excelled them in uprightness, and he, using them as comrades in struggle
and counselors to all matters, sailed to the Peloponnesus with the
apparent intention of occupying it, for he had not yet heard that Pompey
was dead. He did seize Patrae and there received among other accessions
Petreius and Pompey's son-in-law[74] Faustus. Subsequently Quintus
Fufius Calenus led an expedition against them, whereupon they set sail,
and coming to Cyrene there learned of the death of Pompey. Their views
were now no longer harmonious: Cato, loathing the thought of Caesar's
sovereignty, and some others in despair of getting pardon from him,
sailed to Africa with the army, added Scipio to their number, and were
as active as possible against Caesar; the majority scattered, and some of
them retired to make their peace as each one best might, while the rest,
among them Gaius Cassius, went to Caesar forthwith and received assurance
of safety.
[-14-] Calenus had been sent by Caesar into Greece before the battle, and
he captured among other places the Peiraeus, owing to its being unwalled.
Athens (although he did a great deal of damage to its territory) he was
unable to take before the defeat of Pompey. The inhabitants then
capitulated voluntarily and Caesar without resentment released them
altogether, making only this remark, that in spite of their many
offences they were saved by the dead. This speech signified that it was
on account of their ancestors and on account of the latter's glory and
excellence that he spared them. Accordingly Athens and most of the rest
of Greece then at once made terms with him: but the Megarians in spite
of this resisted and were captured only at a considerably later date,
partly by force and partly by treachery. Wherefore a great slaughter of
the people was instituted and the survivors sold. Calenus had so acted
that he might seem to have taken a merited vengeance upon them. But
since he feared that the city might perish utterly, he sold the dwellers
in the first place to their relatives, and in the second place for a
very small sum, so that they might regain their freedom.
[-15-] After these achievements Caesar marched upon Patrae and occupied it
easily, as he had frightened out Cato and his followers in advance.
While these various troubles were being settled, there was an uprising
in Spain, although the country was at peace. The Spaniards were at the
time subject to many abuses from Quintus Longinus, and at first some few
banded together to kill him. He was wounded but escaped, and after that
proceeded to wrong them a great deal more. Then a number of Cordubasians
and a number of soldiers who had formerly belonged to the Pompeian party
rose against him, putting at their head Marcus Marcellus Aeserninus, the
quaestor. He did not accept their appointment with his whole heart, but
seeing the uncertainty of events and admitting that they might turn out
either way, he straddled the issue. All that he said or did was of a
neutral character, so that whether Caesar or Pompey should prevail he
would seem to have fought for the cause of either one. He favored Pompey
by receiving those who transferred their allegiance to him and by
fighting against Longinus, who declared he was on Caesar's side: at the
same time he did a kindness to Caesar because he assumed charge of the
soldiers when (as he would say) Longinus was guilty of certain
irregularities, and kept these men for him, while not allowing their
commander to be alienated. And when the soldiers inscribed the name of
Pompey on their shields he erased it so that he might by this act offer
to the one man the deeds done by the arms and to the other their reputed
ownership, and by laying claim to one thing or the other as done in
behalf of the victor and by referring the opposite to necessity or to
different persons he might continue safe.[-16-] Consequently, although
he had the opportunity of overthrowing Longinus altogether by mere
numbers, he refused, but while extending his actions over considerable
time in the display and preparation of what he desired, he put the
responsibility for doubtful measures upon other persons. Therefore both
in his setbacks and the advantages he gained he could make the plea that
he was acting equally in behalf of the same person: the setbacks he
might have planned himself or might not, and for the advantages others
might or might not be responsible. He continued in this way until Caesar
conquered, when, having incurred the victor's wrath, he was temporarily
banished, but was later brought back from exile and honored. Longinus,
however, being denounced by the Spaniards in an embassy, was deprived of
his office and while on his way home perished near the mouth of the
Iber.
