[-52-] The unrest of the troops, however, made trouble for him. They had

expected to obtain great things, and finding their rewards not less, to

be sure, than their deserts, but inferior to their expectations, they

raised an outcry. The most of them were in Campania, being destined to

sail on ahead to Africa. These nearly killed Sallust, who had been

appointed praetor so as to recover his senatorial office, and when

escaping them he set out for Rome to lay before Caesar what was being

done, a number followed him, sparing no one on their way, and killed

among others whom they met two senators. Caesar as soon as he heard of

their approach wished to send his guard against them, but fearing that

it too might join the uprising he remained quiet until they reached the

suburbs. While they waited there he sent to them and enquired what wish

or what need had brought them. Upon their replying that they would tell

him face to face he allowed them to enter the city unarmed, save as to

their swords; these they were regularly accustomed to wear in the city,

and they would not have submitted to laying them aside at this time.

[-53-] They insisted a great deal upon the toils and dangers they had

undergone and said a great deal about what they had hoped and what they

declared they deserved to obtain. Next they asked to be released from

service and were very clamorous on this point, not because they wished

to return to private life,--they were far from anxious for this since they

had long become accustomed to the gains from warfare--but because they

thought they would scare Caesar in this way and accomplish anything

whatever, since his projected invasion of Africa was close at hand. He,

however, made no reply at all to their earlier statements, but said merely:

"Quirites,[81] what you say is right: you are weary and worn out with

wounds," and then at once disbanded them all as if he had no further

need of them, promising that he would give the rewards in full to such

as had served the appointed time. At these words they were struck with

alarm both at his attitude in general and because he had called them

_Quirites_ and not soldiers; and humiliated, in fear of suffering some

calamity, they changed their stand, and addressed him with many

entreaties and offers, promising that they would join his expedition as

volunteers and would carry the war through for him by themselves. When

they had reached this stage and one of their leaders also, either on his

own impulse or as a favor to Caesar, had said a few words and presented a

few petitions in their behalf, the dictator answered: "I release both

you who are here present and all the rest whose years of service have

expired. I really have no further need of you. Yet even so I will pay

you the rewards, that no one may say that I after using you in dangers

later showed myself ungrateful, even though you were unwilling to join

my campaign while perfectly strong in body and able in other respects to

prosecute a war." [-54-] said for effect, for they were quite

indispensable to him. He then assigned them all land from the public

holdings and from his own, settling them in different places, and

separating them considerable distances from one another, to the end that

they should not inspire their neighbors with terror nor (dwelling apart)

be ready for insurrection. Of the money that was owing them, large

amounts of which he had promised to give them at practically every levy,

he offered to discharge a part immediately and to supply the remainder

with interest in the near future. When he had said this and so

enthralled them that they showed no sign of boldness but expressed their

gratitude, he added: "You have all that is due you from me, and I will

compel no one of you to endure campaigns any longer. If, however, any

one wishes of his own accord to help me subjugate what remains, I will

gladly receive him." Hearing this they were overjoyed, and all alike

were anxious to join the new expedition.

[-55-]Caesar put side the turbulent spirits among them, not all, but as

many as were moderately well acquainted with farming and so could make a

living,--and the rest he used. This he did also in the case of the rest

of his soldiers. Those who were overbold and able to cause some great

evil he took away from Italy in order that they might not raise an

insurrection by being left behind there; and in Africa he was glad to

employ different men on different pretexts, for while he was making away

with his opponents through their work, he at the same time got rid of

them. Though he was the kindliest of men and most frequently did favors

of various sorts for his soldiers and others, he bitterly hated those

given to uprisings and punished them with extreme severity.

This he did in that year in which he ruled as dictator really for the

second time and the consuls were said to be Calenus and Vatinius,

appointed near the close of the season.[-56-] He next crossed over into,

although winter had set in. And he had no little success when, somewhat

later, he made an unlooked for attack on his opponents. On all occasions

he accomplished a great deal by his rapidity and the unexpectedness of

his expeditions, so that if any one should try to study out what it was

that made him so superior to his contemporaries in warfare, he would

find by careful comparison that there was nothing more striking than

these two characteristics. Africa had not been friendly to Caesar

formerly, but after Curio's death it became entirely hostile. Affairs

were in the hands of Varus and Juba, and furthermore Cato, Scipio, and

their followers had taken refuge there simultaneously, as I have stated.

