Francisci I Gallorum Regis auspiciis exploratam, quingentesimo
vicesimo tertio anno sub eius iurisdictionem redegerat. Eadem ipsa
est continens inter Floridam Nouamque Franciam, quam tricesimo sexto,
septimo, & octauo gradibus substratã, _Mocosæ_ nomine? veteres
designarunt, ducẽtenis quinquagenis leucis versùs Occasum ab Sancti
Saluatoris statione dissitæ. Ex Ieutomo arce, quam egregiè munitam,
& præsidiario milite instructam inibi octauo ab hinc anno habent,
quotannis æstiuam nauigationem instituunt ad Peucoïtiarum insularum
cetarias, piscariæ [590] annonæ in futuram hiemem comparandæ. Eò cùm
deueherentur huius anni æstate, inciderunt in eas cæli caligines,
quæ huic mari densissimæ solent per eos menses incubare, in quibus
dum incerti locorum diutius hærent, frequentibus eos trahentibus
æstuariis, paullatim nostrũ in littus delati sunt, haud procul portu
Sancti Saluatoris. Inde Barbarorum imprudentia lapsorum indicio, qui
eos pro fœderatis Gallis sumerent, didicerunt Gallicam nauem in proximo
portu versari, atque illam quidem neque grandem, neque à numerosis
epibatis, neq; ab æneis tormentis validè instructam. Eo nuncio nihil
opportuniùs accidere poterat hominibus seminudis, & cibariorum copia
exhaustis, quos præter hanc inopiam, insita rapiendi cupiditas, &
prædæ maioris opinio, quàm quanta ex direpto nostro nauigio poterat
cogi, sua sponte ad vim inferendã, etiam contra ius naturale ac
gentium, accendebant. Arma igitur expediunt, passis velis, instructa
acie, directo cursu in nostrum portum inuehuntur. Quibus argumentis
Barbarus ille, cuius maximè indicio fueramus proditi, cùm hostilem in
nos Anglorum animum collegisset, tum suum errorem agnoscere, & quod
in nos deliquerat, quibus se crederet gratificari, multo detestari
fletu, quem fletum deinde crebrò integrauit, cùm à nobis errati sui
veniam peteret, & à Barbaris ipsis popularibus, qui nostrũ casum,
suam iniuriam interpretati, sæpe illi manus intentarunt. Nos interea
ancipiti opinione suspẽsi, amicos an hostes censeremus, quos rectà
in nostrã stationem secundus ventus inferebat, euentum trepidi [591]
opperiebamur, cùm nauigij gubernator scapha vectus ad explorandum
obuiam processit, longo tamen circuitu, ne non esset receptui locus,
maximè quòd is aduerso, illi obsecundante vento vterentur. Sed
explorato nihil fuit opus, classicum canentes inuehebantur, tela
eatenus modò inhibentes, dū ea ex propinquo liceret adiicere; atque
ipsos nauis defensores sigillatim destinare. Quattuordecim grandioribus
tormentis, catapultis verò maioris modi, _Mosquetos_ vocant, sexagenis,
impetu facto in nauigium nostrum, non sublatis anchoris ad motū
inhabilem, decem modò propugnatoribus instructum, ærearum cannarum
absente libratore, non multæ operæ fuit illius, atque omnium nostrum
expugnatio, quos in continente Saussæïus distinuerat. Gilbertus du
Thet noster propugnatorem in naui agebat, cùm ab hostibus funestarum
glandium tempestas maximè ingrueret; qua in procella confossus letali
plaga, chirurgi Angli Catholici multa licèt diligentia curatus,
postridie Sacramentorum opportuno solatio adiutus, religiosa morte
occubuit. Nos verò vniuersi in potestatem Hæretici Angli veneramus,
qui vt erat insigniter versutus, clam subducto ex Saussæij capsis
Regio diplomate, cuius fide nostræ coloniæ Nouo-Francicæ tota ratio
nitebatur, vt ne prædatoris more, sed æquo iure, nobiscum agere
videretur, Saussæïum vrgere institit, vti probaret, cuius auctoritate
coloniam in Canadiæ oras deduxisset. Saussæïus vbi Gallorũ Regis
voluntatem atque diploma laudauerat, quod se in scriniis luculentum
habere diceret, allatis capsis, [592] cuius claues adhuc seruauerat,
iussus est illud expromere; sed ad capsas vbi ventum est, cætera omnia
integra, suisque locis digesta agnoscebat Saussæïus, diploma tamen
non comparebat: quod vbi nullum proferebatur, tum Prætor Anglus vultu
ac voce ad seueritatem compositis, vehementer offendi, fugitiuos, &
meros piratas nos omnes asserere, dignos nece prædicare, rem nostram
militi suo diripiendam tradere, nos denique hostium loco habere.