These events took place abroad. [-17-] The population of Rome while the
interests of Caesar and Pompey were in a doubtful and vacillating state
all professedly espoused the cause of Caesar, influenced by his troops
that were in their midst and by his colleague Servilius. Whenever a
victory of his was reported, they rejoiced, and whenever a reverse, they
grieved,--some really, some pretendedly in each case. For there were
many spies prowling about and eavesdroppers, observing what was being
said and done on such occasions. Privately the talk and actions of those
who detested Caesar and preferred Pompey's side were the very opposite of
their public expressions. Hence, whereas both parties made a show of
receiving any and all news as favorable to their hopes, they in fact
regarded it sometimes with fear and sometimes with boldness, and
inasmuch as many diverse rumors would often be going the rounds on the
same day and in the same hour their position was a most trying one. In
the briefest space of time they were pleased, were grieved, grew bold,
grew fearful. [-18-] When the battle of Pharsalus was reported they were
long incredulous. Caesar sent no despatch to the government, hesitating
to appear to be rejoicing publicly over such a victory, for which reason
also he celebrated no triumph: and again, there seemed little likelihood
of its being true, in view of the relative equipment of the two forces
and the hopes entertained. When at last they gave the story credence,
they took down the images of Pompey and of Sulla that stood upon the
rostra, but did nothing further at that time. A large number did not
wish to do even that, and an equally large number fearing that Pompey
might renew the strife regarded this as quite enough for Caesar and
expected that it would be a fairly simple matter to placate Pompey on
account of it. Moreover, when he died, they would not believe this news
till late, and until they saw his signet that had been sent. (On this
were carved three trophies, as on that of Sulla.) [-19-] But when he
appeared to be really dead, at last they openly praised the winner and
abused the loser and proposed that everything in the world which they
could devise be given to Caesar. In the course of it all there was a
great rivalry among practically all of the foremost men who were eager
to outdo one another in fawning upon him and voting pleasing measures.
By their shouts and by their gestures all of them as if Caesar were
present and looking on showed the very greatest zeal and deemed that in
return for it they would get immediately,--as if they were doing it to
please him at all and not from necessity,--the one an office, another a
priesthood, and a third some pecuniary reward. I shall omit those honors
which had either been voted to some others previously,--images, crowns,
front seats, and things of that kind,--or were novel and proposed now
for the first time, which were not also confirmed by Caesar: for I fear
that I might become wearisome, were I to enumerate them all. This same
plan I shall adopt in my later narrations, adhering the more strictly to
it, as the honors proposed grew more in number and more universal. Only
such as had some special and extraordinary importance and were then
confirmed will be set down. [-20-] They granted him, then, permission to
do whatever he liked to those who had favored Pompey's cause; it could
not be said that he had not already received this right from himself,
but it was intended that he might seem to be acting with some show of
legal authority. They appointed him lord of wars and peace (using the
confederates in Africa as a Pretext) in regard to all mankind, even
though he should make no communication on the subject to the people or
the senate. This was also naturally in his power before, inasmuch as he
had so large a force; and the wars he had fought he had undertaken
himself in nearly every case: nevertheless, because they wished still to
appear to be free and independent citizens, they voted him these rights
and everything else which it was in his power to have even against their
will. He received the privilege of being consul for five consecutive
years and of being chosen dictator not for six months but for an entire
year, and could assume the tribunician authority practically for life.
He was enabled to sit with the tribunes upon the same benches and to be
reckoned with them for other purposes,--a right commonly accorded to no
one. All the elections except those of the people were put in his hands
and for this reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were
carried on only toward the close of the year.[75] The governorships in
subject territory the citizens themselves of course allotted to the
consuls, but they voted that Caesar might give them to the praetors
without the casting of lots: for they had gone back to consuls and
praetors again contrary to their decrees. And another practice which had
the sanction of custom, indeed, but in the corruption of the times might
justly be deemed a cause of hatred and resentment, formed the matter of
one of their resolutions. Caesar had at that time heard not a word of the
mere inception of the war against Juba and against the Romans who had
fought on his side, and yet they assigned a triumph for him to hold, as
if he had been victor.
[-21-] In this way these votes and ratifications took place. Caesar
entered upon the dictatorship at once, though he was outside Italy, and
chose Antony, who had not yet been praetor, as his master of the horse:
and the consul proposed his name, although the augurs most strongly
opposed him with the declaration that no one was allowed to be master of
the horse for more than six months. They incurred, however, a great deal
of laughter for this,--deciding that Caesar should be chosen dictator for
a year contrary to all ancestral precedent, and then splitting hairs
about the master of the horse. [-22-]Marcus Caelius[76] actually perished
because he dared to break the laws laid down by Caesar regarding loans of
money, as if their propounder was defeated and ruined, and because he
had therefore stirred up to strife Rome and Campania. He had been very
prominent in carrying out Caesar's wishes, for which reason moreover he
had been appointed praetor; but he became angry because he had not also
been made praetor urbanus, and because his colleague Trebonius had been
preferred before him for this office, not by lot as had been the custom,
but by Caesar's choice. Hence he opposed his colleague in everything and
would not let him perform any of the duties that belonged to him. He
would not consent to his executing judgments according to Caesar's laws,
and furthermore gave notice to such as owed any sum that he would assist
them against the money-lenders, and to all who dwelt in other peoples'
houses that he would release them from payment of rent. Having by this
course won the attachment of many he set upon Trebonius with their aid
and would have killed him, had he not managed to change his robe and
escape in the crowd. After this failure Caelius privately issued a law in
which he gave to all the use of houses free and annulled debts. [-23-]
Servilius consequently sent for some soldiers who chanced to be going by
on the way to Gaul and after convening the senate under their protection
he presented a proposition about the matter in hand. No ratification was
reached, since the tribunes prevented it, but the sense of the meeting
was recorded and Servilius then ordered the court officers to take down
the offending tablets. When Caelius drove them away and acted in a
disorderly manner toward the consul himself, they convened again, still
protected by the soldiers, and delivered to Servilius the "care of the
city," a phrase I have often used previously in regard to it. After this
he would not permit Caelius, even in his capacity as praetor, to do
anything, but assigned the duties pertaining to his office to some other
praetor, debarred him from the senate, dragged him from the rostra in the
midst of some vociferation, and broke to pieces his chair.
