the cargo was manufactured, has produced a great sensation among

the merchants here. Its operation is not yet perhaps well understood;

but probably it will put our shipping out of competition, because British

bottoms, which can come under convoy, will alone be trusted with return

cargoes. Ours, losing this benefit, would need a higher freight out, in

which, therefore, they will be underbid by the British. They must then

retire from the competition. Some no doubt will try other channels of

commerce, and return cargoes from other countries. This effect would be

salutary. A very well-informed merchant, too, (a Scotchman, entirely in

the English trade,) told me, he thought it would have another good effect,

by checking and withdrawing our extensive commerce and navigation (the

fruit of our natural position) within those bounds to which peace must

necessarily bring them. That this being done by degrees, will probably

prevent those numerous failures produced generally by a peace coming on

suddenly. Notwithstanding this decree, the sentiments of the merchants

become more and more cooled and settled down against arming. Yet it is

believed the Representatives do not cool; and though we think the question

against arming will be carried, yet probably by a majority of only four or

five. Their plan is, to have convoys furnished for our vessels going to

Europe, and smaller vessels for the coasting defence. On this condition,

they will agree to fortify southern harbors, and build some galleys. It

has been concluded among them, that if war takes place, Wolcott is to be

retained in office, that the President must give up M'Henry, and as to

Pickering they are divided, the eastern men being determined to retain

him, their middle and southern brethren wishing to get rid of him. They

have talked of General Pinckney as successor to M'Henry. This information

is certain. However, I hope we shall avoid war, and save them the trouble

of a change of ministry. The President has nominated John Quincy Adams

Commissioner Plenipotentiary to renew the treaty with Sweden. Tazewell

made a great stand against it, on the general ground that we should let

our treaties drop, and remain without any. He could only get eight votes

against twenty. A trial will be made to-day in another form, which he

thinks will give ten or eleven against sixteen or seventeen, declaring

the renewal inexpedient. In this case, notwithstanding the nomination

has been confirmed, it is supposed the President would perhaps not act

under it, on the probability that more than the third would be against

the ratification. I believe, however, that he would act, and that a third

could not be got to oppose the ratification. It is acknowledged we have

nothing to do but to decide the question about arming. Yet not a word

is said about adjourning; and some even talk of continuing the session

permanently; others talk of July and August. An effort, however, will soon

be made for an early adjournment.

My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison; to yourself an affectionate adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, March 21, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 15th; since that, yours of the 12th

has been received. Since that, too, a great change has taken place in

the appearance of our political atmosphere. The merchants, as before,

continue, a respectable part of them, to wish to avoid arming. The

French decree operated on them as a sedative, producing more alarm than

resentment; on the Representatives, differently. It excited indignation

highly in the war party, though I do not know that it had added any new

friends to that side of the question. We still hoped a majority of about

four; but the insane message which you will see in the public papers has

had great effect. Exultation on the one side and a certainty of victory;

while the other is petrified with astonishment. Our Evans, though his soul

is wrapt up in the sentiments of this message, yet afraid to give a vote

openly for it, is going off to-morrow, as is said. Those who count, say

there are still two members of the other side who will come over to that

of peace. If so, the members will be for war measures, fifty-two, against

them fifty-three; if all are present except Evans. The question is, what

is to be attempted, supposing we have a majority? I suggest two things:

1. As the President declares he has withdrawn the executive prohibition

to arm, that Congress should pass a legislative one. If that should fail

in the Senate, it would heap coals of fire on their heads. 2. As, to do

nothing and to gain time is everything with us, I propose that they shall

come to a resolution of adjournment, "in order to go home and consult

their constituents on the great crisis of American affairs now existing."

Besides gaining time enough by this, to allow the descent on England to

have its effect here as well as there, it will be a means of exciting the

whole body of the people from the state of inattention in which they are;

it will require every member to call for the sense of his district by

petition or instruction; it will show the people with which side of the

House their safety as well as their rights rest, by showing them which

is for war and which for peace; and their representatives will return

here invigorated by the avowed support of the American people. I do not

know, however, whether this will be approved, as there has been little

consultation on the subject. We see a new instance of the inefficiency

of constitutional guards. We had relied with great security on that

provision, which requires two-thirds of the Legislature to declare war.

But this is completely eluded by a majority's taking such measures as

will be sure to produce war. I wrote you in my last, that an attempt was

to be made on that day in Senate, to declare the inexpediency of renewing

our treaties. But the measure is put off under the hope of its being

attempted under better auspices. To return to the subject of war, it is

quite impossible, when we consider all the existing circumstances, to find

any reason in its favor resulting from views either of interest or honor,

and plausible enough to impose even on the weakest mind; and especially,

when it would be undertaken by a majority of one or two only. Whatever

then be our stock of charity or liberality, we must resort to other

views. And those so well known to have been entertained at Annapolis, and

afterwards at the grand convention, by a particular set of men, present

themselves as those alone which can account for so extraordinary a degree

of impetuosity. Perhaps, instead of what was then in contemplation, a

separation of the Union, which has been so much the topic to the eastward

of late, may be the thing aimed at. I have written so far, two days before

the departure of the post. Should anything more occur to-day or to-morrow,

it shall be added. Adieu affectionately.

TO ----.[9]

PHILADELPHIA, March 23, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of August

16th and 18th, together with the box of seed accompanying the former,

which has just come to hand. The letter of the 4th of June, which you

mention to have committed to Mr. King, has never been received. It has

most likely been intercepted on the sea, now become a field of lawless and

indiscriminate rapine and violence. The first box which came through Mr.

Donald, arrived safely the last year, but being a little too late for that

season, its contents have been divided between Mr. Randolph and myself,

and will be committed to the earth now immediately. The peas and the vetch

are most acceptable indeed. Since you were here, I have tried that species

of your field pea which is cultivated in New York, and begin to fear that

that plant will scarcely bear our sun and soil. A late acquisition too of

a species of our country pea, called the cow pea, has pretty well supplied

the place in my husbandry which I had destined for the European field pea.

It is very productive, excellent food for man and beast, awaits without

loss our leisure for gathering, and shades the ground very closely through

the hottest months of the year. This with the loosening of the soil, I

take to be the chief means by which the pea improves the soil. We know

that the sun in our cloudless climate is the most powerful destroyer of

fertility in naked ground, and therefore that the perpetual fallows will

not do here, which are so beneficial in a cloudy climate. Still I shall

with care try all the several kinds of pea you have been so good as to

send me, and having tried all hold fast that which is good. Mr. Randolph

is peculiarly happy in having the barleys committed to him, as he had been

desirous of going considerably into that culture. I was able at the same

time to put into his hands Siberian barley, sent me from France. I look

forward with considerable anxiety to the success of the winter vetch, for

it gives us a good winter crop, and helps the succeeding summer one. It

is something like doubling the produce of the field. I know it does well

in Italy, and therefore have the more hope here. My experience leaves me

no fear as to the success of clover. I have never seen finer than in some

of my fields which have never been manured. My rotation is triennial; to

wit, one year of wheat and two of clover in the stronger fields, or two of

peas in the weaker, with a crop of Indian corn and potatoes between every

other rotation, that is to say once in seven years. Under this easy course

of culture, aided with some manure, I hope my fields will recover their

pristine fertility, which had in some of them been completely exhausted

by perpetual crops of Indian corn and wheat alternately. The atmosphere

is certainly the great workshop of nature for elaborating the fertilizing

principles and insinuating them into the soil. It has been relied on

as the sole means of regenerating our soil by most of the land-holders

in the canton I inhabit, and where rest has been resorted to before a

total exhaustion, the soil has never failed to recover. If, indeed, it

be so run down as to be incapable of throwing weeds or herbage of any

kind, to shade the soil from the sun, it either goes off in gullies, and

is entirely lost, or remains exhausted till a growth springs up of such

trees as will rise in the poorest soils. Under the shade of these and the

cover soon formed of their deciduous leaves, and a commencing herbage,

such fields sometimes recover in a long course of years; but this is too

long to be taken into a course of husbandry. Not so however is the term

within which the atmosphere alone will reintegrate a soil rested in due

season. A year of wheat will be balanced by one, two, or three years of

rest and atmospheric influence, according to the quality of the soil. It

has been said that no rotation of crops will keep the earth in the same

degree of fertility without the aid of manure. But it is well known here

that a space of rest greater or less in spontaneous herbage, will restore

the exhaustion of a single crop. This then is a rotation; and as it is

not to be believed that spontaneous herbage is the only or best covering

during rest, so may we expect that a substitute for it may be found which

will yield profitable crops. Such perhaps are clover, peas, vetches, &c.

A rotation then may be found, which by giving time for the slow influence

of the atmosphere, will keep the soil in a constant and equal state of

fertility. But the advantage of manuring, is that it will do more in one

than the atmosphere would require several years to do, and consequently

enables you so much the oftener to take exhausting crops from the soil, a

circumstance of importance where there is more labor than land. I am much

indebted.

FOOTNOTE:

[9] [Address lost.]

TO MR. PATTERSON.

PHILADELPHIA, March 27, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--In the lifetime of Mr. Rittenhouse, I communicated to him the

description of a mould-board of a plough which I had constructed, and

supposed to be what we might term the _mould-board of least resistance_.

I asked not only his opinion, but that he would submit it to you also.

After he had considered it, he gave me his own opinion that it was

demonstrably what I had supposed, and I think he said he had communicated

it to you. Of that however I am not sure, and therefore now take the

liberty of sending you a description of it and a model, which I have

prepared for the board of Agriculture of England at their request. Mr.

Strickland, one of their members, had seen the model, and also the thing

itself in use in my farms, and thinking favorably of it, had mentioned it

to them. My purpose in troubling you with it, is to ask the favor of you

to examine the description rigorously, and suggest to me any corrections

or alterations which you may think necessary, and would wish to have the

ideas go as correct as possible out of my hands. I had sometimes thought

of giving it into the Philosophical Society, but I doubted whether it

was worth their notice, and supposed it not exactly in the line of their

ordinary publications. I had therefore contemplated the sending it to some

of our agricultural societies, in whose way it was more particularly, when

I received the request of the English board. The papers I enclose you

are the latter part of a letter to Sir John Sinclair, their president.

It is to go off by the packet, wherefore I will ask the favor of you to

return them with the model in the course of the present week, with any

observations you will be so good as to favor me with. I am with great

esteem, Dear Sir, your most obedient servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, March 29, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 21st. Yours of the 12th, therein

acknowledged, is the last received. The measure I suggested in mine,

of adjourning for consultation with their constituents, was not brought

forward; but on Tuesday three resolutions were moved, which you will see

in the public papers. They were offered in committee, to prevent their

being suppressed by the previous question, and in the committee on the

state of the Union, to put it out of their power, by the rising of the

committee and not sitting again, to get rid of them. They were taken by

surprise, not expecting to be called to vote on such a proposition as

"that it is inexpedient to resort to war against the French republic."