Quod autem facinus Angli ab summa iniuria exorsi suerant, videbantur
maiore quoque iniquitate pertexturi, vt prioris noxæ memoriam
posteriore obruerent, nisi maturè obuiã iretur. Quare Prætorẽ nostri
adeunt, se, adhuc ignoranti qui essent, ingenuè aperiunt, ne imbelli
victoria elatus de contubernio suo statuat seueriùs, obsecrant; humanæ
conditionis vti meminerit, studiosè admonent: quàm benignè suis rebus
vellet consultum, vbi similis ipsum perculisset casus, tam humaniter
alienis consuleret: in primis autem consideraret sibi rem esse cum
innocentissimis hominibus, quibus nihil noxæ obiici posset, quàm ab sua
innocentia in pacato solo fuisse nimium securos. Comiter admodum sunt
auditi à Prætore, atq; honorificis accepti verbis, id vnum dumtaxat
nõ probante, quòd Patres Societatis, ab religionis & prudentiæ fama
benè vulgò audientes, in fugitiuorum & prædonum turba versarentur.
Contubernij verò sui vniuersi cum cæteram probam vitam, tum in eo,
quo de agebatur, summam innocentiã cùm nostri validis probassent
argumentis, visus est Prætor, [593] assensionem præbuisse, atque id
modò habuisse, quod in nobis argueret, negligentiam in conseruãdo
nostræ expeditionis diplomate. Ab eo igitur tẽpore Patres nostros
perhumaniter habuit, atque honorificè in omnibus, mensáque benignè
accepit. Vno interea scrupulo angebatur, quòd cum parte remigum
gubernator nostræ nauis euaserat, cuius fuga, & rei gestæ nuncius per
ilium allatus, ne quid incommodi alicunde sibi arcesseret, verebatur,
eóque magis, quòd ille de nocte scapha sua ad nauim captiuam appulsa,
reliquam remigum manum inde subduxerat. Hic certè gubernator, tametsi
Caluinianus, adiit de nocte ad Patrem Biardum, eiusque apprehensa manu,
multis obsecrationibus adhibitis, iussit eum cæterosque Patres de
se, quantumuis fide ac ritibus alieno, omnia Christiani ac popularis
hominis officia exspectare, ac persuasum habere, nulli rei defuturũ,
quæ salutẽ ipsorum spectaret: vterentur modò liberè ipsius opera,
viderẽtque quid animi sumturi essent ad fugã capescendã. Prolixè
gratias egit Pater Biardus, memoremque se futurum spopõdit tam studiosæ
in se ac suos voluntatis: de se autem ait nihil se statuere, quoad
totius contubernij res tuto loco positas videret, tum sui arbitrium
Deo permissurum: caueret interea ipse sibi gubernator, Prætorem
quidpe Anglum omnia moliri, vt eum comprehenderet. His monitis ille
instructus, vt sui discessus opinionem Anglorum animis ingeneraret,
quasi receptus ad notam Gallicam nauem captandi causa festinaret,
per ipsa frementium Anglorum ora intrepidè, ac insultantis [594] ore
voceque, triduo pòst, scapham traduxit, longioreque simulato cursu,
ponè vicinam insulã flexit iter, ibique delituit nostræ captiuitatis
euentum obseruaturus. Nobis verò inter dubiam aut necis aut seruitutis
aleam fluctuantibus, cùm apud notos Barbaros increbuisset nostræ
calamitatis fama, frequentes ad nos ventitabant, magnopere miserantes
nostrum infortunium, & suarum fortunarum tenuitatem in sequentem
annum totum, si apud se restare vellemus, officiosissimè deferentes.
