Nouembri, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, sed postridiè quàm soluerat,
atrocissima tempestate diuulsæ naues in lõgè diuersas oras abierunt:
Argalli quidem Prætoria in Virginiam tandem est delata: minor è duabus
nostris captiuis cum suis vectoribus nũquam deinde comparuit: alia
captiua maior, cui Turnellus præsidebat, quaque vehebamur, sedecim
dierum continentibus procellis fœdè vexata, pæne absumtis cibariis
desperationem iam adierat, cùm cadente denique tempestate, in Virginiam
secundo vento iter intendere cœpimus. Vicenis quinis leucis, haud
ampliùs, aberamus Virginiæ littore, vbi de nostra nece à Præfecto
decernebatur eóque nobis ea nauigatio erat odiosa, cùm derepente
coortus aduersus ventus proram in _Asoras_ Lusitanorum insulas [598]
obuertit, septingentis pæne leucis inde recto itinere in Ortum sitas.
Eius certè venti vis quòd nihil intermitteret, Turnellus præuidebat
non nisi capitis sui periculo in Lusitanorum potestatem se vẽturum,
qui captiuos Sacerdotes, per summam iniuriam domicilio suo auulsos,
spoliatosque secum traheret; & eo quidem angebatur magis, quòd Patrem
Biardum Hispaniensis generis esse crederet, falsis Porturegiensium
Gallorum accusationibus persuasus, vt eius noxæ criminationem apud
Lusitanos non immeritò reformidaret, si nostri Patres ad se accusandum
animos adiicerent. Ea re ingenuè fatebatur vim Numinis, innocentium
iniuriã vlciscentis, sibi ac suis in ea nauigatione infestam meritò
esse, qua calamitate fractus, qui calumniis sua culpa temerè persuasus,
Patri Biardo valdè infensus in eum diem fuerat, magnopere deinde
mitigari, eique placatior cœpit fieri. Vt autem ventorum violentia non
adigeret ad _Asoras_: cibariorum tamen eò etiam nolentes amandabat,
& aquæ dulcis penuria; quamobrem Turnello videndum erat, ne quid
ipsi damni arcesseret Patrum nostrorum præsentia, ex quibus periculi
nihil imminebat, si naue procul in anchoris inhærente, per scapham
in portum missam necessaria annona pararetur, quod futurum Turnellus
sperauerat. Contrà verò quàm crederet, accidit: appulsis enim ad
Faëalem insulã Asorarum vnam, subeundum fuit in portum intimum, atque
in ciuium oculis inter cæteras naues consistendum: quò vehementiùs
paullò inuectis, cùm nostra nauis in Hispaniensem saccari nauẽ
impacta, [599] proræ anterius velum detersisset, Nauarchus Hispanus
piratam conclamauit, turbamque nauticam ad arma exciuit. Paucis antè
hebdomadis Gallus subita irruptione nauem in eodem portu spoliauerat,
vnde Hispani similem casum veriti, hoc vehementiùs trepidauerant,
tantóque sagaciùs in Anglum inquirendum arbitrabantur. Quare Turnello
exscendendum in continentem fuit, quem obsidis loco haberent Hispani,
dum accuratè lustrarentur interiora nauis, Patribus interim ponè
lintrem studiosissimè delitescentibus, ne quid detrimenti ex eis Anglo
crearetur, si comparerent. Perdifficilis erat latebra loco minimè
idoneo, re adeò repentina, tamque accuratis scrutatoribus, nauis omnia
intima rimantibus: sed lynceos eorum oculos fugerunt nostri, magna sua
voluptate, quòd Anglum ita seruassent: maiore Angli gaudio, quòd præter
spem, ac suum meritum, ab iis seruatum se agnosceret, quibus libertatem
per summũ scelus ademerat. Id beneficij genus, singularemque fidem,
Angli & in præsentia ingentibus grati animi argumentis agnoscebant,
& deinceps sæpenumerò, maximè apud suos Ministros, cum summa Patrum
laudatione, prædicarunt. Tres solidas hebdomadas substitit in eo portu
nauis Anglicana, tantumdemque abditi Patres sole caruerunt; inde omisso
in Virginiam itinere, Turnellus in Britanniam contendit, sed recta
nauigationis semita cum nos tempestas deiecisset, in oram Vualliæ
ad Occasum violenter nos impegit: vbi cùm nauem annona deficeret,
Turnellus Pembrochum [600] oppidum adiit commeatus parandi gratia. Eius
oppidi magistratibus Turnellus mouit suspicionem maritimi latronis,
quòd & homo Anglus Francica verehetur naui, & nullam litteram scriptæ
auctoritatis proferret, qua suam nauigationem tueretur: neque vel
iurato asseueranti, se tempestate diuulsum à Prætore suo Argallo,
fides habebatur. Cum eum igitur omne probationum genus destituisset,
citauit dictorum suorum testes duos Iesuitas, quos haberet in naui,
quorumque incorruptæ fidei neminem mortalium diceret posse meritò
refragari. Patribus ergo perhonorificè interrogatis, cùm pro testimonio
apud magistratum publicè dixissent, Turnellus fuit in honore, atque
vt virum nobilem decuerat, probè omnia gessisse creditus est: nostris
verò est honor habitus, & apud _Maiorem Vrbis_, vt vocant, Magistratum