After spending the first day in seeking on every side some hole to get

out at, like an animal first put into a cage, they gave up their resource.

Yesterday they came forward boldly, and openly combated the proposition.

Mr. Harper and Mr. Pinckney pronounced bitter philippics against France,

selecting such circumstances and aggravations as to give the worst picture

they could present. The latter, on this, as in the affair of Lyon and

Griswold, went far beyond that moderation he has on other occasions

recommended. We know not how it will go. Some think the resolution will

be lost, some, that it will be carried; but neither way, by a majority

of more than one or two. The decision of the Executive, of two-thirds of

the Senate, and half the House of Representatives, is too much for the

other half of that House. We therefore fear it will be borne down, and

are under the most gloomy apprehensions. In fact, the question of war and

peace depends now on a toss of cross and pile. If we could but gain this

season, we should be saved. The affairs of Europe would of themselves save

us. Besides this, there can be no doubt that a revolution of opinion in

Massachusetts and Connecticut is working. Two whig presses have been set

up in each of those States. There has been for some days a rumor, that

a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive with Great Britain, has

arrived. Some circumstances have occasioned it to be listened to; to wit,

the arrival of Mr. King's secretary, which is affirmed, the departure of

Mr. Liston's secretary, which I know is to take place on Wednesday next,

the high tone of the executive measures at the last and present session,

calculated to raise things to the unison of such a compact, and supported

so desperately in both Houses in opposition to the pacific wishes of the

people, and at the risk of their approbation at the ensuing election.

Langdon yesterday, in debate, mentioned this current report. Tracy, in

reply, declared he knew of no such thing, did not believe it, nor would be

its advocate.

An attempt has been made to get the Quakers to come forward with a

petition, to aid with the weight of their body the feeble band of peace.

They have, with some effort, got a petition signed by a few of their

society; the main body of their society refuse it. M'Lay's peace motion in

the Assembly of Pennsylvania was rejected with an unanimity of the Quaker

vote, and it seems to be well understood, that their attachment to England

is stronger than to their principles or their country. The revolution

war was a first proof of this. Mr. White, from the federal city, is here,

soliciting money for the buildings at Washington. A bill for two hundred

thousand dollars has passed the House of Representatives, and is before

the Senate, where its fate is entirely uncertain. He has become perfectly

satisfied that Mr. Adams is radically against the government's being

there. Goodhue (his oracle) openly said in committee, in presence of

White, that he knew the government was obliged to go there, but they would

not be obliged to stay there. Mr. Adams said to White, that it would be

better that the President should rent a common house there, to live in;

that no President would live in the one now building. This harmonizes with

Goodhue's idea of a short residence. I wrote this in the morning, but need

not part with it till night. If anything occurs in the day it shall be

added. Adieu.

TO MR. PENDLETON.

PHILADELPHIA, April 2, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of January

29th, and as the rising of Congress seems now to be contemplated for

about the last of this month, and it is necessary that I settle Mr.

Short's matter with the Treasury before my departure, I take the liberty

of saying a word on that subject. The sum you are to pay is to go to

the credit of a demand which Mr. Short has on the treasury of the United

States, and for which they consider Mr. Randolph as liable to them, so

that the sum he pays to Short directly lessens so much the balance to be

otherwise settled. Mr. Short, by a letter received a few days ago, has

directed an immediate employment of the whole sum in a particular way.

I wish your sum settled, therefore, that I may call on the Treasury for

the exact balance. I should have thought your best market for stock would

have been here, and, I am convinced, the quicker sold the better; for,

should the war measures recommended by the Executive, and taken up by the

Legislature, be carried through, the fall of stock will be very sudden,

war being then more than probable. Mr. Short holds some stock here, and,

should the first of Mr. Sprigg's resolutions, now under debate in the

lower house, be rejected, I shall, within 24 hours from the rejection,

sell out the whole of Mr. Short's stock. How that resolution will be

disposed of (to wit, that against the expediency of war with the French

Republic), is very doubtful. Those who count votes vary the issue from a

majority of 4 against the resolution to 2 or 3 majority in its favor. So

that the scales of peace and war are very nearly in equilibrio. Should

the debate hold many days, we shall derive aid from the delay. Letters

received from France by a vessel just arrived, concur in assuring us,

that, as all the French measures bear equally on the Swedes and Danes

as on us, so they have no more purpose of declaring war against us than

against them. Besides this, a wonderful stir is commencing in the eastern

States. The dirty business of Lyon and Griswold was of a nature to fly

through the newspapers, both Whig and Tory, and to excite the attention of

all classes. It, of course, carried to their attention, at the same time,

the debates out of which that affair springs. The subject of these debates

was, whether the representatives of the people were to have no check on

the expenditure of the public money, and the Executive to squander it at

their will, leaving to the Legislature only the drudgery of furnishing

the money. They begin to open their eyes on this to the eastward, and

to suspect they have been hoodwinked. Two or three Whig presses have

set up in Massachusetts, and as many more in Connecticut. The late war

message of the President has added new alarm. Town meetings have begun

in Massachusetts, and are sending on their petitions and remonstrances

by great majorities, against war measures, and these meetings are likely

to spread. The present debate, as it gets abroad, will further show

them, that it is their members who are for war measures. It happens,

fortunately, that these gentlemen are obliged to bring themselves forward

exactly in time for the eastern elections to Congress, which come on in

the course of the ensuing summer. We have, therefore, great reason to

expect some favorable changes in the representatives from that quarter.

The same is counted on with confidence from Jersey, Pennsylvania, and

Maryland; perhaps one or two also in Virginia; so that, after the next

election, the Whigs think themselves certain of a very strong majority in

the House of Representatives; and though against the other branches they

can do nothing good, yet they can hinder them from doing ill. The only

source of anxiety, therefore, is to avoid war for the present moment.

If we can defeat the measures leading to that during this session, so as

to gain this summer, time will be given, as well for the public mind to

make itself felt, as for the operations of France to have their effect in

England as well as here. If, on the contrary, war is forced on, the Tory

interest continues dominant, and to them alone must be left, as they alone

desire to ride on the whirlwind, and direct the storm. The present period,

therefore, of two or three weeks, is the most eventful ever known since

that of 1775, and will decide whether the principles established by that

contest are to prevail, or give way to those they subverted. Accept the

friendly salutations and prayers for your health and happiness, of, dear

Sir, your sincere and affectionate friend.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, April 5, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 29th ultimo; since which I have no

letter from you. These acknowledgments regularly made and attended to,

will show whether any of my letters are intercepted, and the impression of

my seal on wax (which shall be constant hereafter) will discover whether

they are opened by the way. The nature of some of my communications

furnishes ground of inquietude for their safe conveyance. The bill for

the federal buildings labors hard in Senate, though, to lessen opposition,

the Maryland Senator himself proposed to reduce the two hundred thousand

dollars to one-third of that sum. Sedgewick and Hillhouse violently oppose

it. I conjecture that the votes will be either thirteen for and fifteen

against it, or fourteen and fourteen. Every member declares he means to

go there, but though charged with an intention to come away again, not

one of them disavow it. This will engender incurable distrust. The debate

on Mr. Sprigg's resolutions has been interrupted by a motion to call

for papers. This was carried by a great majority. In this case, there

appeared a separate squad, to wit, the Pinckney interest, which is a

distinct thing, and will be seen sometimes to lurch the President. It is

in truth the Hamilton party, whereof Pinckney is only made the stalking

horse. The papers have been sent in and read, and it is now under debate

in both Houses, whether they shall be published. I write in the morning,

and if determined in the course of the day in favor of publication, I

will add in the evening a general idea of their character. Private letters

from France, by a late vessel which sailed from Havre, February the 5th,

assure us that France, classing us in her measures with the Swedes and

Danes, has no more notion of declaring war against us than them. You will

see a letter in Bache's paper of yesterday, which came addressed to me.

Still the fate of Sprigg's resolutions seems in perfect equilibrio. You

will see in Fenno two numbers of a paper signed Marcellus. They promise

much mischief, and are ascribed, without any difference of opinion, to

Hamilton. You must, my dear Sir, take up your pen against this champion.

You know the ingenuity of his talents; and there is not a person but

yourself who can foil him. For heaven's sake, then, take up your pen, and

do not desert the public cause altogether.

Thursday evening. The Senate have, to-day, voted the publication of the

communications from our Envoys. The House of Representatives decided

against the publication by a majority of seventy-five to twenty-four. The

Senate adjourned, over to-morrow (good Friday), to Saturday morning; but

as the papers cannot be printed within that time, perhaps the vote of the

House of Representatives may induce the Senate to reconsider theirs. For

this reason, I think it my duty to be silent on them. Adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, April 6, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--So much of the communications from our Envoys has got abroad,

and so partially, that there can now be no ground for reconsideration

with the Senate. I may therefore, consistently with duty, do what every

member of the body is doing. Still, I would rather you would use the

communication with reserve till you see the whole papers. The first

impressions from them are very disagreeable and confused. Reflection,

however, and analysis resolve them into this. Mr. Adams' speech to

Congress in May is deemed such a national affront, that no explanation

on other topics can be entered on till that, as a preliminary, is wiped

away by humiliating disavowals or acknowledgments. This working hard with

our Envoys, and indeed seeming impracticable for want of that sort of

authority, submission to a heavy amendment (upwards of a million sterling)

was, at an after meeting, suggested as an alternative, which might be

admitted if proposed by us. These overtures had been through informal

agents; and both the alternatives bringing the Envoys to their _ne plus_,

they resolve to have no more communication through inofficial characters,

but to address a letter directly to the government, to bring forward

their pretensions. This letter had not yet, however, been prepared.

There were, interwoven with these overtures some base propositions on

the part of Talleyrand, through one of his agents, to sell his interest

and influence with the Directory towards soothing difficulties with

them, in consideration of a large sum (fifty thousand pounds sterling);

and the arguments to which his agent resorted to induce compliance

with this demand, were very unworthy of a great nation, (could they be

imputed to them,) and calculated to excite disgust and indignation in

Americans generally, and alienation in the republicans particularly,

whom they so far mistake, as to presume an attachment to France and

hatred to the federal party, and not the love of their country, to be

their first passion. No difficulty was expressed towards an adjustment of

all differences and misunderstandings, or even ultimately a payment for

spoliations, if the insult from our Executive should be first wiped away.

Observe, that I state all this from only a single hearing of the papers,

and therefore it may not be rigorously correct. The little slanderous

imputation before mentioned, has been the bait which hurried the opposite

party into this publication. The first impressions with the people will

be disagreeable, but the last and permanent one will be, that the speech

in May is now the only obstacle to accommodation, and the real cause of

war, if war takes place. And how much will be added to this by the speech

of November, is yet to be learned. It is evident, however, on reflection,

that these papers do not offer one motive the more for our going to war.