De nobis tamen Argallus Prætor Anglus, & ei Legatus Turnellus mitiùs
cogitauerant, in speciem certè, quàm rebamur initio: pacti nempe cũ
Saussæïo coloniæ nostræ Duce fuerant nostrum in Galliam reditum: sed
reditus conditiones erant eiusmodi, quæ parum differrent ab certa
nostra pernicie. Triginta capitibus quot censebamur, vnus linter
dumtaxat, haudquaquam omnium, etiam densissimè stipatorum, capax,
concedebatur, hasque cõditiones acceperat Saussæïus, quin chirographo
suo erat testatus, hanc suam fuisse optionem, quæ reuera erat optio
certissimi naufragij. Nostri tamẽ euicerunt, vt ne præsens periculum
adiret vniuersa simul turba, impetratumque est; vt quindeni modò
cymbæ imponerentur, quorum vnus esset Pater Massæus, duo reliqui
Patres delati ad insulas Peucoïtias Anglis piscatoribus traiiciendi
in Galliam commendarentur: cætera pars contubernij, quæ libens in
Virginiam ibat, eò deportaretur. Altera igitur pars contubernaliũ
nauigatura in Galliam Saussæïo duce lintrem conscendit, locorum, &
maritimæ [595] artis ignara, nauticis præterea tabulis destituta, cui
Deus in tempore summisit Caluinianum illum nauis gubernatorem, valdè
intentum in popularium suorum obseruandos casus, vt si qua posset
via, ipsorum aduersis rebus opem ferrer. In continentem exscenderat,
& Canadico cultu atque more, quasi vnus è Barbaris, tota ora maritima
ferebatur, res nostras exploraturus, cùm opportunissimè incidit in
proficiscentem lintrem, qua exceptus, valdè idoneum ducem hæsitantibus
se præbuit, suamque cymbam & remiges quattuordecim eis socios viæ
ac laborum adiunxit. Eorum penuriam, quoad inuentæ essent Gallicæ
naues, opimus piscatus bis subleuauit; varius item Barbarorum in
ea ora occursus, quorum Ludouicus Membertouius lauta visceratione
Orignacij famelicos accepit; Rolandus, & alij Sagami panis nonnullam
copiam, alij piscium volucrúmque non exiguam annonam beneuolentissimè
diuiserunt. Omnium verò benefactorum id fuit iucundissimum, quod
Rolandus Sagamus admonuit, in propinquo littore ad Sesamabræum, &
Passepecum portum versari geminas naues reditum in Franciam adornantes.
Eò cùm citissimè cursum direxissent duæ lintres, opportunè adfuerunt,
antè quàm solueretur, admissique omnes, velis factis in Francicam
Britanniam, salui & incolumes Maclouiense oppidũ tenuerunt, vbi Pater
Massæus singulari Maclouiensis Antistitis, Magistratuum, oppidanorumque
humanitate ac beneficentia liberalissimè acceptus est. De Patribus
autem Biardo & Quintino, vti diximus, conuenerat, [596] vt in insulas
Peucoïtias transuecti, opera piscatorum Anglorum inde in Franciam
deportarentur: sed mutata pòst sententia, in Virginiã sunt destinati,
cùm in captiuam nauem cui Turnellus præerat, essent impositi cum aliis
quinque de contubernio, cæteris octo sociis in Argalli Prætoriam
ingressis. Virginiensis præsidij præfectus de captiuis Iesuitis nescio
quid inaudierat, eisque diras cruces struebat, cuius decreti nuncius
ad nostros in naues & ad cæteros captiuos aduolarat, qui nonnullis
nocturnam quietem adimeret, nec ille quidẽ inani rumore nixus; cùm enim
ad Virginiam naue appulsi essent nostri, eius furori destinabantur.
Argallus autem, qui fidem suam nostris obligasset, vt suo nomine ac
genere dignum erat, intrepidè acriterque Præfecto suppliciis nostros
addicenti obstitit, seque incolumi captiuis suis nihil periculi futurum
asseuerauit: Præfecto tamen institutum suũ obstinatiùs tenente, Regium
diploma, quo nostra colonia in Nouam-Frãciam deducebatur, protulit,
cuius auctoritate repressus Præfectus vltrà tendere non ausus est.
