[-33-] However, this did not stop the factional disputes. Instead, the

greater the number of those who perished, the more did the survivors

raise a tumult, thinking that Caesar had got involved in a very great and

difficult war. And they did not cease until suddenly he himself appeared

before them. Then they became quiet even if unwilling. Some of them were

expecting to suffer every conceivable ill fate, for there was talk

against them all through the city, and some made one charge and others

another: but Caesar at this juncture also pursued his usual method. He

accepted their attitude of the moment as satisfactory and did not

concern himself with their past conduct: he spared them all and some of

them (including Dolabella) he honored. To the latter he owed some

kindness, which he did not see fit to forget. For in place of

overlooking that favor because he had been wronged, he pardoned him in

consideration of the benefit received, and besides bringing him to other

honors Caesar not long after appointed him consul, though he had not yet

served as praetor.

[-34-] These were the events which were brought about in Rome by Caesar's

absence. The reasons why he was so long in coming there and did not

arrive immediately after Pompey's death are as follows.

[B.C. 48 (_a.u._ 708)]

The Egyptians were discontented at the levies of money and highly

indignant because not even their temples were left untouched. They are

the most excessively religious people on earth and wage wars even

against one another on account of their beliefs, since their worship is

not a unified system, but different branches of it are diametrically

opposed one to another. As a result, then, of their vexation at this and

their further fear that they might be surrendered to Cleopatra, who had

great influence with Caesar, they commenced a disturbance. For a time the

princess had urged her claim against her brother through others who were

in Caesar's presence, but as soon as she discovered his disposition

(which was very susceptible, so that he indulged in amours with a very

great number of women at different stages of his travels), she sent word

to him that she was being betrayed by her friends and asked that she

allowed to plead her case in person. She was a woman of surpassing

beauty, especially conspicuous at that time because in the prime of

youth, with a most delicious voice and a knowledge of how to make

herself agreeable to every one. Being brilliant to look upon and to

listen to, with the power to subjugate even a cold natured or elderly

person, she thought that she might prove exactly to Caesar's tastes and

reposed in her beauty all her claims to advancement. She begged

therefore for access to his presence, and on obtaining permission

adorned and beautified herself so as to appear before him in the most

striking and pitiable guise. When she had perfected these devices she

entered the city from her habitation outside, and by night without

Ptolemy's knowledge went into the palace. [-35-] Caesar upon seeing her

and hearing her speak a few words was forthwith so completely captivated

that he at once, before dawn, sent for Ptolemy and tried to reconcile

them, acting as an advocate for the same woman whose judge he had

previously assumed to be. For this reason and because the sight of his

sister within the royal dwelling was so unexpected, the boy was filled

with wrath and rushed out among the people crying out that he had been

betrayed, and at last he tore the diadem from his head and cast it down.

In the mighty tumult which thereupon arose Caesar's soldiers seized the

prince who had caused the commotion; but the Egyptian mob was in

upheaval. They assaulted the palace by land and sea together and would

have taken it without difficulty (for the Romans had no force present

sufficient to cope with the foreigners, because the latter had been

regarded as friends) but for the fact that Caesar, alarmed, came out

before them and standing in a safe place promised to do for them

whatsoever they wished. Then he entered an assembly of theirs and

producing Ptolemy and Cleopatra read their father's will, in which it

was directed that they should live together according to the customs of

the Egyptians and rule in common, and that the Roman people should

exercise a guardianship over them. When he had done this and had added

that it belonged to him as dictator, holding all the power of the

people, to have an oversight of the children and to fulfill the father's

wishes, he bestowed upon them both the kingdom and granted Cyprus to

Arsinoë and Ptolemy the Younger, a sister and a brother of theirs. So

great fear possessed him that he not only laid hold on none of the

Egyptian domain, but actually gave the inhabitants in addition some of

what was his.