Yet such is their effect on the minds of wavering characters, that I fear,

that to wipe off the imputation of being French partisans, they will go

over to the war measures so furiously pushed by the other party. It seems,

indeed, as if they were afraid they should not be able to get into war

till Great Britain shall be blown up, and the prudence of our countrymen

from that circumstance, have influence enough to prevent it. The most

artful misrepresentations of the contents of these papers were published

yesterday, and produced such a shock in the republican mind, as had never

been seen since our independence. We are to dread the effects of this

dismay till their fuller information. Adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, April 12, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you two letters on the 5th and 6th instant; since which

I have received yours of the 2d. I send you, in a separate package, the

instructions to our Envoys and their communications. You will find that my

representation of their contents from memory, was substantially just. The

public mind appears still in a state of astonishment. There never was a

moment in which the aid of an able pen was so important to place things in

their just attitude. On this depend the inchoate movement in the eastern

mind, and the fate of the elections in that quarter, now beginning and

to continue through the summer. I would not propose to you such a task

on any ordinary occasion. But be assured that a well-digested analysis of

these papers would now decide the future turn of things, which are at this

moment on the creen. The merchants here are meeting under the auspices

of Fitzsimmons, to address the President and approve his propositions.

Nothing will be spared on that side. Sprigg's first resolution against

the expediency of war, proper at the time it was moved, is now postponed

as improper, because to declare that, after we have understood it has

been proposed to us to try peace, would imply an acquiescence under

that proposition. All, therefore, which the advocates of peace can now

attempt, is to prevent war measures _externally_, consenting to every

rational measure of _internal_ defence and preparation. Great expenses

will be incurred; and it will be left to those whose measures render

them necessary, to provide to meet them. They already talk of stopping

all payments of interest, and of a land tax. These will probably not be

opposed. The only question will be, how to modify the land tax. On this

there may be a great diversity of sentiment. One party will want to make

it a new source of patronage and expense. If this business is taken up,

it will lengthen our session. We had pretty generally, till now, fixed on

the beginning of May for adjournment. I shall return by my usual routes,

and not by the eastern shore, on account of the advance of the season.

Friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison and yourself. Adieu.

TO P. CARR.

PHILADELPHIA, April 12, 1798.

As the instruction to our Envoys and their communications have excited a

great deal of curiosity, I enclose you a copy. You will perceive that they

have been assailed by swindlers, whether with or without the participation

of Talleyrand is not very apparent. The known corruption of his character

renders it very possible he may have intended to share largely in the

£50,000 demanded. But that the Directory know anything of it is neither

proved nor probable. On the contrary, when the Portuguese ambassador

yielded to like attempts of swindlers, the conduct of the Directory in

imprisoning him for an attempt at corruption, as well as their general

conduct really magnanimous, places them above suspicion. It is pretty

evident that Mr. A.'s speech is in truth the only obstacle to negotiation.

That humiliating disavowals of that are demanded as a preliminary, or as

a commutation for that a heavy sum of money, about a million sterling.

This obstacle removed, they seem not to object to an arrangement of

all differences, and even to settle and acknowledge themselves debtors

for spoliations. Nor does it seem that negotiation is at an end, as

the President's message says, but that it is in its commencement only.

The instructions comply with the wishes expressed in debate in the May

session to place France on as good footing as England, and not to make a

_sine qua non_ of the indemnification for spoliation; but they declare

the war in which France is engaged is not a defensive one, they reject

the naturalization of French ships, that is to say the exchange of

naturalization which France had formerly proposed to us, and which would

lay open to us the unrestrained trade of her West Indies and all her

other possessions; they declare the 10th article of the British treaty,

against sequestering debts, money in the funds, bank stock, &c., to be

founded in morality, and therefore of perpetual obligation, and some other

heterodoxies.

You will have seen in the newspapers some resolutions proposed by Mr.

Sprigg, the first of which was, that it was inexpedient under existing

circumstances to resort to war with France. Whether this could have been

carried before is doubtful, but since it is known that a sum of money

has been demanded, it is thought that this resolution, were it now to be

passed, would imply a willingness to avoid war even by purchasing peace.

It is therefore postponed. The peace party will agree to all reasonable

measures of internal defence, but oppose all external preparations. Though

it is evident that these communications do not present one motive the more

for going to war, yet it may be doubted whether we are strong enough to

keep within the defensive line. It is thought the expenses contemplated

will render a land tax necessary before we separate. If so, it will

lengthen the session. The first impressions from these communications

are disagreeable; but their ultimate effect on the public mind will not

be favorable to the war party. They may have some effect in the first

moment in stopping the movement in the Eastern States, which were on the

creen, and were running into town meetings, yet it is believed this will

be momentary only, and will be over before their elections. Considerable

expectations were formed of changes in the Eastern delegations favorable

to the Whig interest. Present my best respects to Mrs. Carr, and accept

yourself assurance of affectionate esteem.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, April 26, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--

* * * * *

The bill for the naval armament (twelve vessels) passed by a majority of

about four to three in the House of Representatives; all restrictions

on the objects for which the vessels should be used were struck out.

The bill for establishing a department of Secretary of the Navy was

tried yesterday, on its passage to the third reading, and prevailed by

forty-seven against forty-one. It will be read the third time to-day.

The provisional army of twenty-thousand men will meet some difficulty.

It would surely be rejected if our members were all here. Giles, Clopton,

Cabell and Nicholas have gone, and Clay goes to-morrow. He received here

news of the death of his wife. Parker has completely gone over to the

war party. In this state of things they will carry what they please.

One of the war party, in a fit of unguarded passion, declared sometime

ago they would pass a citizen bill, an alien bill, and a sedition bill;

accordingly, some days ago, Coit laid a motion on the table of the House

of Representatives for modifying the citizen law. Their threats pointed

at Gallatin, and it is believed they will endeavor to reach him by this

bill. Yesterday Mr. Hillhouse laid on the table of the Senate a motion

for giving power to send away suspected aliens. This is understood to be

meant for Volney and Collot. But it will not stop there when it gets into

a course of execution. There is now only wanting, to accomplish the whole

declaration before mentioned, a sedition bill, which we shall certainly

soon see proposed. The object of that, is the suppression of the Whig

presses. Bache's has been particularly named. That paper and also Carey's

totter for want of subscriptions. We should really exert ourselves to

procure them, for if these papers fall, republicanism will be entirely

brow beaten. Carey's paper comes out three times a week, at five dollars.

The meeting of the people which was called at New York, did nothing. It

was found that the majority would be against the address. They therefore

chose to circulate it individually. The committee of Ways and Means have

voted a land tax. An additional tax on salt will certainly be proposed in

the House, and probably prevail to some degree. The stoppage of interest

on the public debt will also, perhaps, be proposed, but not with effect.

In the meantime, that paper cannot be sold. Hamilton is coming on as

Senator from New York. There have been so much contrivance and combination

in that, as to show there is some great object in hand. Troup, the

district judge of New York, resigns towards the close of the session of

their Assembly. The appointment of Mr. Hobart, then Senator, to succeed

Troup, is not made by the President till after the Assembly had risen.

Otherwise, they would have chosen the Senator in place of Hobart. Jay then

names Hamilton, Senator, but not till a day or two before his own election

as Governor was to come on, lest the unpopularity of the nomination should

be in time to effect his own election. We shall see in what all this is to

end; but surely in something. The popular movement in the eastern States

is checked, as we expected, and war addresses are showering in from New

Jersey and the great trading towns. However, we still trust that a nearer

view of war and a land tax will oblige the great mass of the people to

attend. At present, the war hawks talk of septembrizing, deportation, and

the examples for quelling sedition set by the French executive. All the

firmness of the human mind is now in a state of requisition.

Salutations to Mrs. Madison; and to yourself, friendship and adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, May 3, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 26th; since which yours of the 22d

of April has been received, acknowledging mine of the 12th; so that

all appear to have been received to that date. The spirit kindled up

in the towns is wonderful. These and New Jersey are pouring in their

addresses, offering life and fortune. Even these addresses are not the

worst things. For indiscreet declarations and expressions of passion

may be pardoned to a multitude acting from the impulse of the moment.

But we cannot expect a foreign nation to show that apathy to the answers

of the President, which are more thrasonic than the addresses. Whatever

chance for peace might have been left us after the publication of the

despatches, is completely lost by these answers. Nor is it France alone,

but his own fellow citizens, against whom his threats are uttered. In

Fenno, of yesterday, you will see one, wherein he says to the address from

Newark, "the delusions and misrepresentations which have misled so many

citizens, must be discountenanced by authority as well as by the citizens

at large;" evidently alluding to those letters from the Representatives

to their constituents, which they have been in the habit of seeking after

and publishing; while those sent by the Tory part of the House to their

constituents, are ten times more numerous, and replete with the most

atrocious falsehoods and calumnies. What new law they will propose on

this subject, has not yet leaked out. The citizen bill sleeps. The alien

bill, proposed by the Senate, has not yet been brought in. That proposed

by the House of Representatives has been so moderated, that it will not

answer the passionate purposes of the war gentlemen. Whether, therefore,

the Senate will push their bolder plan, I know not. The provisional army

does not go down so smoothly in the House as it did in the Senate. They

are whitling away some of its choice ingredients; particularly that of

transferring their own constitutional discretion over the raising of

armies to the President. A committee of the Representatives have struck

out his discretion, and hang the raising of the men on the contingencies

of invasion, insurrection, or declaration of war. Were all our members

here, the bill would not pass. But it will, probably, as the House now

is. Its expense is differently estimated, from five to eight millions of

dollars a year. Their purposes before voted, require two millions above

all the other taxes, which, therefore, are voted to be raised on lands,

houses and slaves. The provisional army will be additional to this. The

threatening appearances from the alien bills have so alarmed the French

who are among us, that they are going off. A ship, chartered by themselves

for this purpose, will sail within about a fortnight for France, with as

many as she can carry. Among these I believe will be Volney, who has in

truth been the principal object aimed at by the law.

Notwithstanding the unfavorableness of the late impressions, it is

believed the New York elections, which are over, will give us two or

three republicans more than we now have. But it is supposed Jay is

re-elected. It is said Hamilton declines coming to the Senate. He very

soon stopped his Marcellus. It was rather the sequel which was feared

than what actually appeared. He comes out on a different plan in his Titus

Manlius, if that be really his. The appointments to the Mississippi were

so abominable that the Senate could not swallow them. They referred them

to a committee to inquire into characters, and the President withdrew the

nomination. * * * * *

As there is nothing material now to be proposed, we generally expect to

rise in about three weeks. However, I do not venture to order my horses.

My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison. To yourself affectionate

friendship, and adieu.

P. S. Perhaps the President's expression before quoted, may look to the

sedition bill which has been spoken of, and which may be meant to put the

printing presses under the _imprimatur_ of the executive. Bache is thought

a main object of it. Cabot, of Massachusetts, is appointed Secretary of

the Navy.

TO JAMES LEWIS, JUNIOR.

PHILADELPHIA, May 9, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I am much obliged by your friendly letter of the 4th instant.