Coacto posteà concilio, cùm de re tota deliberaretur accuratiùs, ab
omnibus itum est in eam sententiam, vt Argallus cum triplici instructa
naue in Nouam-Frãciam Iesuitas reduceret; eos inde cum certis captiuis
in Galliam transmitteret; Saussæium, & eius cohortem militarem, quæ in
Porturegiensi arce præsidere, falsò tamen, dicebatur, in crucem ageret;
Gallorum omnia domicilia diriperet, ac solo æquaret. Reditum est
igitur in Nouo-Franciæ oram Gallis habitatam, vbi Sanctæ [597] Crucis,
Regij Portus arces defensoribus vacuas spoliauit, & incẽdit, omnia
Gallici nominis monumenta deleuit, Britannici aliquot locis inscripsit,
oram omnem in Anglici sceptri potestatem asseruit. His gerendis
rebus cùm inibi degeretur, bis periculum vitæ adiit Pater Biardus,
quòd multis dissuaserat Argallo aditum in Portum Regium, vt nullius
emolumenti operam, cuius tamen nõ vulgaris fuisset deinde præda; quòd
se indicem eorum locorum præbere noluerat, qui ad prædam quærebantur;
nonnullorum præterea Gallorum calumniæ iis locis in eum exstitissent:
quibus omnibus grauiter atque ingenti suo discrimine apud Argallum
Turnellumque offendit.
THE English, a few years before, had occupied Virginia, which John
Verazano, in 1523, had explored under the authority of Francis
I., King of France, and brought under his jurisdiction. It is the
portion of the continent between Florida and New France, which,
covering the thirty-sixth, thirty-seventh, and thirty-eighth
parallels, was formerly called by the name of _Mocosa_,[84]
situated two hundred and fifty leagues Westward from the station
at St. Sauveur. From the fort [at Jamestown], which they have held
for eight years, strongly fortified and occupied by a garrison of
soldiers, they make a voyage every summer to the fishing grounds
of the Peucoit[85] islands, to obtain fish [590] for food during
the coming winter. While they were sailing thither in the summer of
this year, they encountered the heavy fogs which commonly prevail
upon this sea during these months; and while they were thus long
delayed, and ignorant of their situation, they were gradually
borne by the currents to our shore, not far from the harbor of
St. Sauveur. Then, by the information of the Savages, who sinned
unwittingly, and took them for friendly Frenchmen, they learned
that there was a French ship in the next bay, and that, too, not
a large vessel, nor defended by a numerous crew, and but lightly
armed with brass cannon. Of course, no more welcome news than
this could come to half-naked men, whose stock of provisions was
exhausted,--men who, in addition to this poverty, were incited by
an inborn love of robbery, and an expectation of greater booty
than could have been obtained from the plunder of our ship, to
willingly employ violence, even against natural justice and the
law of nations. So they prepared their weapons, and under full
sail, and with decks cleared for action, entered directly into
our harbor.[86] When the Savage by whose information we had
been especially betrayed perceived from these signs the hostile
intentions of the English towards us, he at once recognized his
mistake, and with many tears declared that he had been at fault
toward us whom he thought to please. These lamentations he often
thereafter repeated, when he sought pardon from us for his error,
and even from his Savage countrymen, who considered our misfortune
their own injury, and often threatened him with violence.
Meanwhile, we were in doubt whether we should judge as friends or
enemies those whom an in-shore breeze was bearing straight towards
our position; [591] while the pilot of the ship set out to meet
and reconnoiter them in a small boat, by a long circuit, however,
in order that he might not be left without a way of retreat, but
especially because the wind was contrary to him, but favorable to
the strangers. But there was no need of reconnoitering, for they
advanced, sounding the signal for battle, only reserving their
fire until they could use it at close quarters, and aim at the
defenders of the ship one by one. With fourteen great cannon, and
sixty guns of the larger size, which they call _Mosquets_, they
made their attack upon our ship, which was unprepared for sailing
because the anchors had not been raised, and was furnished with
only ten defenders, while the gunner of the brass cannon was
absent; and so the capture of our ship and all of us, whom La
Saussaye had scattered about upon the shore, was a matter of no
great difficulty. Our brother Gilbert du Thet was assisting in the
defence of the vessel, when an especially violent shower of bullets
assailed them, in which he was stricken with a mortal wound; and,
although attended with great devotion by an English surgeon who
was a Catholic, on the following day he died most piously, after
receiving the consolation of the Sacraments. But all of us had come
into the power of the English Heretic,[87] who, being extremely
crafty, secretly abstracted from La Saussaye's trunk, the Royal
commission, upon which authority rested the entire establishment
of our colony in New France, in order that he might appear to
treat with us not as a robber, but upon an equal footing; and
then he began to urge La Saussaye to prove by what right he had
planted a settlement upon the shores of Canada. When La Saussaye
had cited the authority and commission of the King of France,
which important document he declared that he had in his chest, his
baggage, [592] of which he still retained the keys, was brought,
and he was ordered to produce it; but when he opened the chest, La
Saussaye recognized everything else untouched and in its proper
place, but no commission appeared. When this was not forthcoming,
the English Commander assumed a severe countenance and tone, and
was deeply angered, calling us all runaways and mere pirates,
and, declaring us worthy of death, handed over our property to
his crew to be pillaged, and, finally, treated us as enemies. Now
it seemed probable that the English, unless they should quickly
be hindered, were about to cover up the outrage which they had
already begun, with some greater crime, in order that they might
conceal the memory of the previous injury by a fresh offence.