After this they made common cause in the war, trained the land forces,

and making descents by sea upon Sicily and Sardinia they harassed the

cities and brought back ships from which they obtained[82] arms andiron

besides, which alone they lacked. Finally they reached such a condition

of readiness and disposition that, as no army opposed them and Caesar

delayed in Egypt and the capital, they despatched Pompey to Spain. On

learning that the peninsula was in revolt they thought that the people

would readily receive him as being the son of Pompey the Great; and

while he made preparations to occupy Spain in a short time and set out

from there to the capital, the others were getting ready to make the

voyage to Italy. [-57-] At the start they experienced a slight delay,

due to a dispute between Varus and Scipio about the leadership because

the former had held sway for a longer time in these regions, and also

Juba, elated by his victory, demanded that he should have first place.

But Scipio and Cato reached an agreement as being far in advance of them

all, the former in esteem, the latter in understanding, and won over the

rest, persuading them to entrust everything to Scipio. Cato, who might

have led the forces on equal terms with him or even alone, refused,

first because he thought it a most injurious course in the actual state

of affairs, and second, because he was inferior to the other in

political renown. For he saw that in military matters the principle of

preference to ex-magistrates as a matter of course had especial force,

and therefore he willingly yielded him the command and furthermore

delivered to him the troops that he had brought there. After this Cato

made a request for Utica, which was suspected of favoring Caesar's cause

and had come near having its citizens removed by the others on this

account, and he received it to guard; and the whole country and sea in

that vicinity was entrusted to his garrisons. The rest Scipio commanded

as dictator. His very name was a source of strength to those who sided

with him, since by some strange, unreasonable hope they believed that no

Scipio could meet with misfortune in Africa.

[-58-] Caesar, when he learned this and saw that his own soldiers also

were persuaded that it was so and were consequently afraid, took with

him as an aid a man of the family of the Scipios who bore that name (he

was otherwise known as Salvito)[83]and then made the voyage to

Adrymetum, since the neighborhood of Utica was strictly guarded. His

unexpected crossing in the winter enabled him to escape detection. When

he had left his ship an accident happened to him which, even if some

disaster was portended by Heaven, he nevertheless turned to a good omen.

Just as he was setting foot on land he slipped, and the soldiers seeing

him fall on his face were disheartened and in their chagrin raised an

outcry; but he never lost his presence of mind, and stretching out his

hands as if he had fallen on purpose he embraced and kissed repeatedly

the land, and cried with a shout: "I have thee, Africa!" His next move

was an assault upon Adrymetum, from which he was repulsed and moreover

driven violently out of his camp. Then he transferred his position to

another city called Ruspina, and being received by the inhabitants set

up his winter quarters there and made it the base for subsequent

warfare.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY

43

The following is contained in the Forty-third of Dio's Rome:

How Caesar conquered Scipio and Juba (chapters 1-8). How the Romans got

possession of Numidia (chapter 9). How Cato slew himself (chapters

10-13). How Caesar returned to Rome and celebrated his triumph and

settled what business remained (chapters 14-21). How the Forum of Caesar

and the Temple of Venus were consecrated (chapters 22-25). How Caesar

arranged the year in its present fashion (chapters 26, 27). How Caesar

conquered in Spain Gnaeus Pompey the son of Pompey (chapters 28-45). How

for the first time consuls were appointed for not an entire year

(chapters 46-48). How Carthage and Corinth received colonies (chapters

49, 50). How the Aediles Cereales were appointed (chapter 51).

Duration of time, three years, in which there were the following

magistrates here enumerated.

C. Iulius C.F. Caesar, Dictator (III), with Aemilius Lepidus, Master of

Horse, and Consul (III) with Aemilius Lepidus Cos. (B.C. 46--a.u. 708.)