[-36-] By this action they were calmed temporarily, but not long after

they raised a rebellion which reached the dignity of war. Potheinos, a

eunuch who had taken a prominent part in urging the Egyptians on, who

was also charged with the management of Ptolemy's funds, was afraid that

he might some time pay the penalty for his behavior. Therefore he sent

secretly to Achillas who was at this time still near Pelusium and by

frightening him and inspiring him at the same time with hopes he made

him his associate, and next won over also all the rest who bore arms. To

all of them alike it seemed a shame to be ruled by a woman: for they

suspected that Caesar on the occasion mentioned had given the kingdom to

both of the children merely to quiet the people, and that in the course

of time he would offer it to Cleopatra alone. Also they thought

themselves a match for the army he then had present. Some started

immediately for Alexandria where they busied themselves with their

project. [-37-] Caesar when he learned this was afraid of their numbers

and daring, and sent some men to Achillas not in his own but in

Ptolemy's name, bidding him keep the peace. But he, understanding that

this was not the child's command, but Caesar's, so far from giving it any

attention was filled with contempt for the sender, believing him afraid.

Then he called his soldiers together and by haranguing them at length in

favor of Ptolemy and against Caesar and Cleopatra he finally so incensed

them against the messengers, though they were Egyptians, that they

defiled themselves with their murder and accepted the necessity of a war

without quarter. Caesar, when the news was brought him, summoned his

soldiers from Syria, put a ditch around the palace and the other

buildings near it, and fortified it with a wall reaching to the sea.

[38-] Meanwhile Achillas had arrived on the scene with his regular

followers and with the Romans left behind by Grabinius and Septimius to

keep guard over Ptolemy: these as a result of their stay there had

changed their character and were attached to the local party. Thus he

immediately won over the larger part of the Alexandrians and made

himself master of the most advantageous positions. After this many

battles between the two armies occurred both by day and at night and

many places were set on fire, and among others the docks and the

storehouses both of grain and of books were burned,--the volumes being,

as is reported, of the greatest number and excellence.

Achillas commanded the mainland, with the exception of what Caesar had

walled off, and the latter the sea--except the harbor. Caesar, indeed,

was victorious in a sea-fight, and when the Egyptians consequently,

fearing that he would sail into their harbor, had filled up the entrance

all except a narrow passage, he cut off that outlet also by sinking

freight ships full of stones; so they were unable to stir, no matter how

much they might desire to sail out. After this achievement provisions,

and among other things water, were brought in more easily. Achillas had

deprived them of the city water supply by cutting the pipes.

[-39-] While these events were taking place one Ganymedes, a eunuch,

abducted Arsinoë, as she was not very well guarded, and led her out to

the people. They declared her queen and proceeded to prosecute the war

more vigorously, inasmuch as they now had a representative of the race

of the Ptolemies. Caesar, therefore, in fear that Pothemos might kidnap

Ptolemy, put the former to death and guarded the latter strictly without

any further dissimulation. This contributed to incense the Egyptians

still more, to whose party numbers were added daily, whereas the Roman

soldiers from Syria were not yet on the scene. Caesar was anxious to

bring the people to a condition of peace, and so he had Ptolemy take his

stand on a high place from which they could hear his voice and bade him

say to them that he was unharmed and was averse to warfare. He urged

them to peaceful measures and promised that he would arrange the details

for them. Now if he had talked thus to them of his own accord, he could

have persuaded them to become reconciled; but as it was, they suspected

that it was all prearranged by Caesar, and they would not yield.