plebeium scilicet, hospitium est assignatum. Qui pro Præfecto rei
maritimæ ius Pembrochij tum dicebat Nicolaus Adams, apud quem nostri
testimonium dixerant, vbi audiit pessimè iis esse in nauigio, iussit
eos diuersari apud eũ Magistratum, quem indicauimus, suaque fide omnia
eis suppeditari copiosè, quibus si deesset vnde sibi rependerent, Dei
causa se iis sumtuum gratiam libenter facere dicebat, quòd putaret
minimè decere, ab omni dignitate ac doctrina instructis viris nihil
apud Pembrochios ciues humanitatis relinqui. Missum erat ad Britanniæ
Regem de nostris, cuius dum rescriptum exspectatur, frequentes
visendi conferendique gratia vndique ad nostros adeunt de nobilitate,
de magistratibus, ac ministris [601] etiam, quorum quaternos in
disputationis palæstra cum illis commisit quidam de proceribus,
doctrinæ periclitandæ studio. De illorum autem negotio cùm in Regiam
allatum esset, iam inaudierat Regis Christianissimi legatus captiuum
esse nauigium, & Francos Iesuitas, vrgebatque omnium, ac maximè
nostrorum libertatem, quòd eius rei habuerat ab suo Rege studiosiùs
iniuncta mandata. Nihil itaque moræ fuit, quin nostri Pembrochio
Douerum arcesserentur, vnde breui traiectu Itium Portum, Francicæ oræ
oppidum, incolumes lætique deportati sunt, decimo suæ captiuitatis pæne
affecto mense, quo loco Darquieni Dynastæ, Regio præsidio Præfecti, &
Baulæi Decani eximia humanitate, beneficentiaque lautissimè accepti
sunt, idoneo præterea donati viatico, quod Ambianos iter intendentibus
in suum Collegium abunde esset.
ARGALL left Port Royal and started for Virginia in the early
part of November of the year 1613, but, on the day after he set
sail, an exceedingly violent storm arose, by which the ships
were driven asunder in very diverse directions. Captain Argall's
vessel, indeed, was finally borne to Virginia; the smaller of the
two captured ships, with its crew, was never seen thereafter; the
larger of these, which Turnell commanded, and on board of which we
were, after being dreadfully beaten for sixteen days by continuous
tempests, had reached almost desperate straits, because of the
exhaustion of its provisions, when the storm finally ceased, and
we resumed our voyage towards Virginia with a favoring wind. We
were distant not more than twenty-five leagues from the coast of
Virginia, where the Governor was planning our destruction, and for
this reason the voyage was hateful to us; when a contrary wind
which suddenly arose turned our bow towards the _Asores_ islands
of Portugal, [598] situated at a distance of almost 700 leagues
due East from that point. Since the force of this wind did not
at all abate, Turnell foresaw that his life would be endangered
should he come into the power of the Portuguese, because he was
conveying as prisoners, Priests, who, with the greatest injustice,
had been torn from their settlement and despoiled; and he was
still more troubled because, persuaded by the false charges
of the French at Port Royal, he believed Father Biard to be a
Spaniard, so that he dreaded, with good reason, a denunciation of
his offense before the Portuguese, if our Fathers should resolve
to accuse him. Therefore he frankly acknowledged that the power
of the Deity, which avenges injury done to the innocent, was
deservedly hostile to him and his upon that voyage; and, overcome
by this calamity, although he had, through his own fault in rashly
believing slanders, been extremely unfriendly to Father Biard up
to that time, he began to soften greatly and become more amiable
toward him. Moreover, even if the force of the wind were not
driving them to the _Asores_, still, scarcity of provisions and
fresh water compelled them to go thither, though against their
will; wherefore, it was necessary for Turnell to take precautions
lest the presence of our Fathers should cause him damage; as no
danger was to be feared from them, if the ship should remain at a
distance at anchor, and the necessary provisions should be secured
by sending a small boat into the harbor, as the Captain hoped to
do. Matters turned out, however, contrary to his expectations;
for when we approached Faëal, one of the Asores islands, we were
compelled to enter the inmost harbor, and take a position among
the other ships under the eyes of the inhabitants. Having entered
thither a little too swiftly, when our vessel collided with a
Spanish treasure-ship [599] and carried away its forward jib, the
Spanish Captain shouted out that we were pirates, and aroused his
crew to arms. A few weeks before, a Frenchman had plundered a