As soon as I saw the first of Mr. Martin's letters, I turned to the

newspapers of the day, and found Logan's speech, as translated by a common

Indian interpreter. The version I had used, had been made by General

Gibson. Finding from Mr. Martin's style, that his object was not merely

truth, but to gratify party passions, I never read another of his letters.

I determined to do my duty by searching into the truth, and publishing it

to the world, whatever it should be. This I shall do at a proper season.

I am much indebted to many persons, who, without any acquaintance with

me, have voluntarily sent me information on the subject. Party passions

are indeed high. Nobody has more reason to know it than myself. I receive

daily bitter proofs of it from people who never saw me, nor know anything

of me but through Porcupine and Fenno. At this moment all the passions are

boiling over, and one who keeps himself cool and clear of the contagion,

is so far below the point of ordinary conversation, that he finds himself

insulated in every society. However, the fever will not last. War,

land tax and stamp tax, are sedatives which must cool its ardor. They

will bring on reflection, and that, with information, is all which our

countrymen need, to bring themselves and their affairs to rights. They

are essentially republicans. They retain unadulterated the principles of

'75, and those who are conscious of no change in themselves have nothing

to fear in the long run. It is our duty still to endeavor to avoid war;

but if it shall actually take place, no matter by whom brought on, we must

defend ourselves. If our house be on fire, without inquiring whether it

was fired from within or without, we must try to extinguish it. In that,

I have no doubt, we shall act as one man. But if we can ward off actual

war till the crisis of England is over, I shall hope we may escape it

altogether.

I am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

PHILADELPHIA, May 21, 1798.

Yours of April 8th and 14th, and May 4th and 14th, have been received

in due time. I have not written to you since the 19th ult., because I

knew you would be out on a circuit, and would receive the letters only

when they would be as old almanacs. The bill for the provisional army

has got through the lower House, the regulars reduced to 10,000, and

the volunteers unlimited. It was carried by a majority of 14. The land

tax is now on the carpet to raise two millions of dollars; yet I think

they must at least double it, as the expenses of the provisional army

were not provided for in it, and will require of itself four millions

a year. I presume, therefore, the tax on lands, houses, and negroes,

will be a dollar a head on the population of each State. There are alien

bills, sedition bills, &c., also before both Houses. The severity of

their aspect determines a great number of French to go off. A ship-load

sails on Monday next; among them Volney. If no new business is brought

on, I think they may get through the tax bill in three weeks. You will

have seen, among numerous addresses and answers, one from Lancaster in

this State, and its answer. The latter travelling out of the topics of

the address altogether, to mention you in a most injurious manner. Your

feelings have no doubt been much implicated by it, as in truth it had all

the characters necessary to produce irritation. What notice you should

take of it is difficult to say. But there is one step in which two or

three with whom I have spoken concur with me, that feeble as the hand is

from which this shaft is thrown, yet with a great mass of our citizens,

strangers to the leading traits of the character from which it came, it

will have considerable effect; and that in order to replace yourself on

the high ground you are entitled to, it is absolutely necessary that you

should re-appear on the public theatre, and take an independent stand,

from which you can be seen and known to your fellow citizens. The House of

Representatives appears the only place which can answer this end, as the

proceedings of the other House are too obscure. Cabell has said he would

give way to you, should you choose to come in, and I really think it would

be expedient for yourself as well as the public, that you should not wait

until another election, but come to the next session. No interval should

be admitted between this last attack of enmity and your re-appearance with

the approving voice of your constituents, and your taking a commanding

attitude. I have not before been anxious for your return to public life,

lest it should interfere with a proper pursuit of your private interests,

but the next session will not at all interfere with your courts, because

it must end March 4th, and I verily believe the next election will give

us such a majority in the House of Representatives as to enable the

republican party to shorten the alternate unlimited session, as it is

evident that to shorten the sessions is to lessen the evils and burthens

of the government on our country. The present session has already cost

200,000 dollars, besides the wounds it has inflicted on the prosperity of

the Union. I have no doubt Cabell can be induced to retire immediately,

and that a writ may be issued at once. The very idea of this will strike

the public mind, and raise its confidence in you. If this be done, I

should think it best you should take no notice at all of the answer to

Lancaster. Because, were you to show a personal hostility against the

answer, it would deaden the effect of everything you should say or do in

your public place hereafter. All would be ascribed to an enmity to Mr. A.,

and you know with what facility such insinuations enter the minds of men.

I have not seen Dawson since this answer has appeared, and therefore have

not yet learnt his sentiments on it. My respectful salutations to Mrs.

Monroe; and to yourself, affectionately adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, May 31, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote to you last on the 24th, since which yours of the 20th

has been received. I must begin by correcting two errors in my last. It

was false arithmetic to say, that two measures therein mentioned to have

been carried by majorities of eleven, would have failed if the fourteen

absentees (wherein a majority of six is ours) had been present. Six coming

over from the other side would have turned the scale, and this was the

idea floating in my mind, which produced the mistake. The second error was

in the version of Mr. Adams' expression, which I stated to you. His real

expression was "that he would not unbrace a single nerve for any treaty

France could offer; such was their entire want of faith, morality, &c."

The bill from the Senate for capturing French armed vessels found

hovering on our coast was passed in two days by the lower House, without

a single alteration; and the Ganges, a twenty gun sloop, fell down the

river instantly to go on a cruise. She has since been ordered to New

York, to convoy a vessel from that to this port. The alien bill will be

ready to day, probably, for its third reading in the Senate. It has been

considerably mollified, particularly by a proviso saving the rights of

treaties. Still, it is a most detestable thing. I was glad, in yesterday's

discussion, to hear it admitted on all hands, that laws of the United

States, subsequent to a treaty, control its operation, and that the

Legislature is the only power which can control a treaty. Both points

are sound beyond doubt. This bill will unquestionably pass the House of

Representatives, the majority there being very decisive, consolidated,

and bold enough to do anything. I have no doubt from the hints dropped,

they will pass a bill to declare the French treaty void. I question if

they will think a declaration of war prudent, as it might alarm, and

all its effects are answered by the act authorizing captures. A bill is

brought in for suspending all communication with the dominions of France,

which will no doubt pass. It is suspected that they mean to borrow money

of individuals in London, on the credit of our land tax, and perhaps the

guarantee of Great Britain. The land tax was yesterday debated, and a

majority of six struck out the thirteenth section of the classification

of houses, and taxed them by a different scale from the lands. Instead

of this, is to be proposed a valuation of the houses and lands together.

Macon yesterday laid a motion on the table for adjourning on the 14th.

Some think they do not mean to adjourn; others, that they wait first the

return of the Envoys, for whom it is now avowed the brig Sophia was sent.

It is expected she would bring them off about the middle of this month.

They may, therefore, be expected here about the second week of July.

Whatever be their decision as to adjournment I think it probable my next

letter will convey orders for my horses, and that I shall leave this place

from the 20th to the 25th of June; for I have no expectation they will

actually adjourn sooner. Volney and a ship-load of others sail on Sunday

next. Another ship-load will go off in about three weeks. It is natural

to expect they go under irritations calculated to fan the flame. Not so

Volney. He is most thoroughly impressed with the importance of preventing

war, whether considered with reference to the interests of the two

countries, of the cause of republicanism, or of man on the broad scale.

But an eagerness to render this prevention impossible, leaves me without

any hope. Some of those who have insisted that it was long since war on

the part of France, are candid enough to admit that it is now begun on our

part also. I enclose for your perusal a poem on the alien bill, written by

Mr. Marshall. I do this, as well for your amusement, as to get you to take

care of this copy for me till I return; for it will be lost in lending

it, if I retain it here, as the publication was suppressed after the sale

of a few copies, of which I was fortunate enough to get one. Your locks,

hinges, &c., shall be immediately attended to.

My respectful salutations and friendship to Mrs. Madison, to the family,

and to yourself. Adieu.

P. S. The President, it is said, has refused an Exequatur to the consul

general of France, Dupont.

TO JOHN TAYLOR.

PHILADELPHIA, June 1, 1798.

* * * * *

Mr. New showed me your letter on the subject of the patent, which gave

me an opportunity of observing what you said as to the effect, with

you, of public proceedings, and that it was not unwise now to estimate

the separate mass of Virginia and North Carolina, with a view to their

separate existence. It is true that we are completely under the saddle

of Massachusetts and Connecticut, and that they ride us very hard,

cruelly insulting our feelings, as well as exhausting our strength and

subsistence. Their natural friends, the three other eastern States,

join them from a sort of family pride, and they have the art to divide

certain other parts of the Union, so as to make use of them to govern

the whole. This is not new, it is the old practice of despots; to use

a part of the people to keep the rest in order. And those who have once

got an ascendancy, and possessed themselves of all the resources of the

nation, their revenues and offices, have immense means for retaining

their advantage. But our present situation is not a natural one. The

republicans, through every part of the Union, say, that it was the

irresistible influence and popularity of General Washington played

off by the cunning of Hamilton, which turned the government over to

anti-republican hands, or turned the republicans chosen by the people into

anti-republicans. He delivered it over to his successor in this state, and

very untoward events since, improved with great artifice, have produced

on the public mind the impressions we see. But still I repeat it, this

is not the natural state. Time alone would bring round an order of things

more correspondent to the sentiments of our constituents. But are there no

events impending, which will do it within a few months? The crisis with

England, the public and authentic avowal of sentiments hostile to the

leading principles of our Constitution, the prospect of a war, in which

we shall stand alone, land tax, stamp tax, increase of public debt, &c.

Be this as it may, in every free and deliberating society, there must,

from the nature of man, be opposite parties, and violent dissensions and

discords; and one of these, for the most part, must prevail over the other

for a longer or shorter time. Perhaps this party division is necessary

to induce each to watch and delate to the people the proceedings of the

other. But if on a temporary superiority of the one party, the other is to

resort to a scission of the Union, no federal government can ever exist.

If to rid ourselves of the present rule of Massachusetts and Connecticut,

we break the Union, will the evil stop there? Suppose the New England

States alone cut off, will our nature be changed? Are we not men still

to the south of that, and with all the passions of men? Immediately,

we shall see a Pennsylvania and a Virginia party arise in the residuary

confederacy, and the public mind will be distracted with the same party

spirit. What a game too will the one party have in their hands, by

eternally threatening the other that unless they do so and so, they will

join their northern neighbors. If we reduce our Union to Virginia and

North Carolina, immediately the conflict will be established between the

representatives of these two States, and they will end by breaking into

their simple units. Seeing, therefore, that an association of men who will

not quarrel with one another is a thing which never yet existed, from

the greatest confederacy of nations down to a town meeting or a vestry;

seeing that we must have somebody to quarrel with, I had rather keep

our New England associates for that purpose, than to see our bickerings

transferred to others. They are circumscribed within such narrow limits,

and their population so full, that their numbers will ever be the

minority, and they are marked, like the Jews, with such a perversity of

character, as to constitute, from that circumstance, the natural division

of our parties. A little patience, and we shall see the reign of witches

pass over, their spells dissolved, and the people recovering their true

sight, restoring their government to its true principles. It is true,

that in the meantime, we are suffering deeply in spirit, and incurring

the horrors of a war, and long oppressions of enormous public debt. But

who can say what would be the evils of a scission, and when and where they

would end? Better keep together as we are, haul off from Europe as soon as

we can, and from all attachments to any portions of it; and if they show

their power just sufficiently to hoop us together, it will be the happiest

situation in which we can exist. If the game runs sometimes against us

at home, we must have patience till luck turns, and then we shall have an

opportunity of winning back the _principles_ we have lost. For this is a

game where principles are the stake. Better luck, therefore, to us all,

and health, happiness and friendly salutations to yourself. Adieu.