[-24-]Of course Caelius was violently angry at him for each of these
acts, but since Servilius had a rather respectable body of troops in
town he was afraid that he might suffer chastisement, and therefore
decided to set out for Campania to join Milo, who was instituting a kind
of rebellion. The latter, when it proved that he was the only one of the
exiles not restored by Caesar, had come to Italy, where he gathered a
number of men, some in want of a livelihood and others fearing some
punishment, and ravaged the country, assailing Capua and other cities.
It was to him that Caelius wished to betake himself, in order that with
his aid he might do Caesar all possible harm. He was watched, however,
and could not leave the city openly; and he did not venture to escape
secretly because (among other motives) he hoped to accomplish a great
deal more by possessing the attire and the title of praetor. At last,
therefore, he approached the consul and obtained from him leave of
absence, saying that he wished to proceed to Caesar. The other, though he
suspected his intention, still allowed him to do this, particularly
because he was very insistent, invoking Caesar's name and pretending that
he was eager to submit his defence. Servilius sent a tribune with him,
so that if he should attempt any rebellious conduct he might be
prevented.[25] When they got to Campania, and found that Milo after a
defeat near Capua had taken refuge in the Tifatine mountain, and Caelius
would go no farther, the tribune was alarmed and wished to bring him
back home. Servilius, learning of this in advance, declared war upon
Milo in the senate and gave orders that Caelius (who must be prevented
from stirring up any confusion) should remain in the suburbs. However,
he did not keep him under strict surveillance, because the man was a
praetor. Thus Clius made his escape and hastened to Milo: and he would
certainly have aroused some sedition, had he found him alive. As it
proved, Milo had been driven from Campania and had perished in Apulia:
Caelius therefore went to Bruttium, presumably to form some league in
that district, and there he perished before doing anything important;
for the persons who favored Caesar banded together and killed him.
[26-] So these men died, but that did not bring quiet to Rome. On the
contrary, many dreadful events took place, as, indeed, omens indicated
beforehand. Among other things that happened toward the end of that year
bees settled on the Capitol beside the statue of Hercules. At the time
sacrifices to Isis chanced to be going on and the soothsayers gave their
opinion to the effect that the precincts of that goddess and of Serapis
should be razed to the ground, as of yore. In the course of demolition a
small shrine of Bellona had unwittingly been taken down, and in it were
found jars full of human flesh.
[B.C. 47 (_a.u._ 707)]
The following year a violent earthquake occurred, an owl was seen,
thunderbolts descended upon the Capitol and upon the temple of the
so-called Public Fortune and into the gardens of Caesar, where a horse of
considerable value was destroyed by them, and the temple of Fortune
opened of its own accord. In addition to this, blood issuing from a
bake-shop flowed to another temple of Fortune, whose statue on account
of the fact that the goddess necessarily oversees and can fathom
everything that is before us as well as behind and does not forget from
what beginnings any great man came they had set up and named in a way
not easy for Greeks to describe.[77] Also some infants were born holding
their left hands to their heads, so that whereas no good was looked for
from the other signs, from this especially an uprising of inferiors
against superiors was both foretold by the soothsayers and accepted by
the people as true.
[-27-] These portents so revealed by supernatural power disturbed them;
and their fear was augmented by the very appearance of the city, which
had been strange and unaccustomed at the beginning of the month and
thereafter for a long time. There was as yet no consul or praetor, and
Antony, in so far as his costume went (which was the _toga laticlavia_)
and his lictors, of whom he had only six, and his convening the senate,
furnished some semblance of democracy: but the sword with which he was
girded, and the throng of soldiers that accompanied him, and his actions
themselves most of all indicated the existence of one sole ruler. Many
robberies, outrages, and murders took place. And not only were the
existing conditions most distressing to the Romans, but they dreaded a
far greater number of more terrible acts from Caesar. For when the master
of the horse never laid aside his sword even at the festivals, who would
not have been suspicious of the dictator himself? (At the most of these
festivals Antony presided at the orders of Caesar. Some few the tribunes
also had in charge.) It any persons stopped to think of his magnanimity,
which had led him to spare many that had opposed him in battle,
nevertheless seeing that men who had gained an office did not stick to
the same principles as guided them in striving for it, they therefore
expected that he too would change his tactics. [-28-] They felt
aggrieved and discussed the matter with one another at length,--those at
least who were safe in so doing, for they could not make everybody a
companion with impunity. Many who would seem to be good friends and
others who were relatives were liable to slander them, perverting some
statements, and telling downright lies on other points. This was a cause
of the greatest discomfort to the rest who were not equally safe,
because, being able neither to lament nor to share their views with
others they could not in any way get rid of their thoughts.