C. Iulius Caesar, Dictator (IV), with Aemilius Lepidus, Master of Horse;

also Consul (IV) alone. (B.C. 45--a.u. 709.)

C. Iulius Caesar, Dictator (V), with Aemilius Lepidus, Master of Horse,

and Consul (V) with M. Antonius Cos. (B.C. 44--a.u. 710.)

(_BOOK 43, BOISSEVAIN_.)

[B.C. 46 (_a.u._ 708)]

[-1-] Such were his adventures at this time. The following year he

became both dictator and consul at the same time (it was the third

occasion on which he had filled each of the two offices), and Lepidus

became his colleague in both instances. When he had been named dictator

by Lepidus the first time, he had sent him immediately after the

praetorship into Hither Spain; and when he returned he had honored him

with triumphal celebrations though Lepidus had conquered no foes nor so

much as fought with any,--the excuse being that he had been at the scene

of the exploits of Longinus and of Marcellus. Yet he sent home nothing

(if you want the facts) except what money he had plundered from the

allies. Caesar besides exalting Lepidus with these honors chose him

subsequently as his colleague in both the positions mentioned.

[-2-] Now while they were still in office, the populace of Rome became

excited by prodigies. There was a wolf seen in the city, and a pig that

save for its feet resembled an elephant was brought forth. In Africa,

too, Petreius and Labienus who had observed that Caesar had gone out to

villages after grain, by means of the Nomads drove his cavalry, that had

not yet thoroughly recovered strength from its sea-voyage, in upon the

infantry; and while as a result the force was in utter confusion, they

killed many of the soldiers at close quarters. They would have cut down

all the rest besides, who had crowded together on a bit of high ground,

had they not been severely wounded. Even as it was, by this deed they

alarmed Caesar considerably. When he stopped to consider how he had been

tripped by a few, while expecting, too, that Scipio and Juba would

arrive directly with all their powers, as they had been reported, he was

decidedly in a dilemma, and did not know what course to adopt. He was

not yet able to bring the war to a satisfactory conclusion; he saw,

furthermore, that to stay in the same place was difficult because of the

lack of subsistence even if the foe should keep away from his troops,

and that to retire was impossible, with the enemy pressing upon him both

by land and by sea. Consequently he was in a state of dejection.

[-3-] He was still in this situation when one Publius Sittius (if we

ought to call it him, and not the Divine Power) brought at one stroke

salvation and victory. This man had been exiled from Italy, and had

taken along some fellow-exiles: after crossing over into Mauritania he

collected a band and was general under Bocchus. Though he had no benefit

from Caesar to start with, and although in general he was not known to

him, he undertook to share in the war and to help him to overcome the

existing difficulty. Accordingly he bore no direct aid to Caesar himself,

for he heard that the latter was at a distance and thought that his own

assistance (for he had no large body of troops) would prove of small

value to him. It was Juba whom he watched start out on his expedition,

and then he invaded Numidia, which along with Gaetulia (likewise a part

of Juba's dominion) he harried so completely that the king gave up the

project before him and turned back in the midst of his journey with most

of his army; some of it he had sent off to Scipio. This fact made it as

evident as one could wish that if Juba had also come up, Caesar would

never have withstood the two. He did not so much as venture to join

issue with Scipio alone at once, because he stood in terrible dread of

the elephants (among other things), partly on account of their fighting

abilities, but still more because they were forever throwing his cavalry

into confusion. [-4-] Therefore, while keeping as strict a watch over

the camp as he could, Caesar sent to Italy for soldiers and elephants. He

did not count on the latter for any considerable military achievement

(since there were not many of them) but intended that the horses, by

becoming accustomed to the sight and sound of them, should learn for the

future not to fear at all those belonging to the enemy.