P. S. It is hardly necessary to caution you to let nothing of mine get

before the public; a single sentence got hold of by the Porcupines, will

suffice to abuse and persecute me in their papers for months.

TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO.

PHILADELPHIA, June 1, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--Mr. Volney's departure for France gives me an opportunity

of writing to you. I was happy in observing, for many days after your

departure, that our winds were favorable for you. I hope, therefore, you

quickly passed the cruising grounds on our coast, and have safely arrived

at the term of your journey. Your departure is not yet known, or even

suspected.[10] Niemsevioz was much affected. He is now at the federal

city. He desired me to have some things taken care of for you. There were

some kitchen furniture, backgammon table and chess men, and a pelise of

fine fur. The latter I have taken to my own apartment and had packed in

hops, and sewed up; the former are put into a warehouse of Mr. Barnes; all

subject to your future orders. Some letters came for you soon after your

departure: the person who delivered them said there were enclosed in them

some for your friend whom you left here, and desired I would open them.

I did so in his presence, found only one letter for your friend, took

it out and sealed the letters again in the presence of the same person,

without reading a word or looking who they were from. I now forward them

to you, as I do this to my friend Jacob Van Staphorst, at Paris. Our alien

bill struggles hard for a passage. It has been considerably mollified. It

is not yet through the Senate. We are proceeding further and further in

war measures. I consider that event as almost inevitable. I am extremely

anxious to hear from you, to know what sort of a passage you had, how you

find yourself, and the state and prospect of things in Europe. I hope

I shall not be long without hearing from you. The first dividend which

will be drawn for you and remitted, will be in January, and as the winter

passages are dangerous, it will not be forwarded till April; after that,

regularly, from six months to six months. This will be done by Mr. Barnes.

I shall leave this place in three weeks. The times do not permit an

indulgence in political disquisitions. But they forbid not the effusion of

friendship, and not my warmest toward you, which no time will alter. Your

principles and dispositions were made to be honored, revered and loved.

True to a single object, the freedom and happiness of man, they have not

veered about with the changelings and apostates of our acquaintance. May

health and happiness ever attend you. Accept sincere assurances of my

affectionate esteem and respect. Adieu.

FOOTNOTE:

[10] [Shortly before, Mr. Jefferson had obtained passports

for General Kosciusko, under an assumed name, from the foreign

ministers in this country. The annexed is the note addressed to

Mr. Liston, soliciting one from him.

"Thomas Jefferson presents his respects to Mr. Liston, and asks

the favor of the passport for his friend Thomas Kanberg, of whom

he spoke to him yesterday. He is a native of the north of Europe,

(perhaps of Germany,) has been known to Thomas Jefferson these

twenty years in America, is of a most excellent character, stands

in no relation whatever to any of the belligerent powers, as to

whom Thomas Jefferson is not afraid to be responsible for his

political innocence, as he goes merely for his private affairs. He

will sail from Baltimore, if he finds there a good opportunity for

France; and if not, he will come on here. March 27, 1798."]

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, June 21, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 10th instant is received. I expected mine of the

14th would have been my last from hence, as I had proposed to set out

on the 20th; but on the morning of the 19th, we heard of the arrival

of Marshall at New York, and I concluded to stay and see whether that

circumstance would produce any new projects. No doubt he there received

more than hints from Hamilton as to the tone required to be assumed. Yet

I apprehend he is not hot enough for his friends. Livingston came with him

from New York. Marshall told him they had no idea in France of a war with

us. That Talleyrand sent passports to him and Pinckney, but none to Gerry.

Upon this, Gerry staid, without explaining to them the reason. He wrote,

however, to the President by Marshall, who knew nothing of the contents of

the letter. So that there must have been a previous understanding between

Talleyrand and Gerry. Marshall was received here with the utmost eclat.

The Secretary of State and many carriages, with all the city cavalry,

went to Frankfort to meet him, and on his arrival here in the evening,

the bells rung till late in the night, and immense crowds were collected

to see and make part of the show, which was circuitously paraded through

the streets before he was set down at the City tavern. All this was to

secure him to their views, that he might say nothing which would oppose

the game they have been playing. Since his arrival I can hear of nothing

directly from him, while they are disseminating through the town things,

as from him, diametrically opposite to what he said to Livingston. Doctor

Logan, about a fortnight ago, sailed for Hamburg. Though for a twelvemonth

past he had been intending to go to Europe as soon as he could get money

enough to carry him there, yet when he had accomplished this, and fixed

a time for going, he very unwisely made a mystery of it: so that his

disappearance without notice excited conversation. This was seized by the

war hawks, and given out as a secret mission from the Jacobins here to

solicit an army from France, instruct them as to their landing, &c. This

extravagance produced a real panic among the citizens; and happening just

when Bache published Talleyrand's letter, Harper, on the 18th, gravely

announced to the House of Representatives, that there existed a traitorous

correspondence between the Jacobins here and the French Directory;

that he had got hold of some threads and clues of it, and would soon

be able to develop the whole. This increased the alarm; their libelists

immediately set to work, directly and indirectly to implicate whom they

pleased. Porcupine gave me a principal share in it, as I am told, for I

never read his papers. This state of things added to my reasons for not

departing at the time I intended. These follies seem to have died away

in some degree already. Perhaps I may renew my purpose by the 25th. Their

system is, professedly, to keep up an alarm. Tracy, at the meeting of the

joint committee for adjournment, declared it necessary for Congress to

stay together to keep up the inflammation of the public mind; and Otis

has expressed a similar sentiment since. However, they will adjourn. The

opposers of an adjournment in Senate, yesterday agreed to adjourn on the

10th of July. But I think the 1st of July will be carried. That is one of

the objects which detain myself, as well as one or two more of the Senate,

who had got leave of absence. I imagine it will be decided to-morrow or

next day. To separate Congress now, will be withdrawing the fire from

under a boiling pot.

My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison, and cordial friendship to

yourself.

P. M. A message to both Houses this day from the President, with the

following communications.

March 23. Pickering's letter to the Envoys, directing them, if they are

not actually engaged in negotiation with authorized persons, or if it is

not conducted _bonâ fide_, and not merely for procrastination, to break up

and come home, and at any rate to consent to no loan.

April 3. Talleyrand to Gerry. He supposes the other two gentlemen,

perceiving that their known principles are an obstacle to negotiation,

will leave there public, and proposes to renew the negotiations with Gerry

immediately.

April 4. Gerry to Talleyrand. Disclaims a power to conclude anything

separately, can only confer informally and as an unaccredited person

or individual, reserving to lay everything before the government of the

United States for approbation.

April 14. Gerry to the President. He communicates the preceding, and

hopes the President will send other persons instead of his colleagues and

himself, if it shall appear that anything can be done.

The President's message says, that as the instructions were not to consent

to any loan, he considers the negotiations as at an end, and that he will

never send another minister to France, until he shall be assured that he

will be received and treated with the respect due to a great, powerful,

free and independent nation.

A bill was brought in the Senate this day, to declare the treaties with

France void, prefaced by a list of grievances in the style of a manifesto.

It passed to the second reading by fourteen to five.

A bill for punishing forgeries of bank paper, passed to the third reading

by fourteen to six. Three of the fourteen (Laurence, Bingham and Read) bank

directors.

TO MR. NOLAN.

PHILADELPHIA, June 24, 1798.

SIR,--It is sometime since I have understood that there are large herds

of horses in a wild state, in the country west of the Mississippi, and

have been desirous of obtaining details of their history in that State.

Mr. Brown, Senator from Kentucky, informs me it would be in your power

to give interesting information on this subject, and encourages me to

ask it. The circumstances of the old world have, beyond the records of

history, been such as admitted not that animal to exist in a state of

nature. The condition of America is rapidly advancing to the same. The

present then is probably the only moment in the age of the world, and the

herds above mentioned the only subjects, of which we can avail ourselves

to obtain what has never yet been recorded, and never can be again in

all probability. I will add that your information is the sole reliance,

as far as I can at present see, for obtaining this desideratum. You will

render to natural history a very acceptable service, therefore, if you

will enable our Philosophical society to add so interesting a chapter

to the history of this animal. I need not specify to you the particular

facts asked for; as your knowledge of the animal in his domesticated, as

well as his wild state, will naturally have led your attention to those

particulars in the manners, habits, and laws of his existence, which are

peculiar to his wild state. I wish you not to be anxious about the form of

your information, the exactness of the substance alone is material; and

if, after giving in a first letter all the facts you at present possess,

you would be so good, on subsequent occasions, as to furnish such others

in addition, as you may acquire from time to time, your communications

will always be thankfully received, if addressed to me at Monticello;

and put into any post office in Kentucky or Tennessee, they will reach me

speedily and safely, and will be considered as obligations on, sir, your

most obedient, humble servant.

TO SAMUEL SMITH.

MONTICELLO, August 22, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of August the 4th came to hand by our last post,

together with the "extract of a letter from a gentleman of Philadelphia,

dated July the 10th," cut from a newspaper stating some facts which

respect me. I shall notice these facts. The writer says that "the day

after the last despatches were communicated to Congress, Bache, Leib, &c.,

and a Dr. Reynolds, were _closeted_ with me." If the receipt of visits

in my public room, the door continuing free to every one who should call

at the same time, may be called _closeting_, then it is true that I was

_closeted_ with every person who visited me; in no other sense is it

true as to any person. I sometimes received visits from Mr. Bache and

Dr. Leib. I received them always with pleasure, because they are men of

abilities, and of principles the most friendly to liberty and our present

form of government. Mr. Bache has another claim on my respect, as being

the grandson of Dr. Franklin, the greatest man and ornament of the age and

country in which he lived. Whether I was visited by Mr. Bache or Dr. Leib

the day after the communication referred to, I do not remember. I know

that all my motions in Philadelphia, here, and everywhere, are watched and

recorded. Some of these spies, therefore, may remember better than I do,

the dates of these visits. If they say that these two gentlemen visited me

on the day after the communication, as their trade proves their accuracy,

I shall not contradict them, though I affirm that I do not recollect it.