ship in the same harbor by a sudden attack; whence the Spaniards,
fearing a similar fate, had been the more alarmed on this occasion,
and thought an investigation still more necessary in the case
of an Englishman. Turnell was therefore obliged to disembark
upon the land, where the Spanish held him as a hostage while the
interior of the ship was being thoroughly searched, the Fathers,
in the meantime, carefully hiding behind a boat, in order that the
Englishman might suffer no harm on their account if they should be
discovered. Concealment was very difficult in a place not at all
convenient, as the affair arose very suddenly, and there were so
careful searchers, who rummaged the entire interior of the ship;
but our brethren escaped their lynx eyes, greatly to their own
delight, because they had thus preserved the Englishman; but with
greater pleasure to the Englishman, because he recognized that he
had been saved, contrary to his expectations and his deserts, by
those whom he had most wickedly deprived of their liberty. This
service and remarkable good-faith the English recognized at that
time with marked signs of gratitude, and often thereafter spoke of
the Fathers with great praise, especially before their Ministers.
Three entire weeks the English ship remained in that harbor, and
the same length of time the Fathers were hidden away and deprived
of the sunlight; then, abandoning the voyage to Virginia, Turnell
proceeded to Britain. But, when a storm had diverted us from the
direct prosecution of our voyage, it carried us violently Westward
to the coast of Vuallia;[93] and when here provisions failed the
ship, Turnell entered the town of Pembroke [600] for the sake of
obtaining supplies. The officials of this town suspected him of
piracy upon the high seas, because, although an Englishman, he was
sailing in a French vessel, and produced no written testimonials
of the authority under which he was making his voyage; and when
he made oath that he had been separated by a storm from his
Captain, Argall, he was not believed. When, therefore, every
sort of evidence had failed him, he cited as witnesses for his
statements the two Jesuits whom he had on board the ship, whose
incorruptible integrity, he said, no mortal could deservedly call
in question. Therefore, when the Fathers had been very respectfully
interrogated, and had given their testimony in public before the
magistrate, Turnell was placed in honor, and was believed to have
done everything honestly, as befitted a gentleman; but our brethren
were treated with distinction, and were entertained as guests by
the _Mayor of the City_, as he is called, that is, the Magistrate
of the common people. When Nicholas Adams, who then represented the
Minister of the marine at Pembroke, and in the presence of whom our
brethren had given their testimony, heard that they had extremely
bad fare upon the ship, he directed that they should be entertained
at the home of the Magistrate whom we have mentioned, and that upon
his own responsibility everything should be abundantly supplied to
them; and if they should lack the means to repay him, he said that
for the sake of God he would willingly do them the favor of meeting
the expense, because he thought it very unbecoming that no kindness
should be shown among the citizens of Pembroke to men distinguished
in every way for merit and learning. A message had been sent to
the King of Britain concerning our brethren; and, while an answer
thereto was being awaited, many came, for the purpose of seeing
and conversing with the fathers, from the ranks of the nobles, of
the officials, and even of the ministers, [601] four of whom one
of the councilors put into the arena of debate with our brethren,
with the desire of testing their doctrine. Moreover, when their
case had been reported at Court, the ambassador[94] of the Most
Christian King had already heard that a ship with French Jesuits
had been captured, and urged the release of all and especially
of our brethren, because he had from his King strict commands to
this effect. There was therefore no delay in the conveyance of our
brethren from Pembroke to Dover, whence, after a short passage,
they safely and joyfully arrived, after almost ten months of
captivity, at Itius Portus,[95] a town on the French coast. Here
they were received most honorably, with especial kindness and
favor from Sieur d'Arquien, Commander of the Royal garrison, and
Dean Boulaye; a suitable viaticum was also given to them, which
was abundant for their needs during the trip to their College at
Ambians[96] [Amiens].