[-40-] As time went on a dispute arose among the followers of Arsinoë,

and Ganymedes prevailed upon her to put Achillas to death, on the ground

that he wished to betray the fleet. When this had been done he assumed

command of the soldiers and gathered all the boats that were in the

river and the lake, besides constructing others. All of them he conveyed

through the canals to the sea, where he attacked the Romans while off

their guard, burned some of their freight ships to the water's edge and

towed others away. Then he cleared out the entrance to the harbor and by

lying in wait for vessels there he caused the foreigners great

annoyance. One day Caesar noticed them behaving carelessly, by reason of

their supremacy, and suddenly sailed into the harbor, where he burned a

number of boats, and disembarking on Pharos slew the inhabitants of the

island. When the Egyptians on the mainland saw that, they came to their

aid over the bridges and after killing many of the Romans in their turn

they hurled the remainder back to their boats. While these fugitives

were forcing their way into them at any point and in crowds, Caesar,

besides many others, fell into the sea. And he would have perished

miserably weighed down by his robes and pelted by the Egyptians--his

garments, being purple, offered a good mark--had he not thrown off the

incumbrances and then succeeded in swimming out somewhere to a skiff,

which he boarded. In this way he was saved without wetting one of the

documents of which he held up a large number in his left hand as he

swam. His clothing the Egyptians took and hung upon the trophy which

they set up to commemorate this rout, as if they had as good as captured

the man himself. They also kept a close watch upon the landings (for the

legions which had been sent from Syria were now near at hand) and did

the Romans much injury. Caesar could ward off in a way the attack of

those who assailed him in the direction of Libya: but near the mouth of

the Nile they deceived many of his men by using signal fires as if they

too were Romans, and captured them, so that the rest no longer ventured

to coast along until Tiberius Claudius Nero at length sailed up the

river itself, conquered the foe in battle, and rendered the approach

less terrifying to his own followers.

[-41-] Meanwhile Mithridates, named the Pergamenian, undertook to ascend

with his ships the mouth of the Nile opposite Pelusium; but when the

Egyptians barred his entrance with their boats he betook himself by

night to the canal, hauled the ships over into it (it was one that does

not open into the sea), and through it sailed up into the Nile. After

that he suddenly began from the sea and the river at once a conflict

with the vessels that were guarding the mouth and broke up their

blockade, whereupon he assaulted Pelusium with both his infantry and his

force of ships, and took it. Advancing then to Alexandria he learned

that a certain Dioscorides was going to confront them, and he ambushed

and annihilated him.

[-42-] The Egyptians on receiving the news would not end the war even

under these conditions; yet they were irritated at the sovereignty of

the eunuch and the woman and thought if they could put Ptolemy at their

head, they would be superior to the Romans. So then, finding themselves

unable to seize him by any kind of violence because he was skillfully

guarded, they pretended that they were worn out by disasters and desired

peace; and they sent to Caesar a herald to ask for Ptolemy, to the end

that they might consult with him about the terms on which they would

make a truce. Caesar thought that they had in very truth changed front,

especially since he heard that they were cowardly and fickle and

perceived that at this time they were terrified in the face of their

defeats. And in order not to be regarded as hindering peace, even if

they were devising some trick, he said that he approved their request,

and sent them Ptolemy. He saw no tower of strength in the lad in view of

his youth and ignorance, and hoped that the Egyptians would either

become reconciled with him on what terms he wished or else would better

deserve the waging of war and subjugation, so that there might be some

reasonable excuse for delivering them to Cleopatra. He had no idea of

being defeated by them, particularly since his force had been augmented.

[-43-] The Egyptians, when they secured the child, had not a thought for

peace but straightway set out against Mithridates as if they were sure

to accomplish some great achievement in the name and by the family of

Ptolemy. They cut him off near the lake, between the river and the

marshes, and raised a great clamor. Caesar through fear of being ambushed

did not pursue them but at night he set sail as if he were hurrying to

some outlet of the Nile and kindled an enormous fire on each vessel so

that it might be thought that he was going a very long distance in this

direction. He started at first, then, to sail away, but afterward

extinguished the glare, returned and passed alongside the city to the

peninsula on the Libyan side, where he landed; there he disembarked the

soldiers, went around the lake, and fell upon the Egyptians unexpectedly

about dawn. They were so startled on the instant that they sent a herald

to him for terms, but, when he would not receive their entreaty, a

fierce battle subsequently took place in which he was victorious and

slew great numbers of the enemy. Some fled hastily to cross the river

and perished in it, together with Ptolemy.

[B.C. 47 (_a.u._ 707)]

[-44-] In this way Caesar overcame Egypt. He did not, however, make it

subject to the Romans, but bestowed it upon Cleopatra, for whose sake he

had waged the conflict. Yet, being afraid that the Egyptians might rebel

again because they were delivered to a woman to rule them and that the

Romans for this reason and because the woman was his companion might be

angry, he commanded her to make her other brother partner of her

habitation, and gave the kingdom to both of them,--at least nominally.