However, as to Dr. Reynolds I can be more particular, because I never

saw him but once, which was on an introductory visit he was so kind as

to pay me. This, I well remember, was before the communication alluded

to, and that during the short conversation I had with him, not one word

was said on the subject of any of the communications. Not that I should

not have spoken freely on their subject to Dr. Reynolds, as I should also

have done to the letter writer, or to any other person who should have

introduced the subject. I know my own principles to be pure, and therefore

am not ashamed of them. On the contrary, I wish them known, and therefore

willingly express them to every one. They are the same I have acted on

from the year 1775 to this day, and are the same, I am sure, with those of

the great body of the American people. I only wish the real principles of

those who censure mine were also known. But warring against those of the

people, the delusion of the people is necessary to the dominant party. I

see the extent to which that delusion has been already carried, and I see

there is no length to which it may not be pushed by a party in possession

of the revenues and the legal authorities of the United States, for a

short time indeed, but yet long enough to admit much particular mischief.

There is no event, therefore, however atrocious, which may not be

expected. I have contemplated every event which the Maratists of the day

can perpetrate, and am prepared to meet every one in such a way, as shall

not be derogatory either to the public liberty or my own personal honor.

The letter writer says, I am "for peace; but it is only with France." He

has told half the truth. He would have told the whole, if he had added

England. I am for peace with both countries. I know that both of them have

given, and are daily giving, sufficient cause of war; that in defiance

of the laws of nations, they are every day trampling on the rights of the

neutral powers, whenever they can thereby do the least injury, either to

the other. But, as I view a peace between France and England the ensuing

winter to be certain, I have thought it would have been better for us to

continue to bear from France through the present summer, what we have been

bearing both from her and England these four years, and still continue

to bear from England, and to have required indemnification in the hour

of peace, when I verily believe it would have been yielded by both. This

seems to have been the plan of the other neutral nations; and whether

this, or the commencing war on one of them, as we have done, would have

been wisest, time and events must decide. But I am quite at a loss on what

ground the letter writer can question the opinion, that France had no

intention of making war on us, and was willing to treat with Mr. Gerry,

when we have this from Talleyrand's letter, and from the written and

verbal information of our Envoys. It is true then, that, as with England,

we might of right have chosen either war or peace, and have chosen peace,

and prudently in my opinion, so with France, we might also of right have

chosen either peace or war, and we have chosen war. Whether the choice

may be a popular one in the other States, I know not. Here it certainly is

not; and I have no doubt the whole American people will rally ere long to

the same sentiment, and rejudge those who, at present, think they have all

judgment in their own hands.

These observations will show you, how far the imputations in the paragraph

sent me approach the truth. Yet they are not intended for a newspaper. At

a very early period of my life, I determined never to put a sentence into

any newspaper. I have religiously adhered to the resolution through my

life, and have great reason to be contented with it. Were I to undertake

to answer the calumnies of the newspapers, it would be more than all my

own time, and that of twenty aids could effect. For while I should be

answering one, twenty new ones would be invented. I have thought it better

to trust to the justice of my countrymen, that they would judge me by what

they _see_ of my conduct on the stage where they have placed me, and what

they knew of me _before_ the epoch since which a particular party has

supposed it might answer some view of theirs to vilify me in the public

eye. Some, I know, will not reflect how apocryphal is the testimony of

enemies so palpably betraying the views with which they give it. But this

is an injury to which duty requires every one to submit whom the public

think proper to call into its councils. I thank you, my dear Sir, for the

interest you have for me on this occasion. Though I have made up my mind

not to suffer calumny to disturb my tranquillity, yet I retain all my

sensibilities for the approbation of the good and just. That is, indeed,

the chief consolation for the hatred of so many, who, without the least

personal knowledge, and on the sacred evidence of Porcupine and Fenno

alone, cover me with their implacable hatred. The only return I will ever

make them, will be to do them all the good I can, in spite of their teeth.

I have the pleasure to inform you that all your friends in this quarter

are well, and to assure you of the sentiments of sincere esteem and

respect with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO A. H. ROWAN.

MONTICELLO, September 26, 1798.

SIR,--To avoid the suspicions and curiosity of the post office, which

would have been excited by seeing your name and mine on the back of a

letter, I have delayed acknowledging the receipt of your favor of July

last, till an occasion to write to an inhabitant of Wilmington gives me

an opportunity of putting my letter under cover to him. The system of

alarm and jealousy which has been so powerfully played off in England, has

been mimicked here, not entirely without success. The most long-sighted

politician could not, seven years ago, have imagined that the people of

this wide-extended country could have been enveloped in such delusion, and

made so much afraid of themselves and their own power, as to surrender it

spontaneously to those who are manœuvring them into a form of government,

the principal branches of which may be beyond their control. The commerce

of England, however, has spread its roots over the whole face of our

country. This is the real source of all the obliquities of the public

mind; and I should have had doubts of the ultimate term they might attain;

but happily, the game, to be worth the playing of those engaged in it,

must flush them with money. The authorized expenses of this year are

beyond those of any year in the late war for independence, and they are

of a nature to beget great and constant expenses. The purse of the people

is the real seat of sensibility. It is to be drawn upon largely, and they

will then listen to truths which could not excite them through any other

organ. In this State, however, the delusion has not prevailed. They are

sufficiently on their guard to have justified the assurance, that should

you choose it for your asylum, the laws of the land, administered by

upright judges, would protect you from any exercise of power unauthorized

by the Constitution of the United States. The Habeas Corpus secures every

man here, alien or citizen, against everything which is not law, whatever

shape it may assume. Should this, or any other circumstance, draw your

footsteps this way, I shall be happy to be among those who may have an

opportunity of testifying, by every attention in our power, the sentiments

of esteem and respect which the circumstances of your history have

inspired, and which are peculiarly felt by, Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

TO STEPHENS THOMPSON MASON.

MONTICELLO, October 11, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--I have to thank you for your favor of July the 6th, from

Philadelphia. I did not immediately acknowledge it, because I knew you

would have come away. The X. Y. Z. fever has considerably abated through

the country, as I am informed, and the alien and sedition laws are working

hard. I fancy that some of the State legislatures will take strong ground

on this occasion. For my own part, I consider those laws as merely an

experiment on the American mind, to see how far it will hear an avowed

violation of the Constitution. If this goes down, we shall immediately

see attempted another act of Congress, declaring that the President shall

continue in office during life, reserving to another occasion the transfer

of the succession to his heirs, and the establishment of the Senate for

life. At least, this may be the aim of the Oliverians, while Monk and

the Cavaliers (who are perhaps the strongest) may be playing their game

for the restoration of his most gracious Majesty George the Third. That

these things are in contemplation, I have no doubt; nor can I be confident

of their failure, after the dupery of which our countrymen have shown

themselves susceptible.

You promised to endeavor to send me some tenants. I am waiting for them,

having broken up two excellent farms with twelve fields in them of forty

acres each, some of which I have sowed with small grain. Tenants of

any size may be accommodated with the number of fields suited to their

force. Only send me good people, and write me what they are. Adieu. Yours

affectionately.

TO JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, November 17, 1798.

I enclose you a copy of the draught of the Kentucky resolutions. I think

we should distinctly affirm all the important principles they contain,

so as to hold to that ground in future, and leave the matter in such a

train as that we may not be committed absolutely to push the matter to

extremities, and yet may be free to push as far as events will render

prudent. I think to set out so as to arrive at Philadelphia the Saturday

before Christmas. My friendly respects to Mrs. Madison, to your father and

family; health, happiness and adieu to yourself.

TO JOHN TAYLOR.

MONTICELLO, November 26, 1798.

DEAR SIR,--We formerly had a debtor and creditor account of letters on

farming; but the high price of tobacco, which is likely to continue for

some short time, has tempted me to go entirely into that culture, and

in the meantime, my farming schemes are in abeyance, and my farming

fields at nurse against the time of my resuming them. But I owe you

a political letter. Yet the infidelities of the post office and the

circumstances of the times are against my writing fully and freely,

whilst my own dispositions are as much against mysteries, innuendos and

half-confidences. I know not which mortifies me most, that I should fear

to write what I think, or my country bear such a state of things. Yet

Lyon's judges, and a jury of all nations, are objects of national fear.

We agree in all the essential ideas of your letter. We agree particularly

in the necessity of some reform, and of some better security for civil

liberty. But perhaps we do not see the existing circumstances in the same

point of view. There are many consideration _dehors_ of the State, which

will occur to you without enumeration. I should not apprehend them, if

all was sound within. But there is a most respectable part of our State

who have been enveloped in the X. Y. Z. delusion, and who destroy our

unanimity for the present moment. This disease of the imagination will

pass over, because the patients are essentially republicans. Indeed, the

Doctor is now on his way to cure it, in the guise of a tax gatherer. But

give time for the medicine to work, and for the repetition of stronger

doses, which must be administered. The principle of the present majority

is _excessive expense_, money enough to fill all their maws, or it will

not be worth the risk of their supporting. They cannot borrow a dollar

in Europe, or above two or three millions in America. This is not the

fourth of the expenses of this year, unprovided for. Paper money would be

perilous even to the paper men. Nothing then but excessive taxation can

get us along; and this will carry reason and reflection to every man's

door, and particularly in the hour of election.

I wish it were possible to obtain a single amendment to our Constitution.

I would be willing to depend on that alone for the reduction of the

administration of our government to the genuine principles of its

Constitution; I mean an additional article, taking from the federal

government the power of borrowing. I now deny their power of making

paper money or anything else a legal tender. I know that to pay all

proper expenses within the year, would, in case of war, be hard on us.

But not so hard as ten wars instead of one. For wars would be reduced

in that proportion; besides that the State governments would be free to

lend _their credit_ in borrowing quotas. For the present, I should be

for resolving the alien and sedition laws to be against the Constitution

and merely void, and for addressing the other States to obtain similar

declarations: and I would not do anything at this moment which should

commit us further, but reserve ourselves to shape our future measures or

no measures, by the events which may happen. It is a singular phenomenon,

that while our State governments are the _very best in the world_, without

exception or comparison, our General Government has, in the rapid course

of nine or ten years, become more arbitrary, and has swallowed more of the

public liberty than even that of England. I enclose you a column, cut out

of a London paper, to show you that the English, though charmed with our

making their enemies our enemies, yet blush and weep over our sedition

law. But I enclose you something more important. It is a petition for a

reformation in the manner of appointing our juries, and a remedy against

the _jury of all nations_, which is handing about here for signature,

and will be presented to your House. I know it will require but little

ingenuity to make objections to the details of its execution; but do not

be discouraged by small difficulties; make it as perfect as you can at a

first essay, and depend on amending its defects as they develop themselves

in practice. I hope it will meet with your approbation and patronage. It

is the only thing which can yield us a little present protection against

the dominion of a faction, while circumstances are maturing for bringing

and keeping the government in real unison with the spirit of their

constituents. I am aware that the act of Congress has directed that juries

shall be appointed by lot or otherwise, as the laws _now_ (at the date of

the act) in force in the several States provide. The New England States

have always had them elected by their select men, who are elected by the

people. Several or most of the other States have a large number appointed

(I do not know how) to attend, out of whom twelve for each cause are

taken by lot. This provision of Congress will render it necessary for our

Senators or Delegates to apply for an amendatory law, accommodated to that

prayed for in the petition. In the meantime, I would pass the law as if

the amendatory one existed, in reliance, that our select jurors attending,

the federal judge will, under a sense of right, direct the juries to be

taken from among them. If he does not, or if Congress refuses to pass the

amendatory law, it will serve as eye-water for their constituents. Health,

happiness, _safety_ and esteem to yourself and my ever-honored and ancient

friend, Mr. Pendleton. Adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, January 3, 1799.