IAM Nouo-Francicæ Missionis operæ quantum promouerint rem Christianam
inter Barbaros, non facile dispiciet, qui rem vulgi trutina metietur:
qui verò negotium natura sua perarduum, interuenientibus etiam
aliunde casibus valdè impeditum, æquis momentis volet æstimare,
maximè idoneis, atque illustribus initiis asperrimum solum Euangelicæ
sementi præparatum, fateatur necesse est. In primis enim quantum,
quæso, illud est, belluini prorsus ingenij atque moris gentem,
nuper ab omni commercio externo alienissimam, ab sua impotentia
suspiciosissimam, sic nunc esse nobis cõciliatã, ea de nostris
hominibus opinione imbutam, vt eos summo ambitu quilibet Barbarorũ
cõuentus [602] expetat, in sua ora domicilium habere cupiat, de suis
copiolis annua cibaria deferat, mœrore ac fletu suum eorum desiderium
testetur, implacabili odio in Britannos, nostræ infestos quieti,
feratur? Magnum quiddam profecto est, & ingentis ad fidem illis
animis ingenerandam momenti, erga illius præcones tam propensa ferri
voluntate, fiducia, & veneratione. Illud autem alterum longè maius
est, tantóque ad Barbaroram efficiendam salutem potentius, quantò
alienius est ab humanarum affectionum ratione, diuinisque motionibus
proprium magis. Altè iam insedit Canadiorum animis illa sententia,
æternis addici cruciatibus, qui Baptismi expertes è viuis decedant,
vt tametsi valẽtes Christianæ legis conditiones, suo sensu paullò
asperiores, haud facilè subeant, moribundi tamen Baptismum ingentis
omnino beneficij esse ducant, cupidéque appetant. Cuius doctrinæ
quoniam Patres Societatis auctores habent, eamque combiberunt intimis
sensibus, eius sua sponte illos admonent, & memores esse iubent,
quoties popularium quis deteriùs affectus decumbit, hortanturque suos
Doctores vti obitum ægroti præuertant, salutaribus aquis lustrantes,
antè quàm occumbat. Atque hos quidem animorum motus, in barbarissimis
alioqui hominibus, biennij cultura, & ea quidem non assidua, sed
frequentibus interpellata difficultatibus, duo Patres effecerunt, non
leuibus certè momentis ad Euangelici verbi satus in ea gente magnis
incrementis propagandos. Quam ad propagationem, sacrarum precationum,
& Baptismi [603] inusitata vis, insignibus aliquot documentis apud
eam nationem interdum prodita, incitamento non mediocri videtur olim
futura. Patri Biardo ad Eplani piscis amnem die quodam agenti affertur
nuncius ab ægrota, & animam agente muliere, quæ ipsum videre atque
alloqui valdè cuperet, ad Sanctæ Mariæ Sinum, duabus ab eo amne leucis.
