strongest willed of his contemporaries acquired a great glory even from
his very death, so that he obtained the commemorative title "of Utica,"
both because he had died, as described, in that city, and because he was
publicly buried by the people.[-12-] Caesar declared that with him he was
angry, because Cato had grudged him the distinction attaching to the
preservation of such a man, but released his son and most of the rest,
as was his custom: for some came over to him immediately of their own
volition, and others later, so as to approach him after time should have
somewhat blurred his memory. So these escaped, but Afranius and Faustus
would not come to him of their own free will, for they felt sure of
destruction. They fled to Mauritania, where they were captured by
Sittius. Caesar put them to death without a trial, on the ground that
they were captives for a second time.[85] And in the case of Lucius
Caesar, though the man was related to him and came a voluntary suppliant,
nevertheless, since he had fought against him straight through, he at
first bade him stand trial so that the conqueror might seem to have some
legal right on his side in condemning him: later Caesar shrank from
killing him by his own vote, and put it off for the time, but afterward
did slay him secretly. [-13-] Even among his own followers those that
did not suit him he sacrificed without compunction to the opposing side
in some cases, and in others by prearrangement caused them to perish in
the actual conflicts, through the agency of their own comrades, for, as
I have said, he did not take measures openly against all those that had
troubled him, but any that he could not prosecute on some substantial
charge he quietly put out of the way in some obscure fashion. And yet at
that time he burned without reading all the papers that were found in
the private chests of Scipio, and of the men who had fought against him
he preserved many for their own sakes, and many also on account of their
friends. For, as has been said, he allowed each of his fellow-soldiers
and companions to ask the life of one man. He would have preserved Cato,
too. For he had conceived such an admiration for him that when Cicero
subsequently wrote an encomium of Cato he was no whit vexed,--although
Cicero had likewise warred against him,--but merely wrote a short
treatise which he entitled Anticato.
[-14-]Caesar after these events at once and before crossing into Italy
disencumbered himself of the more elderly among his soldiers for fear
they might revolt again. He arranged the other matters in Africa just as
rapidly as was feasible and sailed as far as Sardinia with all his
fleet. From that point he sent the discarded troops in the company of
Graius Didius into Spain against Pompey, and himself returned to Rome,
priding himself chiefly upon the brilliance of his achievements but also
to some extent upon the decrees of the senate. For they had decreed that
offerings should be made for his victory during forty days, and they had
granted him leave to celebrate the previously accorded triumph upon
white horses and with such lictors as were then in his company, with as
many others as he had employed in his first dictatorship, and all the
rest, besides, that he had in his second. Further, they elected him
superintendent of every man's conduct (for some such name was given him,
as if the title of censor were not worthy of him), for three years, and
dictator for ten in succession. They moreover voted that he should sit
in the senate upon the sella curulis with the acting consuls, and should
always state his opinion first, that he should give the signal in all
the horse-races, and that he should have the appointment of the officers
and whatever else formerly the people were accustomed to assign. And
they resolved that a representation of his chariot be set on the Capitol
opposite Jupiter, that upon an image of the inhabited world a bronze
figure of Caesar be mounted, holding a written statement to the effect
that he was a demi-god, and that his name be inscribed upon the Capitol,
in place of that of Catulus, on the ground that he had finished the
temple, in the course of the construction of which he had undertaken to
call Catulus to account. These are the only measures I have recorded,
not because they were also the only ones voted,--for a vast number of
things was proposed and of course ratified,--but because he disregarded
the rest, whereas these he accepted.
[-15-] Now that they had been settled, he entered Rome, where he saw
that the inhabitants were afraid of his power and suspicious of his
designs as a result of which they expected to suffer many terrible evils
such as had taken place before. Seeing also that on this account
excessive honors had been accorded him, through flattery but not through
good-will, he began to encourage the Romans and to inspire them with
hope by the following speech delivered in the senate:
"Let none of you, Conscript Fathers, expect that I shall make any harsh
proclamation or perform any cruel act merely because I have conquered
and am able to say whatever I may please without being called to
account, and to do with authority whatever I may choose. It is true that
Marius and Cinna and Sulla and all the rest, so to speak, who ever
subdued their adversaries, in their initial undertakings said and did
much that was humane, principally as a result of which they converted to
their side some whose alliance, or at least whose refraining from
hostilities, they enjoyed; and then after conquering and becoming
masters of the ends they sought, they adopted a course of behavior
diametrically opposed to their former stand both in word and in deed.