Meanwhile, also, the Gaetulians came over to his side, with some others

of the neighboring tribes. The latter's reasons for this step were,

first,--the persuasion of the Gaetuli, who, they heard, had been greatly

honored, and second, the fact that they remembered Marius, who was a

relative of Caesar. When this had occurred, and his auxiliaries from

Italy in spite of delay and danger caused by bad weather and hostile

agents had nevertheless accomplished the passage, he did not rest a

moment. On the contrary he was eager for the conflict, looking to

annihilate Scipio in advance of Juba's arrival, and moved forward

against him in the direction of a city called Uzitta, where he took up

his quarters on a certain crest overlooking both the city and the

enemy's camp, having first dislodged those who were holding it. Soon

after this he chased Scipio, who had attacked him, away from this higher

ground, and by charging down behind him with his cavalry did some

damage.

This position accordingly he held and fortified; and he took another on

the other side of the city by dislodging Labienus from it; after which

he walled off the entire town. For Scipio, fearing lest his own power be

spent too soon, would no longer risk a battle with Caesar, but sent for

Juba. And when the latter repeatedly failed to obey his summons he

(Scipio) promised to relinquish to him all the rights that the Romans

had in Africa. At that, Juba appointed others to have charge of the

operations against Sittius, and once more started out himself against

Caesar.

[-5-] While this was going on Caesar tried in every way to draw Scipio

into close quarters. Baffled in this, he made friendly overtures to the

latter's soldiers, and distributed among them brief pamphlets, in which

he promised to the native that he would preserve his possessions

unharmed, and to the Roman that he would grant immunity and the honors

which he owed to his own followers. Scipio in like manner undertook to

circulate both offers and pamphlets among the opposite party, with a

view to making some of them his own: however, he was unable to induce

any of them to change sides. Not that some of them would not have chosen

his cause by preference, if any announcement similar to Caesar's had been

made: their failure to do so was due to the fact that he promised them

nothing in the way of a prize, but merely urged them to liberate the

Roman people and the senate. And so, inasmuch as he chose a respectable

proposition instead of something which would advantage them in the needs

of the moment, he failed to gain the allegiance of a single one.

[-6-] While Scipio alone was in the camp, matters progressed as just

described, but when Juba also came up, the scene was changed. For these

two both tried to provoke their opponents to battle and harassed them

when they showed unwillingness to contend; moreover by their cavalry

they kept inflicting serious damage upon any who were scattered at a

distance. But Caesar was not for getting into close quarters with them if

he could help it. He stuck to his circumvallation, kept seizing

provender as was convenient, and sent after other forces from home. When

at last these reached him with much difficulty--(for they were not all

together, but kept gathering gradually, since they lacked boats in which

to cross in a body)--still, when in the course of time they did reach

him and he had added them to his army, he took courage again; so much

so, that he led out against the foe, and drew up his men in front of the

trenches. Seeing this his opponents marshaled themselves in turn, but

did not join issue with Caesar's troops. This continued for several days.

For aside from cavalry skirmishes of limited extent after which they

would invariably retire, neither side risked any important movement.

[-7-] Accordingly Caesar, who bethought himself that because of the

nature of the land he could not force them to come into close quarters

unless they chose, started toward Thapsus, in order that either they

might come to the help of the city and so engage his forces, or, if they

neglected it, he might capture the place. Now Thapsus is situated on a

kind of peninsula, with the sea on one side and a marsh stretching along

on the other: between them lies a narrow, swampy isthmus so that one has

access to the town from two directions by an extremely narrow road

running along both sides of the marsh close to the surf. On his way

toward this city Caesar, when he had come within these narrow approaches,

proceeded to dig ditches and to erect palisades. And the others made no

trouble for him (for they were not his match), but Scipio and Juba

undertook to wall off in turn the neck of the isthmus, where it comes to

an end near the mainland, dividing it into two portions by means of

palisades and ditches.

[-8-] They were still at work, and accomplishing a great deal every day

(for in order that they might build the wall across more quickly they

had assigned the elephants to that portion along which a ditch had not

yet been dug and on that account was somewhat accessible to the enemy,

while on the remaining defences all were working), when Caesar suddenly

attacked the others, the followers of Scipio, and with slings and arrows

from a distance threw the elephants into thorough confusion. As they

retreated he not only followed them up, but unexpectedly reaching the

workers he routed them, too. When they fled into the redoubt, he dashed

in with them and captured it without a blow.