DEAR SIR,--I have suffered the post hour to come so nearly on me, that

I must huddle over what I have more than appears in the public papers.

I arrived here on Christmas day, not a single bill or other article of

business having yet been brought into Senate. The President's speech, so

unlike himself in point of moderation, is supposed to have been written

by the military conclave, and particularly Hamilton. When the Senate

gratuitously hint Logan to him, you see him in his reply come out in his

genuine colors. The debates on that subject and Logan's declaration you

will see in the papers. The republican spirit is supposed to be gaining

ground in this State and Massachusetts. The tax gatherer has already

excited discontent. Gerry's correspondence with Talleyrand, promised by

the President at the opening of the session, is still kept back. It is

known to show France in a very conciliatory attitude, and to contradict

some executive assertions. Therefore, it is supposed they will get their

war measures well taken before they will produce this damper. Vans Murray

writes them, that the French government is sincere in their overtures for

reconciliation, and have agreed, if these fail, to admit the mediation

offered by the Dutch government.

* * * * *

General Knox has become bankrupt for four hundred thousand dollars, and

has resigned his military commission. He took in General Lincoln for one

hundred and fifty thousand dollars, which breaks him. Colonel Jackson

also sunk with him. It seems generally admitted, that several cases of

the yellow fever still exist in the city, and the apprehension is, that it

will re-appear early in the spring. You promised me a copy of McGee's bill

of prices. Be so good as to send it on to me here. Tell Mrs. Madison her

friend Madame d'Yrujo, is as well as one can be so near to a formidable

crisis. Present my friendly respects to her, and accept yourself my

sincere and affectionate salutations. Adieu.

P. S. I omitted to mention that a petition has been presented to the

President, signed by several thousand persons in Vermont, praying a

remitment of Lyon's fine. He asked the bearer of the petition if Lyon

himself had petitioned, and being answered in the negative, said,

"penitence must precede pardon."

TO JAMES MADISON.

PHILADELPHIA, January 16, 1799.

DEAR SIR,--The forgery lately attempted to be played off by Mr. H. on the

House of Representatives, of a pretended memorial presented by Logan to

the French government, has been so palpably exposed, as to have thrown

ridicule on the whole of the clamors they endeavored to raise as to that

transaction. Still, however, their majority will pass the bill. The real

views in the importance they have given to Logan's enterprise are mistaken

by nobody. Mr. Gerry's communications relative to his transactions after

the departure of his colleagues, though he has now been returned five

months, and they have been promised to the House six or seven weeks,

are still kept back. In the meantime, the paper of this morning promises

them from the Paris papers. It is said, they leave not a possibility to

doubt the sincerity and the anxiety of the French government to avoid the

spectacle of a war with us. Notwithstanding this is well understood, the

army and a great addition to our navy, are steadily intended. A loan of

five millions is opened at eight per cent. interest!

* * * * *

In a society of members, between whom and myself are great mutual esteem

and respect, a most anxious desire is expressed that you would publish

your debates of the convention. That these measures of the army, navy

and direct tax will bring about a revolution of public sentiment is

thought certain, and that the Constitution will then receive a different

explanation. Could those debates be ready to appear critically, their

effect would be decisive. I beg of you to turn this subject in your mind.

Tho arguments against it will be personal; those in favor of it moral;

and something is required from you as a set off against the sin of your

retirement. Your favor of December the 29th came to hand January the 5th;

seal sound. I pray you always to examine the seals of mine to you, and the

strength of the impression. The suspicions against the government on this

subject are strong. I wrote you January the 5th. Accept for yourself and

Mrs. Madison my affectionate salutations. Adieu.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

January 23, 1799.

DEAR SIR,--The newspapers furnish you with the articles of common news as

well as the Congressional. You observe the addition proposed to be made

to our Navy, and the loan of five millions, opened at eight per cent.,

to equip it. The papers say that our agents abroad are purchasing vessels

for this purpose. The following is as accurate a statement of our income

and expense annual, as I can form, after divesting the Treasury reports of

such articles as are incidental, and properly _annual_:

1798--Imports $7,405,420 76.

Excise Auctions, Libraries, Carriages 585,879 67.

Postage 57,000

Patents 1,050

Coinage 10,202

Dividends of Bank Stock 79,920

Fines 8

--------------

$8,139,520 43.

1799--Direct Tax, } Clear of expense 2,000,000

Stamp Tax,

--------------

$10,139,520

Interest and reimbursement of domestic

debt $2,987,145 48

Interest on domestic loans 238,637 50

Dutch debt 586,829 58--$3,812,612 56

Civil list 524,206 83

Loan office 13,000

Mint 13,300

Light-houses 44,281 58

Annuities and Grants 1,603 33

Military Pensions 93,400

Miscellaneous expenses 19,000

Contingent expenses of Government 20,000

Amount of Civil Government property 728,191 24

Indians 110,000

Foreign intercourse 93,000

Treaties with G. Britain, Spain

and Mediterranean 187,500 -- 280,500

Annual expense of existing Navy 2,424,261 10

Do. do. Army (2,038 officers and privates) 1,461,173

Do. do. Officers of additional Army }

(actually commissioned) } 217,372 -- 4,112,811 10

--------------

9,044,714 90

Annual expense of privates of do.

(about ----) 2,523,458

Do. do. do Navy 2,949,278 96-- 5,472,733 96

Eight per cent. interest on five millions new loan 400,000

--------------

$14,917,448 86

By this you will perceive that our income for 1799, being ten millions,

and expenses nine millions, we have a surplus of one million, which, with

the five millions to be borrowed, it is expected, will build the Navy

and raise the Army. When they are complete, we shall have to raise by

new taxes about five millions more, making in the whole fifteen millions,

which if our population be five millions, will be three dollars a head.

But these additional taxes will not be wanting, till the session after the

next. The majority in Congress being as in the last session, matters will

go on now as then. I shall send you Gerry's correspondence and Pickering's

report on it, by which you will perceive the willingness of France to

treat with us, and our determination not to believe it, and therefore to

go to war with them. For in this light must be viewed our surrounding

their islands with our armed vessels instead of their cruising on our

coasts as the law directs.

According to information, there is real reason to believe that the X.

Y. Z. delusion is wearing off, and the public mind beginning to take the

same direction it was getting into before that measure. Gerry's dispatches

will tend strongly to open the eyes of the people. Besides this several

other impressive circumstances will all be bearing on the public mind.

The alien and sedition laws as before, the direct tax, the additional

army and navy, an usurious loan to set these follies on foot, a prospect

of heavy additional taxes as soon as they are completed, still heavier

taxes if the government forces on the war, recruiting officers lounging at

every court-house and decoying the laborer from his plough. A clause in a

bill now under debate for opening commerce with Toussaint and his black

subjects now in open rebellion with France, will be a circumstance of

high aggravation to that country, and in addition to our cruising around

their islands will put their patience to a great proof. One fortunate

circumstance is that, annihilated as they are on the ocean, they cannot

get at us for some time, and this will give room for the popular sentiment

to correct the imprudence. Nothing is believed of the stories about

Bonaparte. Those about Ireland have a more serious aspect. I delivered

the letter from you of which I was the bearer. No use was made of the

paper, because that poor creature had already fallen too low even for

contempt. It seems that the representative of our district is attached to

his seat. Mr. Bachley tells me you have the collection of a sum of money

for him, which is destined for me. What is the prospect of getting it,

and how much? I do not know whether I have before informed you that Mr.

Madison paid to Mr. Barnes $240 or $250 in your name to be placed to your

credit with Mr. Short, I consequently squared that account, and debited

you to myself for the balance. This with another article or two of account

between us, stands therefore against the books for which I am indebted

to you, and for which I know not the cost. A very important measure is

under contemplation here, which, if adopted, will require a considerable

sum of money _on loan_. The thing being beyond the abilities of those

present, they will possibly be obliged to assess their friends also. I

may perhaps be forced to score you for fifty or one hundred dollars, to

be paid at convenience, but as yet it is only talked of. I shall rest my

justification on the importance of the measure, and the sentiments I know

you to entertain on such subjects. We consider the elections on the whole

as rather in our favor, and particularly believe those of North Carolina

will immediately come right. J. Nicholas and Brent, both offer again. My

friendly respects to Mrs. Monroe, and to yourself affectionate salutations

and adieu.

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

PHILADELPHIA, January 26, 1799.

MY DEAR SIR,--Your favor of November the 12th was safely delivered to me

by Mr. Binney; but not till December the 28th, as I arrived here only

three days before that date. It was received with great satisfaction.

Our very long intimacy as fellow laborers in the same cause, the recent

expressions of mutual confidence which had preceded your mission, the

interesting course which that had taken, and particularly and personally

as it regarded yourself, made me anxious to hear from you on your return.

I was the more so too, as I had myself, during the whole of your absence,

as well as since your return, been a constant butt for every shaft of

calumny which malice and falsehood could form, and the presses, public

speakers, or private letters disseminate. One of these, too, was of a

nature to touch yourself; as if, wanting confidence in your efforts, I

had been capable of usurping powers committed to you, and authorizing

negotiations private and collateral to yours. The real truth is, that

though Doctor Logan, the pretended missionary, about four or five days

before he sailed for Hamburgh, told me he was going there, and thence to

Paris, and asked and received from me a certificate of his citizenship,

character, and circumstances of life, merely as a protection, should

he be molested on his journey, in the present turbulent and suspicious

state of Europe, yet I had been led to consider his object as relative

to his private affairs; and though, from an intimacy of some standing,

he knew well my wishes for peace and my political sentiments in general,

he nevertheless received then no particular declaration of them, no

authority to communicate them to any mortal, nor to speak to any one in

my name, or in anybody's name, on that, or on any other subject whatever;

nor did I write by him a scrip of a pen to any person whatever. This he

has himself honestly and publicly declared since his return; and from

his well-known character and every other circumstance, every candid man

must perceive that his enterprise was dictated by his own enthusiasm,

without consultation or communication with any one; that he acted in Paris

on his own ground, and made his own way. Yet to give some color to his

proceedings, which might implicate the republicans in general, and myself

particularly, they have not been ashamed to bring forward a suppositious

paper, drawn by one of their own party in the name of Logan, and falsely

pretended to have been presented by him to the government of France;

counting that the bare mention of my name therein, would connect that

in the eye of the public with this transaction. In confutation of these

and all future calumnies, by way of anticipation, I shall make to you a

profession of my political faith; in confidence that you will consider

every future imputation on me of a contrary complexion, as bearing on its

front the mark of falsehood and calumny.