Let no one, however, for any such reason assume that this same policy
will be mine. I have not associated with you in former time under a
disguise, possessing in reality some different nature, only to become
emboldened in security now because that is possible: nor have I been so
excited or beclouded by my great good fortune as to desire also to play
the tyrant over you. Both of these afflictions, or rather the second,
seems to have befallen those men whom I mentioned. No, I am in nature
the same sort of a man as you have always found me:--why should I go
into details and become burdensome by a praise of self?--I should not
think of treating Fortune so shabbily, but the more I have enjoyed her
favors, the better will I use her in every respect. I have been anxious
to secure so great power and to rise to such a height as to chastise all
active foes and admonish all those disaffected for no other reason than
that I might be able to play a brave part without danger, and to obtain
prosperity with fame. [-16-] It is not, besides, in general either noble
or just for a man to be convicted of adopting that course for which he
had rebuked those who differed from him in opinion: nor should I ever be
satisfied to be compared with them through my imitation of their deeds,
and to differ merely by the reputation of my complete victory. For who
ought to benefit people more and more abundantly than he who has the
greatest power. Who ought to err less than he who is the strongest? Who
should use the gifts of Heaven more sensibly than he who has received
the greatest from that source? Who ought to handle present blessings
more uprightly than he who has the most of them and is most afraid of
their being lost? Good fortune, joined with temperance, continues: and
authority, if it maintains moderation, preserves all that has been
gained. Above all, as is seldom the case with those persons that succeed
without virtue, they make it possible for rulers while alive to be loved
unfeignedly, and when, dead to receive genuine praise. But the man who
without restraint absolutely applies his power to everything finds for
himself neither real good-will nor certain safety, but though accorded a
false flattery in public [is secretly cursed][86]. For the whole world,
besides those who associate with him most, both suspect and fear a ruler
who is not master of his own authority.
[-17-] "Again, these words that I have spoken are no mere quibbles, and
I have tried to make you understand that they have not fallen into my
head for ostentation or by mere chance on the present occasion: on the
contrary, from the outset I realized that this course was both suitable
and advantageous for me; that is why I both think and speak thus.
Consequently you may be not only of good courage with reference to the
present, but hopeful as regards the future, reflecting (if you think I
used any pretence), that I would not be deferring my projects, but would
have made them known this very day.
"However, I was never otherwise minded in times past, as my works
themselves, indeed, doubtless prove and now I shall feel far more
eagerness with all order and decency not,--forbid it, Jupiter!--not to
be your master, but your head man, not your tyrant, but your leader. In
the matter of accomplishing for you everything else that must be done, I
will be both consul and dictator, but in the matter of injuring any one,
a private citizen. That possibility I do not think should be even
mentioned. Why should I put any one of you to death, who have done me no
harm, when I destroyed none of my adversaries, even if with the utmost
zeal they had taken[87] part with various enemies against me, but I took
pity on all those that had withstood me but once, saving many alive of
those that fought on the opposing side a second time? How should I bear
malice toward any, seeing that without reading or making excerpts I
immediately burned all the documents that were found among the private
papers both in Pompey's and in Scipio's tents? So then, let us,
Conscript Fathers, boldly unite our interests, forgetting all past
events as brought to pass simply by some supernatural Force, and
beginning to love each the other without suspicion as though we were
some new citizens. In this way you may behave yourselves toward me as
toward a father, enjoying the fore-thought and solicitude which I shall
give you and fearing no vexation, and I may have charge of you as of
children, praying that all noblest deeds may be ever! accomplished by
your exertions, and enduring perforce human limitations, exalting the
excellent by fitting honors and correcting the rest so far as is
feasible.
[-18-] "Another point--do not fear the soldiers nor regard them in any
other light than as guardians of my dominion, which is at the same time
yours: that they should be maintained is inevitable, for many reasons,
but they will be maintained for your benefit, not against you; they will
be content with what is given them and think well of the givers. For
this reason larger taxes than is customary have been levied, in order
that the opposition might be made submissive and the victorious element,
receiving sufficient support, might not become an opposition. Of course
I have received no private gain from these funds, seeing that I have
expended for you all that I possessed, including much that I had
borrowed. No, you can see that a part has been expended on the wars, and
the rest has been kept safe for you: it will serve to adorn the city and
administer the other governmental departments. I have, then, taken upon
my own shoulders the odium of the levy, whereas you will all enjoy its
advantages in common, in the campaigns as well as elsewhere. We are in
need of arms, at every moment, since without them it is impossible for
us, who inhabit so great a city and hold so extensive an empire, to live
safely: now the surplus of money will be a mighty assistance in this
matter. However, let none of you suspect that I shall harass any man who
is rich or establish any new taxes: I shall be satisfied with the
present collections and be anxious to help make some contribution to you
than to wrong any one for his money."
By such, statements in the senate and afterward before the people Caesar
relieved them to some extent of their fears, but was not able to
persuade them entirely to be of good courage until he corroborated his
declarations by his deeds.
[-19-] After this he conducted subsequent proceedings in a brilliant
manner, as was fitting in honor of so many and such decisive victories.