Juba, seeing this, was so startled and terrified, that he ventured

neither to come into close quarters with any one, nor even to keep the

camp properly guarded, but fled incontinently homeward. So then, when no

one would receive him, chiefly because Sittius had conquered all

antagonists beforehand, he renounced all chances of safety, and with

Petreius, who likewise had no hope of amnesty, in single conflict fought

and died.

[-9-]Caesar, immediately after Juba's flight, captured the palisade and

wrought a vast slaughter among all those that met his troops: he spared

not even those who would change to his side. Next, meeting with no

opposition, he brought the rest of the cities to terms; the Nomads whom

he acquired he reduced to a state of submission, and delivered to

Sallust nominally to rule, but really to harry and plunder. This officer

certainly did receive many bribes and make many confiscations, so that

accusations were even preferred and he bore the stigma of the deepest

disgrace, inasmuch as after writing such treatises as he had, and making

many bitter remarks about those who enjoyed the fruits of others' labor,

he did not practice what he preached. Wherefore, no matter how full

permission was given him by Caesar, yet in his History the man himself

had chiseled his own code of principles deep, as upon a tablet.

Such was the course which events took. Now as for These tribes in Libya,

the Region surrounding Carthage (which we call also Africa) received the

title of Old, because it had been long ago subjugated, whereas the

region of the Nomads was called New, because it had been newly captured.

Scipio, who had fled from the battle, chancing upon a boat set sail for

Spain and Pompey. He was cast ashore, however, upon Mauritania, and

through fear of Sittius made way with himself.

[-10-] Cato, since many had sought refuge with him, was at first

preparing to take a hand in affairs and to offer a certain amount of

resistance to Caesar. But the men of Utica were not in the beginning

hostile to Caesar, and now, seeing him victorious, would not listen to

Cato. This made the members of the senate and the knights who were

present afraid of arrest at their hands, and they took counsel for

flight. Cato himself decide neither to war against Caesar--indeed, he

lacked the power,--nor to give himself up. This was not through any

fear: he understood well enough that Caesar would have been very ready to

spare him for the sake of that reputation for humaneness: but it was

because he was passionately in love with freedom, and would not brook

defeat in aught at the hands of any man, and regarded pity emanating

from Caesar as more hateful than death.

He called together those of the citizens who were Present, enquired

whither each one of them had determined to proceed, sent them forth with

supplies for the journey, and bade his son betake himself to Caesar.

To the youth's interrogation, "Why then do you also not do so?" he

replied:--"I, brought up in freedom, with the right of free speech, can

not in my old age change and learn slavery instead; but you, who were

both born and brought up under such a régime, you ought to serve the

deity that presides over your fortunes."

[-11-] When he had done this, after sending to the people of Utica an

account of his administration and returning to them the surplus funds,

as well as whatever else of theirs he had, he was filled with a desire

to depart previous to Caesar's arrival. He did not undertake any such

project by day (for his son and others surrounding him kept him under

surveillance), but when evening was come he slipped a tiny dagger

secretly under his pillow, and asked for Plato's book on the Soul, [84]

which he had written out. This he did either endeavoring to divert the

company from the suspicion that he had any sinister plan in mind, in

order to render himself as free from scrutiny as possible, or else in

the wish to obtain some little consolation in respect to death from the

reading of it. When he had read the work through, as it drew on toward

midnight, he stealthily drew out the dagger, and smote himself upon the

belly. He would have immediately died from loss of blood, had he not by

falling from the low couch made a noise and aroused those sleeping in

the antechamber. Thereupon his son and some others who rushed in duly

put back his bowels into his belly again, and brought medical attendance

for him. Then they took away the dagger and locked the doors, that he

might obtain sleep,--for they had no idea of his perishing in any other

way. But he, having thrust his hands into the wound and broken the

stitches of it expired.

Dio's Rome, Volume 2 An Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek During the Reigns of Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Alexander Severus: and Now Presented in English Form · 第 22 / 29 段