I do then, with sincere zeal, wish an inviolable preservation of our

present federal Constitution, according to the true sense in which it was

adopted by the States, that in which it was advocated by its friends,

and not that which its enemies apprehended, who therefore became its

enemies; and I am opposed to the monarchising its features by the forms

of its administration, with a view to conciliate a first transition to

a President and Senate for life, and from that to an hereditary tenure

of these offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle. I am for

preserving to the States the powers not yielded by them to the Union, and

to the legislature of the Union its constitutional share in the division

of powers; and I am not for transferring all the powers of the States to

the General Government, and all those of that government to the executive

branch. I am for a government rigorously frugal and simple, applying

all the possible savings of the public revenue to the discharge of the

national debt; and not for a multiplication of officers and salaries

merely to make partisans, and for increasing, by every device, the public

debt, on the principle of its being a public blessing. I am for relying,

for internal defence, on our militia solely, till actual invasion, and for

such a naval force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such

depredations as we have experienced; and not for a standing army in time

of peace, which may overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy, which,

by its own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate us,

will grind us with public burthens, and sink us under them. I am for free

commerce with all nations; political connection with none; and little or

no diplomatic establishment. And I am not for linking ourselves by new

treaties with the quarrels of Europe; entering that field of slaughter

to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to

war against the principles of liberty. I am for freedom of religion,

and against all manœuvres to bring about a legal ascendancy of one sect

over another: for freedom of the press, and against all violations of

the Constitution to silence by force and not by reason the complaints

or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of

their agents. And I am for encouraging the progress of science in all its

branches; and not for raising a hue and cry against the sacred name of

philosophy; for awing the human mind by stories of raw-head and bloody

bones to a distrust of its own vision, and to repose implicitly on that

of others; to go backwards instead of forwards to look for improvement;

to believe that government, religion, morality, and every other science

were in the highest perfection in ages of the darkest ignorance, and that

nothing can ever be devised more perfect than what was established by

our forefathers. To these I will add, that I was a sincere well-wisher

to the success of the French revolution, and still wish it may end in

the establishment of a free and well-ordered republic; but I have not

been insensible under the atrocious depredations they have committed on

our commerce. The first object of my heart is my own country. In that

is embarked my family, my fortune, and my own existence. I have not one

farthing of interest, nor one fibre of attachment out of it, nor a single

motive of preference of any one nation to another, but in proportion

as they are more or less friendly to us. But though deeply feeling the

injuries of France, I did not think war the surest means of redressing

them. I did believe, that a mission sincerely disposed to preserve peace,

would obtain for us a peaceable and honorable settlement and retribution;

and I appeal to you to say, whether this might not have been obtained, if

either of your colleagues had been of the same sentiment with yourself.

These, my friend, are my principles; they are unquestionably the

principles of the great body of our fellow citizens, and I know there is

not one of them which is not yours also. In truth, we never differed but

on one ground, the funding system; and as, from the moment of its being

adopted by the constituted authorities, I became religiously principled

in the sacred discharge of it to the uttermost farthing, we are united now

even on that single ground of difference.

I now turn to your inquiries. The enclosed paper will answer one of them.

But you also ask for such political information as may be possessed by

me, and interesting to yourself in regard to your embassy. As a proof of

my entire confidence in you, I shall give it fully and candidly. When

Pinckney, Marshall, and Dana, were nominated to settle our differences

with France, it was suspected by many, from what was understood of their

dispositions, that their mission would not result in a settlement of

differences, but would produce circumstances tending to widen the breach,

and to provoke our citizens to consent to a war with that nation, and

union with England. Dana's resignation and your appointment gave the

first gleam of hope of a peaceable issue to the mission. For it was

believed that you were sincerely disposed to accommodation; and it was

not long after your arrival there, before symptoms were observed of that

difference of views which had been suspected to exist. In the meantime,

however, the aspect of our government towards the French republic had

become so ardent, that the people of America generally took the alarm.

To the southward, their apprehensions were early excited. In the eastern

States also, they at length began to break out. Meetings were held in many

of your towns, and addresses to the government agreed on in opposition

to war. The example was spreading like a wildfire. Other meetings were

called in other places, and a general concurrence of sentiment against

the apparent inclinations of the government was imminent; when, most

critically for the government, the despatches of October 22d, prepared by

your colleague Marshall, with a view to their being made public, dropped

into their laps. It was truly a God-send to them, and they made the most

of it. Many thousands of copies were printed and dispersed gratis, at

the public expense; and the zealots for war co-operated so heartily, that

there were instances of single individuals who printed and dispersed ten

or twelve thousand copies at their own expense. The odiousness of the

corruption supposed in those papers excited a general and high indignation

among the people. Unexperienced in such manœuvres, they did not permit

themselves even to suspect that the turpitude of private swindlers might

mingle itself unobserved, and give its own hue to the communications of

the French government, of whose participation there was neither proof

nor probability. It served, however, for a time, the purpose intended.

The people, in many places, gave a loose to the expressions of their

warm indignation, and of their honest preference of war to dishonor.

The fever was long and successfully kept up, and in the meantime, war

measures as ardently crowded. Still, however, as it was known that your

colleagues were coming away, and yourself to stay, though disclaiming a

separate power to conclude a treaty, it was hoped by the lovers of peace,

that a project of treaty would have been prepared, _ad referendum_, on

principles which would have satisfied our citizens, and overawed any bias

of the government towards a different policy. But the expedition of the

Sophia, and, as was supposed, the suggestions of the person charged with

your despatches, and his probable misrepresentations of the real wishes

of the American people, prevented these hopes. They had then only to look

forward to your return for such information, either through the executive,

or from yourself, as might present to our view the other side of the

medal. The despatches of October 22d, 1797, had presented one face. That

information, to a certain degree, is now received, and the public will see

from your correspondence with Talleyrand, that France, as you testify,

"was sincere and anxious to obtain a reconciliation, not wishing us to

break the British treaty, but only to give her equivalent stipulations;

and in general was disposed to a liberal treaty." And they will judge

whether Mr. Pickering's report shows an inflexible determination to

believe no declarations the French government can make, nor any opinion

which you, judging on the spot and from actual view, can give of their

sincerity, and to meet their designs of peace with operations of war. The

alien and sedition acts have already operated in the south as powerful

sedatives of the X. Y. Z. inflammation. In your quarter, where violations

of principle are either less regarded or more concealed, the direct tax is

likely to have the same effect, and to excite inquiries into the object of

the enormous expenses and taxes we are bringing on. And your information

supervening, that we might have a liberal accommodation if we would, there

can be little doubt of the reproduction of that general movement which had

been changed, for a moment, by the despatches of October 22d. And though

small checks and stops, like Logan's pretended embassy, may be thrown in

the way from time to time, and may a little retard its motion, yet the

tide is already turned, and will sweep before it all the feeble obstacles

of art. The unquestionable republicanism of the American mind will break

through the mist under which it has been clouded, and will oblige its

agents to reform the principles and practices of their administration.

You suppose that you have been abused by both parties. As far as has

come to my knowledge, you are misinformed. I have never seen or heard a

sentence of blame uttered against you by the republicans; unless we were

so to construe their wishes that you had more boldly co-operated in a

project of a treaty, and would more explicitly state, whether there was

in your colleagues that flexibility, which persons earnest after peace

would have practised? Whether, on the contrary, their demeanor was not

cold, reserved, and distant, at least, if not backward? And whether, if

they had yielded to those informal conferences which Talleyrand seems to

have courted, the liberal accommodation you suppose might not have been

effected, even with their agency? Your fellow-citizens think they have a

right to full information, in a case of such great concernment to them.

It is their sweat which is to earn all the expenses of the war, and their

blood which is to flow in expiation of the causes of it. It may be in

your power to save them from these miseries by full communications and

unrestrained details, postponing motives of delicacy to those of duty. It

rests with you to come forward independently; to make your stand on the

high ground of your own character; to disregard calumny, and to be borne

above it on the shoulders of your grateful fellow citizens; or to sink

into the humble oblivion, to which the federalists (self-called) have

secretly condemned you; and even to be happy if they will indulge you

oblivion, while they have beamed on your colleagues meridian splendor.

Pardon me, my dear Sir, if my expressions are strong. My feelings are so

much more so, that it is with difficulty I reduce them even to the tone

I use. If you doubt the dispositions towards you, look into the papers,

on both sides, for the toasts which were given throughout the States on

the fourth of July. You will there see whose hearts were with you, and

whose were ulcerated against you. Indeed, as soon as it was known that

you had consented to stay in Paris, there was no measure observed in the

execrations of the war party. They openly wished you might be guillotined,

or sent to Cayenne, or anything else. And these expressions were finally

stifled from a principle of policy only, and to prevent you from being

urged to a justification of yourself. From this principle alone proceed

the silence and cold respect they observe towards you. Still, they

cannot prevent at times the flames bursting from under the embers, as

Mr. Pickering's letters, report, and conversations testify, as well as

the indecent expressions respecting you, indulged by some of them in the

debate on these despatches. These sufficiently show that you are never

more to be honored or trusted by them, and that they wait to crush you for

ever, only till they can do it without danger to themselves.

When I sat down to answer your letter, but two courses presented

themselves, either to say nothing or everything; for half confidences are

not in my character. I could not hesitate which was due to you. I have

unbosomed myself fully; and it will certainly be highly gratifying if I

receive like confidence from you. For even if we differ in principle more

than I believe we do, you and I know too well the texture of the human

mind, and the slipperiness of human reason, to consider differences of

opinion otherwise than differences of form or feature. Integrity of views

more than their soundness, is the basis of esteem. I shall follow your

direction in conveying this by a private hand; though I know not as yet

when one worthy of confidence will occur. And my trust in you leaves me

without a fear that this letter, meant as a confidential communication

of my impressions, will ever go out of your own hand, or be suffered

in anywise to commit my name. Indeed, besides the accidents which might

happen to it even under your care, considering the accident of death to

which you are liable, I think it safest to pray you, after reading it as

often as you please, to destroy at least the second and third leaves. The

first contains principles only, which I fear not to avow; but the second

and third contain facts stated for your information, and which, though

sacredly conformable to my firm belief, yet would be galling to some,

and expose me to illiberal attacks. I therefore repeat my prayer to burn

the second and third leaves. And did we ever expect to see the day, when,

breathing nothing but sentiments of love to our country and its freedom

and happiness, our correspondence must be as secret as if we were hatching

its destruction! Adieu, my friend, and accept my sincere and affectionate

salutations. I need not add my signature.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.

PHILADELPHIA, January 29, 1799.