Wherefore our brethren approached the Captain; frankly revealed
themselves to him, as he was still ignorant of their identity;
and begged him not, in elation over his easy victory, to adopt
severe measures against their colony; they earnestly warned him
to remember the conditions of human life, saying that just as he
would wish his own interests mildly handled, if a similar calamity
had fallen upon him, so he ought to act humanely in the case of
others; moreover, that he should especially consider that he was
dealing with innocent men, to whom no fault could be charged beyond
the fact that, because of their blamelessness, they had been too
careless in a peaceful spot. They were heard somewhat kindly by
the Captain, and received with respectful address; the only thing
of which he disapproved being that Fathers of the Society, who
had commonly so good a reputation for piety and wisdom, should be
among a band of runaways and pirates. When our brethren had proved
by strong evidence the entire blamelessness of their colony, not
only in respect to their honorable life in other ways, but also
in that which was the subject of the conversation, the Captain
seemed [593] to yield his assent, and to find as the only fault in
us our neglect to preserve the commission of our expedition. From
that time on, he treated our Fathers with great consideration,
and received them in all matters with honor, and with kindness at
his table. In the meantime he was troubled because the pilot[88]
of our ship had escaped, together with a part of the crew; and
he feared that harm might in some way fall upon himself, because
of the pilot's being free to announce what had taken place; and
the more so, because the latter came in his boat at night to the
captured ship and took off from it the rest of the crew. This
pilot, indeed, although a Calvinist, came by night to Father Biard,
and, taking him by the hand, with many protestations bade him and
the other Fathers to expect from him, as far as faithfulness and
devotion could go toward another, all the services of a Christian
and a fellow-countryman, and to be persuaded that he would neglect
nothing which might contribute to their safety; to employ his aid
freely, and consider what they should decide upon, as to making
their escape. Father Biard thanked him profusely, and promised
that he would remember such earnest good-will towards himself and
his associates; but added, that he would make no plans concerning
himself until he should see the entire colony placed in safety,
and then he would leave to God the decision of his own case; that
in the meantime the pilot ought to look out for himself, as the
English Captain was making every effort to capture him. When the
pilot had received these warnings, in order that he might cause
the English to think he had gone away, three days afterwards,
fearlessly, and with taunting [594] expression and words, he
passed in his boat before the faces of the angry English, as if he
were hastening to seek refuge with some French ship of which he
knew; and, while pretending to go farther, turned about behind a
neighboring island and there lay in hiding to observe the outcome
of our capture. While we were wavering between the doubtful chance
of either death or imprisonment, our Savage acquaintances, having
received the news of our calamity, visited us in great numbers,
deeply pitying our misfortune, and most dutifully offering us the
use of their scanty resources for the whole coming year, if we
were willing to remain among them. However, Argall the English
Captain, and his Lieutenant Turnell,[89] had decided upon milder
measures toward us, in appearance certainly, than we at first
expected; indeed, they had agreed with La Saussaye, the Leader of
our colony, to send us back to France; but the conditions of return
were of such a character that they differed little from our certain
destruction. There was allowed to us, although numbering thirty
persons, only one boat, which could not hold us all, even if we
were crowded together as closely as possible; and these conditions,
La Saussaye had accepted, nay, more, he had borne witness with
his own handwriting that this had been his preference, which was
really the choice of certain shipwreck. However, the efforts of
our Brethren prevailed, that the whole colony should not together
incur imminent danger; and it was allowed that only fifteen should
be placed on board the boat, of whom one should be Father Massé,
while the two remaining Fathers should be carried to the Peucoit
islands and entrusted to English fishermen for conveyance to