He celebrated triumphs over the Gauls, for Egypt, for Pharnaces and for
Juba, in four sections, on four separate days. Most of it doubtless
delighted the spectators, but the sight of Arsinoë of Egypt--he had
brought her along among the captives--and the horde of lictors and the
symbols of triumph taken from citizens who had fallen in Africa
displeased them exceedingly. The lictors, on account of their numbers,
appeared to them a most outrageous multitude, since never before had
they beheld so many at one time: and the sight of Arsinoë, a woman and
once called queen, in chains (a spectacle which had never yet been
offered, in Rome at least), aroused very great pity, and in consequence
on this excuse they incidentally lamented their personal misfortunes.
She, to be sure, was released out of consideration for her brothers, but
others including Vercingetorix were put to death.
[-20-] The people, accordingly, were disagreeably affected by these
sights that I have mentioned, and yet they deemed them very few
considering the multitude of the captives and the magnitude of Caesar's
accomplishments. This, as well as the fact that he endured very
goodnaturedly the army's outspoken comments,[88] led them to admire him
extremely. For they made sport of those of their own number appointed to
the senate by him and all the other failings of which he was
accused:[89] most of all they jested about his love for Cleopatra and
his sojourn at the court of Nicomedes, ruler of Bithynia, inasmuch as he
had once been at his court when a lad; indeed, they even declared that
Caesar had enslaved[90] the Gauls, but Nicomedes Caesar. Finally, on the
top of all the rest they all together with a shout declared that if you
do well, you will be punished, but if ill you shall rule.[91] This was
meant by them to signify that if Caesar should restore self-government to
the people--which they regarded as just--and stand trial for the acts he
had committed outside the laws, he would even undergo punishment;
whereas, if he should cleave to his power,--which they deemed the course
of an unjust person,--he would continue sole ruler. As for him, however,
he was not displeased at their saying this: on the contrary he was quite
delighted that by such frankness toward him they showed a belief that he
would never be angry at it,--except in so far as their abuse concerned
his association with Nicomedes. At this he was decidedly irritated and
evidently pained: he attempted to defend himself, denying with an oath
that the case was such, and after that he incurred the further penalty
of laughter.
[-21-] Now on the first day of the festival of victory a portent far
from good fell to his lot. The axle of the triumphal chariot was crushed
just opposite the very temple of Fortune built by Lucullus, so that he
had to complete the rest of the course in another. On this occasion,
too, he climbed up the stairs of the Capitol on his knees, without
noticing at all either the chariot which he had dedicated to Jupiter, or
the image of the inhabited world lying beneath his feet, or the
inscription upon it: later on, however, he erased from that inscription
the name demi-god.
After this triumphal celebration he entertained the populace splendidly,
giving them grain beyond the regular measure and olive oil. Also, to the
multitude which received the present of grain he assigned the
seventy-five denarii which he had promised in advance, and twenty-five
more, but to the soldiers five hundred in one sum. Yet he was not merely
ostentatious: in most respects he was very exact; for instance, since
the throng receiving doles of grain had for a very long period been
growing not by lawful methods of increase but in such ways as are common
in popular tumults, he investigated the matter and erased half of their
names at one time.
[-22-] The first days of the fête he passed as was customary: on the
last day, after they had finished dinner, he entered his own forum
wearing fancy sandals and garlanded with all sorts of flowers; thence he
proceeded homeward with the entire populace, so to speak, alongside
escorting him, while many elephants carried torches. He had himself
adorned the forum called after him, and it is distinctly more beautiful
than the Roman (Forum); yet it had increased the reputation of the other
so that that was called the Great Forum. This forum which he had
constructed and the temple of Venus, looked upon as the founder of his
race, he dedicated at this very time. In honor of them he instituted
many contests of all kinds. He furnished with benches a kind of
hunting-theatre, which from the fact that it had seats all around
without a canopy was called an amphitheatre. Here in honor of his
daughter he had animals killed and contests between men in armor; but
whoever should care to write down their number would doubtless render
his narrative tedious besides falling into errors; for all such things
are regularly exaggerated by boasting. [-23-] I shall accordingly pass
over this, and be silent on the other like events that subsequently took
place--unless, of course, it should seem to me thoroughly necessary to
mention some particular point,--but I will give an account of the
so-called camelopard, because it was then for the first time introduced
into Rome by Caesar and exhibited to all. This animal is in general a
camel, except that it has sets of legs not of equal length. That is, its
hind legs are shorter. Beginning from the rump its back grows gradually
higher, appearing as if it would ascend indefinitely, until the most of
its body reaching its loftiest point is supported on the front legs,
while the neck stretches up to an unusual height. It has skin spotted
like a leopard, and for this reason bears the name common to both
animals. Such is the appearance of this beast.