In reality Cleopatra alone was to hold all the power. For her husband

was still a child and in view of Caesar's favor there was nothing that

she could not do. Hence her living with her brother and sharing the

sovereignty with him was a mere pretence which she accepted, whereas she

actually ruled alone and spent her life in Caesar's company.

[-45-] She would have detained him even longer in Egypt or else would

have at once set out with him for Rome, had not Pharnaces drawn Caesar

most unwillingly from Afric's shores and hindered him from hurrying to

Italy. This man was a son of Mithridates and ruled the Cimmerian

Bosporus, as has been stated: it was his desire to win back again all

his ancestral kingdom, and so he revolted just at the time of the

quarrel between Caesar and Pompey, and, as the Romans had at that time

found business, with one another and afterward were detained in Egypt,

he got possession of Colchis without effort and, in the absence of

Deiotarus, subjugated all of Armenia and some cities of Cappadocia and

Pontus that were attached to the district of Bithynia. [-46-] While he

was thus engaged Caesar himself did not stir,--Egypt was not yet settled

and he had some hope of overcoming the man through others--but he sent

Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus, assigning him charge of Asia and ...[79]

legions. This officer added to his force Deiotarus and Ariobarzanes and

marched straight against Pharnaces, who was in Nicopolis,--a city he had

previously occupied. Indeed, he felt contempt for the barbarian, because

the latter in terror of his presence was ready to agree to an armistice

looking to an embassy, and so he would not conclude a truce with him,

but attacked him and was defeated.

After that he had to retire to Asia, since he was no match for his

conqueror, and winter was approaching. Pharnaces, greatly elated, joined

to his cause nearly all of Pontus, captured Amisus, though it held out

against him a long time, plundered the city and put to the sword all the

young men in it. He then hastened into Bithynia and Asia with the same

hopes as his father had harbored. Meanwhile, learning that Asander whom

he had left as governor of the Bosporus had revolted, he no longer

advanced any farther. For Asander, as soon as the advance of Pharnaces

to a point distant from his own position was reported to him and it

seemed likely that even if he should temporarily escape his observation

with the greatest success, he would still not get out of it well later,

rose against him, so as to do a favor to the Romans and to receive the

government of the Bosporus from them. [-47-] This was the news on

hearing which Pharnaces started against him, but the venture was in

vain. For on ascertaining that Caesar was on the way and was hurrying

into Armenia Pharnaces turned back and met him there near Zela. Now that

Ptolemy was dead and Domitius vanquished Caesar had decided that delay in

Egypt was neither fitting nor profitable for him, but set out from there

and by using great speed reached Armenia. The barbarian, alarmed and

fearing his quickness much more than his army, sent messengers to him

before he drew near, making frequent propositions to see if in any way

on any terms he could compromise the existing situation and escape. One

of the principal pleas that he presented was that he had not coöperated

with Pompey, and by this he hoped that he might induce the Roman general

to grant a truce, particularly since the latter was anxious to hasten to

Italy and Africa; and once he was gone he, Pharnaces, could easily wage

war again. Caesar suspected this, and the first and second sets of envoys

he treated with great kindness in order that he might fall upon the foe

in a state quite unguarded, through hopes of peace: when the third

deputation came he began to reproach him, one of his grounds of censure

being that he had deserted Pompey, his benefactor. Then without delay,

that very day and just as he was, Caesar marched forward and attacked him

as soon as he came up to him; for a little while some confusion was

caused by the cavalry and the scythe-bearing chariots, but after that he

conquered the Asiatics with his heavy-armed soldiers. Pharnaces escaped

to the sea and later forced his way into Bosporus, where Asander shut

him up and killed him.