France. The rest of the colonists were, in accordance with their
own desire, to be carried to Virginia. Therefore one portion of the
settlers, under the lead of La Saussaye, entered the boat to set
out for France, although ignorant of the region and of seamanship,
[595] and unprovided with charts, to whom God in time sent the
Calvinistic pilot, who had taken great pains to observe the
fortunes of his countrymen, in order that if any opportunity should
offer, he might bear aid to them in their distress. He had landed
upon the continent, and, in the Canadian manner of life and custom,
like one of the Savages, was traversing the entire coast, in order
to ascertain our condition, when very fortunately he happened upon
the boat which had set out. Upon being received on board, he showed
himself a truly able leader in their perplexities, and united his
boat and fourteen sailors to ours as comrades in the voyage and
its labors. Up to the time the French ships were found, a lucky
catch of fish twice assuaged their hunger; they were also aided by
various meetings with the Savages upon that coast, of whom Louis
Membertou received them, when famishing, with a liberal present of
elk meat,[90] Roland and some other Sagamores furnished a supply
of bread, and others most generously gave a bountiful provision of
fish and birds. But of all blessings, the most grateful was the
news, which the Sagamore Roland gave us, that on the neighboring
coast, at Sesambre and Passepec[91] harbor, were two ships
preparing to return to France. The two boats, quickly directing
their course thither, fortunately arrived before the vessels left;
and, all having been received on board, they made sail and arrived
safe and sound at St. Malo, a town in Brittany, where Father Massé
was received with the greatest kindness and generosity by the
Bishop of St. Malo and the magistrates and people of the town.
Moreover, concerning Fathers Biard and Quintin, as we have said, it
had been decided [596] that they should be conducted to the Peucoit
islands, and thence, by the aid of the English fishermen, should be
conveyed to France; but these plans having afterward been changed,
it was resolved that they should be sent to Virginia, they, with
five others of the colonists, being placed on board the captured
vessel, which was in command of Turnell, while eight other settlers
had entered Captain Argall's ship. The governor of Virginia had
heard something concerning the captive Jesuits, and was preparing
severe punishment for them; this news had come to our brethren and
the rest of the prisoners on board the ships, and deprived some
of their nightly rest. This report did not rest on idle rumor,
for when the ship bearing our brethren had reached Virginia, they
were exposed to his fury. Argall, however, who had given his
word to our brethren, boldly and vehemently, as was fitting his
name[92] and race, opposed the Governor in his attempt to punish
them, and declared that, as long as he lived, no danger should
befall his prisoners. But, when the Governor obstinately persisted
in his purpose, Argall produced the Royal charter, in dependence
upon which our colony had been introduced into New France; and by
its authority the Governor was restrained, and dared proceed no
farther. In a meeting of the council, therefore, the whole affair
was more carefully discussed, and all agreed upon the decision
that Argall, with three ships, should take the Jesuits back to New
France; that he should thence send them and certain other prisoners
to France; that he should chastise La Saussaye and his military
force, who were said, although falsely, to be in possession of the
fort at Port Royal; and that he should plunder and level with the
ground all the houses of the French. He therefore returned to that
coast of New France occupied by the French, where he despoiled
and burned the forts of Ste. [597] Croix and Port Royal, which
were bare of defenders, destroyed all evidences of the French
occupation, and erected English monuments in various places,
declaring the whole coast to be under the sway of the British King.
While Father Biard was present during these proceedings, his life
was twice endangered, because he had dissuaded Argall with many
words from entering Port Royal, on the ground that there would
be no profit in the undertaking, from which they, nevertheless,
afterwards obtained an uncommon booty; because he was unwilling to
become a guide to those places where plunder was sought; moreover,
because slanders had been uttered against him by some Frenchmen
in that region; for all of which reasons he offended Argall and
Turnell deeply, to his own great peril.