As for the men, he not only pitted one against another in the Forum, as
had been customary, but he also in the hippodrome brought them together
in companies, horsemen against horsemen, fighters on foot against
similar contestants, and others that were a match for one another
indiscriminately. Some even, forty in number, fought from elephants.
Finally he produced a naval battle, not on the sea nor on the lake but
on land. He hollowed out a certain tract on the Campus Martius and by
letting water into it introduced ships. In all the contests the captives
and those condemned to death took part. Some even of the knights,
and,--not to mention others,--a son of a man who had been praetor fought
in single combat. Indeed, a senator named Fulvius Sepinus[92] desired to
contend in full armor, but was prevented; for Caesar had expressed a
fervent wish that that should never take place, though he did permit the
knights to contend. The patrician children went through the so-called
Troy equestrian exercise according to ancient custom, and the young men
who were their peers vied with one another in chariots.
[-24-] Still, it must be said he was blamed for the great number of
those who were slain, on the ground that he had not himself become
satiated with slaughter and was further exhibiting to the populace
symbols of their own miseries; and much more so because he had expended
on all that array countless sums. A clamor in consequence was raised
against him for two reasons,--that he had collected most of the funds
unjustly, and that he had used them up for such purposes.
And by mentioning one feature of his extravagance of that time I shall
thereby give an inkling of all the rest. In order that the sun might not
annoy any of the spectators he had curtains stretched over them made of
silk, according to some accounts. Now this product of the loom is a
device of barbarian luxury and from them has come down even to us to
satisfy the excessive daintiness of veritable women. The civilians
perforce held their peace at such acts, but the soldiers raised an
outcry, not because they cared about the money recklessly squandered but
because they did not themselves get what was appropriated to those
displays. In fact they did not cease from confusion till Caesar suddenly
coming upon them with his own hand seized one man and delivered him up
to punishment. This person was executed for the reasons stated, and two
other men were slaughtered as a kind of piece of ritual. The true cause
I am unable to state, inasmuch as the Sibyl made no utterance and there
was no other similar oracle, but at any rate they were sacrificed in the
Campus Martius by the pontifices and the priest of Mars, and their heads
were set up near the palace.
[-25-] While Caesar was thus engaged he was also enacting many laws,
passing over most of which I shall mention only those most deserving
attention. The courts he entrusted to the senators and the knights alone
so that the purest element of the population, so far as was possible,
might always preside: formerly some of the common people had also joined
with them in rendering decisions. The expenditures, moreover, of men of
means which had been rendered enormous by their licentiousness he not
only controlled by law but put a strong check upon them by practical
measures. There was, on account of the numbers of warriors that had
perished, a dangerous scarcity of population, as was proved both from
the censuses (which he attended to, among other things, as if he were
censor) and from actual observation, consequently he offered prizes for
large families of children. Again, because he himself as a result of
ruling the Gauls many years in succession had been attracted into a
desire for dominion and had by it increased the equipment of his force,
he limited by law the term of ex-praetors to one year, and that of
ex-consuls to two consecutive years, and enacted in general that no one
should be allowed to hold any office for a longer time.
[-26-] After the passage of these laws he also established in their
present fashion the days of the year (which were not definitely settled
among the people, since even at that time they regulated their months
according to the movements of the moon) by adding sixty-seven days, all
that were necessary to bring the year out even. In the past some have
declared that even more were interpolated, but the truth is as I have
stated it. He got this improvement from his stay in Alexandria, save in
so far as those people calculate their months as of thirty days each,
afterward annexing the five days to the entire year as a whole, whereas
Caesar distributed among seven months these five along with two other
days that he took away from one month.[93] The one day, however, which
is made up of four parts Caesar introduced every fourth year, so as to
have the annual seasons no longer differ at all except in the slightest
degree. In fourteen hundred and sixty-one years there is need of only
one (additional) intercalary day.[94]
[-27-] All these and other undertakings which he was planning for the
common weal he accomplished not by independent declaration nor by
independent cogitation, but he communicated everything in every instance
to the heads of the senate, sometimes even to the entire body And to
this practice most of all was due the fact that even when he passed some
rather harsh measures, he still succeeded in pleasing them. For these
actions he received praise; but inasmuch as he had some of the tribunes
bring back many of those that stayed away from court, and allowed those
who were convicted of bribery in office on actual proof to live in
Italy, and furthermore numbered once more among the senate some who were
not worthy of it, many murmurings of all sorts arose against him. Yet
the greatest censure he incurred from all through his passion for
Cleopatra,--not the passion he had displayed in Egypt (that was mere
hearsay), but in Rome itself. For she had come to the city with her
husband and settled in Caesar's own house, so that he too derived an ill
repute from both of them. It caused him no anxiety, however; on the
contrary he enrolled them among the friends and allies of the Roman
people.