Eò ducem habuit vnum de contubernio, feminamque more gentis præter
focum stratam deprehendit, tertia iam hebdomada miserè languentem:
ægram, quoad per eius morbum licuit, Catechesi necessaria instruit,
adhibitisq; pro re nata precibus cruce ad pectus appensa munit, seque
vocari iubet, si quid ei posteà deterius accidat. Postridie mulier bene
sana è foco exsilit, & graui onusta sacco ad maritum quattuor inde
leucas vegeta contendit. Eam sanationem Caluinianus Dieppensis omnium
primus obseruauit, confestimque illius euentum mirabilem nunciaturus ad
Patrem Biardum accurrit. Idem Pater in ora Pentegoetia cum Biencourtio
versabatur, vbi pro instituto mapalia Barbarorum circumiens, ægros
visebat, solabatur, precibus, ac Christianis documentis iuuabat. Ibi
tertium iam mensem æger decumbebat, cuius salus erat conclamata, quem
Barbari visendum Patri obtulerunt. Frigido sudore totus manabat, certo
fere mortis indice, cùm iam eum grauis æstus tenuisset, cui post
preces, & breuia fidei documenta, cùm Pater crucem sæpius exosculandam
porrexisset, eique de collo pensilem reliquisset, frequentibus Barbaris
audientibus, & quæ gererentur mirè [604] probantibus ab eo ad nauẽ &
Biencourtium rediit. Postera verò die Biencourtio cum indigenis in
naue permutationibus mutuis occupato, in eã nauem sanus ingressus ille
æger, heri moribũdus, crucemque gratulabũdus, magnificè ostentãs, adiit
ad P. Biardũ, ingentiq; gaudio suam ei sanitatem testatus, virtuti
S. Crucis acceptã tulit. Illustrius multò est id quod sequitur, & ad
Barbarorũ sensum in Baptismi laudẽ singulare. P. Biardus, & Mottæus
Saussæij Legatus, Simonque Interpres vnà iuerant ad considerandam
areã Sancti Saluatoris domicilio designatã, vnde redeuntibus procul
ad aures accidit lamẽtabilis vlulatus quærentibusq; à Barbaro comite
causã lugubris clamoris, responsum est, sollemne illud esse alicuius
iam iam vita functi argumentũ. Sed propiùs ad Barbarica tuguria
succedentibus puer interrogatus indicauit, nõ mortui, sed morientis
esse cõpliorationẽ; atque ad P. Biardum conuersus; Quin tu, inquit,
accurris, si forte in viuentẽ adhuc incidas, & eius morti Baptismum
præuertas? Ea pueri vox, tamquã cælo missa, Patrem & comites ad cursum
vehementer accendit, quibus ad agrestes casas appulsis, Barbarorũ
sub dio stantium lōgissima ala, directo ordine instructa occurrit,
atq; in spectãtis alæ, & mœrore defixæ oculis obambulans pater, cuius
in vlnis tenellus moriebatur puer. Hic vt animam ægerrimè trahebat,
interruptis debilitate singultibus ad mortem properans, miserum
parentem miseratione cruciabat & dolore. Ad quoslibet autem infantis
singultus, horrendùm eiulabat parens, cuius eiulatum adstantis
Barbaricæ concionis mox luctuosus [605] excipiebat vlulatus. Pater
Biardus adiit ad afflictum puelli parentem, rogauitque an ipso volente
moribundum infantem Baptismo esset lustraturus. Ingenti mœrore percitus
Barbarus vocem mittere non potuit, sed deposito in postulantis manibus
puero, reipsa, quid cuperet, ostendit. Pater aquam poposcit, puellumque
Mottæo ardentissimè suscipienti tenendum tradit, salutaribus aquis
aspergit, Nicolaum de Mottæi nomine appellat, concepta precum formula
Barbaris lumẽ ad fidei agnoscendas ingentes opes à Deo precatur. Sub
eam precationem receptum de Mottæi manibus infantem matri eius præsenti
defert, mater filio mammam continuò porrigit, puer oblatam cupidè
arripit, lac ad satietatem haurit, atque deinceps sanus vegetúsque
vixit. Vniuersus interim Barbarorum, qui circumsteterat, globus rei
haud vsitatæ defixus miraculo, petrarum instar immotus, ac tacitus
hærebat in vestigio. Ad eos igitur sic animo comparatos noster, quæ
visa sunt in rem præsentem quadrare, verba fecit, quæ auidis mentibus
hauserunt, atque vbi perorauerat, iussit singulos in tuguria se
recipere. Vti venerabundi ac trementes eius sermonem summa reuerentia
exceperant, ita cùm cœtus facta missione receptum in suas casas
indixit, alto silentio præferentes inusitatum obsequium, in sua quisque
tuguria pacatissimè, citissimeque dilapsi sunt. Hæc & huiusmodi alia in
Barbarorum oculis, summa ipsorum admiratione, nec minore fructu gesta,
quisquis perpenderit, vtilissimis principiis inchoatam Nouo-Francicam
Missionem meritò iudicabit.