[-48-] Caesar took great pride in the victory,--more, indeed, than in any

other, in spite of the fact that it had not been very glorious,--because

on the same day and at one and the same hour he had come to the enemy,

had seen him, and had conquered him. All the spoils, though of great

magnitude, he bestowed upon the soldiers, and he set up a trophy to

offset one which Mithridates had raised to commemorate the defeat of

Triarius.[80] He did not dare to take down that of the barbarians

because it had been dedicated to the gods of war, but by the erection of

his own he overshadowed and to a certain extent demolished the other.

Next he gained possession of all the region belonging to the Romans and

those bound to them by oath which Pharnaces had ravaged, and restored it

to the individuals who had been dispossessed, except a portion of

Armenia, which he granted to Ariobarzanes. The people of Amisus he

rewarded with freedom, and to Mithridates the Pergamenian he gave a

tetrarchy in Galatia with the name of kingdom and allowed him to wage

war against Asander, so that by conquering him, because he had proved

base toward his friend Mithridates might get Bosporus also.

[-49-] After accomplishing this and bidding Domitius arrange the rest he

came to Bithynia and from there to Greece, whence he sailed for Italy,

collecting all the way great sums of money from everybody, and upon

every pretext, just as before. On the one hand he levied all that

individuals had promised in advance to Pompey, and on the other he asked

for still more from outside sources, bringing some accusation against

the places to justify his act. All votive offerings of Heracles at Tyre

he removed, because the people had received the wife and child of Pompey

when they were fleeing. Many golden crowns, also, commemorative of

victories, he took from potentates and kings. This he did not out of

malice but because his expenditures were on a vast scale and because he

was intending to lay out still more upon his legions, his triumph, and

everything else that could add to his brilliance. Briefly, he showed

himself a money-getter, declaring that there were two things which

created and protected and augmented sovereignties,--soldiers and money;

and that these two were dependent upon each other. By proper support

armies were kept together, and this support was gathered by the use of

arms: and if either the one or the other were lacking, the second of

them would be overthrown at the same time.

[-50-] These were ever his ideas and this his talk upon such matters.

Now it was to Italy he hurried and not to Africa, although the latter

region had been made hostile to him, because he learned of the

disturbances in the City and feared that they might get beyond his

control. However, as I said, he did no harm to any one, except that

there too he gathered large sums of money, partly in the shape of crowns

and statues and the like which he received as gifts, and partly by

borrowing not only from individual citizens but also from cities. This

name (of borrowing) he applied to levies of money for which there was no

other reasonable excuse; his exactions from his creditors were none the

less unjustified and acts of violence, since he never intended to pay

these loans. What he said was that he had spent his private possessions

for the public good and it was for that reason he was borrowing.

Wherefore, when the multitude demanded that there should be an annulment

of debts, he would not do it, saying; "I too am heavily involved." He

was easily seen to be wresting away the property of others by his

position of supremacy, and for this his companions as well as others

disliked him. These men had bought considerable of the confiscated

property, in some cases for more than its real value, in the hope of

retaining it free of charge, but found themselves compelled to pay the

full price.

[-51-] To such persons he paid no attention. However to a certain extent

he did court the favor of the people as individuals. To the majority he

allowed the interest they were owing, an act by which he had incurred

the enmity of Pompey, and he released them from all rent for one year,

up to the sum of five hundred denarii; furthermore he raised the

valuations on goods in which it was allowable according to law for loans

to be paid to their value at the time of payment, and this after having

considerably lowered the price for the populace on all confiscated

property. By these acts he gained the attachment of the people; and he

won the affection of the members of his party and those who had fought

for him also. For upon the senators he bestowed priesthoods and

offices,--some which lasted for the rest of that year and some which

extended to the following season. In order to reward a larger number he

appointed ten praetors for the next year and more than the customary

number of priests. To the pontifices and the augurs, of whom he was one,

and to the so-called Fifteen he added one each, although he really

wished to take all the priesthoods himself, as had been decreed. To the

knights in his army and to the centurions and subordinate officers he

gave among other rights the important privilege of choosing some of

their own number for the senate to fill the places of those who had

perished.

Dio's Rome, Volume 2 An Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek During the Reigns of Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Alexander Severus: and Now Presented in English Form · 第 21 / 29 段