Communication with those similarly afflicted lightened their burden
somewhat, and the man who could safely utter and hear in return what the
citizens were undergoing became easier. But distrust of such as were not
of like habits with themselves confined their dissatisfaction within
their minds and inflamed them the more, as they could not tell their
secret[78] nor obtain any relief. In addition to keeping their
sufferings shut up within they were compelled to praise and admire their
treatment, as also to celebrate festivals, perform sacrifices, and
appear happy in it all.
[-29-] This was the condition of the Romans in the City at that time.
And, as if it were not sufficient for them to be abused by Antony,
Lucius Trebellius and Publius Cornelius Dolabella, tribunes, began a
factional disturbance. The latter fought on the side of the debtors, to
which category he belonged, and had therefore changed his legal standing
from patrician to plebeian, to get the tribuneship. The former said he
represented the nobles, but none the less published edicts and had
recourse to murders. This, too, naturally resulted in a great
disturbance and many weapons were everywhere in evidence, although the
senators had commanded that no changes should be made before Caesar's
arrival in the city, and Antony that no private individual in the city
should carry arms. As they paid no attention themselves, however, to
these orders, but resorted to all kinds of measures against each other
and against the men just mentioned, there arose a third dispute between
Antony and the senate. In order to have it thought that that body had
allowed him weapons and the authority that resulted from them (which he
had been overready to usurp) he got the privilege of keeping soldiers
within the wall and of helping the tribunes in maintaining a guard over
the city. After this Antony did whatever he desired with a kind of legal
right, and Dolabella and Trebellius were nominally guilty of violence:
but their effrontery and resources led them to resist both each other
and him as if they too had received some position of command from the
senate. [-30-] Meanwhile Antony learned that the legions which Caesar
after the battle had sent ahead into Italy, as if to indicate that he
would follow them, were engaged in doubtful proceedings; and in fear of
some insurrection from that quarter he turned over the charge of the
city to Lucius Caesar, appointing him praefectus urbi, an office never
before conferred by a master of the horse. He himself set out to the
soldiers. The tribunes that were at variance with the two despised
Lucius because of his advanced age and inflicted many outrages upon one
another and on the rest until they learned that Caesar, having settled
the affairs of Egypt, had started for Rome. They were carrying on the
quarrel under the assumption that he would never return again but be
killed somewhere abroad by the Egyptians, as, indeed, they kept hearing.
When his coming was reported they moderated their conduct for a time,
but as soon as he set out against Pharnaces they relapsed into factional
differences once more.[-31-] Antony was unable to restrain them, and
finding that his opposition to Dolabella was obnoxious to the populace
he at first joined his party and brought charges against
Trebellius,--one being to the effect that he was appropriating the
soldiers to his own use. Later, when he perceived that he was not
esteemed at all by the multitude, which was attached only to Dolabella,
he became vexed and changed sides. He was especially influenced in this
course by the fact that while not sharing popular favor with the
plebeian leader he received the greatest share of blame from the
senators. So nominally he adopted a neutral attitude toward both, but
really in secret he chose the cause of Trebellius, and coöperated with
him among other ways by allowing him to obtain soldiers. From this time
on he made himself a spectator and director of their contests; and they
fought, seized in turn the most advantageous points in the city, and
entered upon a career of killing and burning, so that on one occasion
the holy vessels were carried by the virgins out of the temple of Vesta.
[-32-] Once more the senators voted that the master of the horse should
guard the city still more scrupulously, and practically the entire town
was filled with soldiers. Yet there was no respite. Dolabella in despair
of obtaining any pardon from Caesar desired to accomplish some great evil
and then perish,--with the idea that he would forever have renown for
this act. So many men in the past have become infatuated with basest
deeds for the mere sake of fame! Under this influence he too wrought
universal disturbance, promising even that on a certain specified day he
would enact his laws in regard to debts and house-rents. On receipt of
these announcements the crowd erected barricades around the Forum,
setting up wooden towers at some points, and put itself in readiness to
cope with any force that might oppose it. At that, Antony brought down
from the Capitol about dawn a large body of soldiers, cut down the
tablets of the laws and hurled some offenders who still continued to be
unruly from the cliffs of the Capitol itself.