however, immediately come to close quarters. Sprung from the same
country and from the same hearth, with almost identical weapons and
similar formation, each side shrank from beginning the battle, shrank
from slaying any one. There was great silence then, and dejection on the
part of both; no one went forward nor moved at all: but with heads bowed
they stood motionless, as if devoid of life. Caesar and Pompey,
therefore, fearing that if they remained quiet any longer their
animosity might be dulled or they might even become reconciled,
hurriedly commanded the trumpeters to blow the signal and the men to
raise the war cry in unison. Both orders were obeyed, but the
contestants were so far from being imbued with courage, that at the
similar sound of the trumpeter's call and at their own outcry in the
same language, they felt their affinity and were impressed with their
kinship, and so fell into tears and wailing. [-59-] At length the allied
troops began the battle, and the rest joined in combat, fairly beside
themselves at what they were doing. Those whose part in the conflict was
a distant one were less sensible of the horror; they threw, shot, hurled
javelins, discharged slings, without knowing whom they hit: but the
heavy-armed and the cavalry had a fearful experience, as they were close
to each other and could even speak a little back and forth; at the same
moment they would recognize their vis-à-vis and would wound him, would
call to him and slaughter him, would remember their country and despoil
the slain. These were the actions and the sufferings of the Romans and
the rest from Italy who were joined with them in the campaign, wherever
they happened upon each other. Many sent messages home through their
very destroyers. The subject force fought both zealously and
unflinchingly, showing much alertness as once for their own freedom, so
now to secure the slavery of the Romans; they wanted, since they were
inferior to them at all points, to have them as fellow-slaves.
[-60-] It was a very great battle and full of diverse incidents, partly
for the reasons mentioned and partly on account of the numbers and the
variety of the armaments. There were vast bodies of heavy-armed
soldiers, vast bodies of cavalry, others that were archers and still
others that were slingers, so that they occupied the whole plain and
when scattered often fought with their own men, because similarly
arrayed, and often promiscuously with others. Pompey surpassed in his
body of horse and archers; hence they surrounded troops from a distance,
employed sudden assaults, and after throwing them into confusion
retired; then again and still again they would attack them, changing now
to this side and now to that. The Caesarians were on their guard against
this, and by deploying their ranks always managed to face those
assailing them, and when they came into close quarters with them readily
laid hold of both men and horses in the contest; light-armed infantry
had, in fact, been drawn up with their cavalry for this very purpose.
And all this took place, as I said, not in one spot but in many places
at once, scattered about; and with some contending from a distance and
others fighting at close quarters, this body smiting its opponents and
that group getting struck, one detachment fleeing, and a second
pursuing, many infantry battles and many cavalry battles as well were to
be seen. Under these conditions many unexpected things happened. One man
having routed another was himself turned to flight, and another who had
forced a man out of line was in turn attacked by him. One soldier who
had struck another was himself wounded and a second, who had fallen,
killed the enemy who stood over him. Many died without being wounded,
and many when half dead caused more slaughter. Some exulted and sang the
paean, while others were grieved and lamented, so that all places were
filled with cries and groans. The majority were thrown into confusion by
this fact, for the mass of words which were unintelligible to them,
because belonging to different nations and languages, alarmed them
greatly, and those who could understand one another suffered a calamity
many times worse; in addition to their private misfortunes they saw and
heard at the same time those of near neighbors.
[-61-] At last, after they had struggled evenly for a very long space of
time and many on both sides alike had fallen or been wounded, Pompey,
since the larger part of his army was Asiatic and untrained, was
defeated, even as had been made clear to him before the action.
Thunderbolts had fallen into his camp, a fire had appeared in the air
over Caesar's ditch and then fell up his own, bees had swarmed upon his
military standards, and many of the victims after being led up close the
very altar had run away. And so far did the effects of that contest
extend to the rest of mankind that on the very day of the battle
collisions of armies and the clash of arms occurred in many places: in
Pergamum a kind of noise of drums and cymbals rose from the temple of
Dionysus and spread throughout the city; in Tralles a palm tree grew up
in the temple of Victory and the goddess herself turned about toward an
image of Caesar located beside her; in Syria two young men (as they
seemed) announced the result of the battle and vanished; and in
Patavium, which now belongs to Italy but was then still a part of Gaul,
certain birds not only brought news of it but even acted it out to some
extent, for one Gaius Cornelius drew from them accurate information of
all that had taken place, and narrated it to the bystanders. These
things happened separately on that very same day and were naturally
distrusted at the time; but when news was brought of the engagement,
astonishment was felt.
[-62-] Of Pompey's followers who were not destroyed on the spot some
fled whithersoever they could, and others changed their allegiance.
Those of them who were solders of the line Caesar enrolled among his own
troops, exhibiting no resentment. Of the senators and knights all those
whom he had captured before and pitied he killed, unless his friends
begged some of them off; for he allowed each of these on this occasion
to save one man. The rest who had then for the first time fought against
him he released, saying: "Those have not wronged me who have advanced
the interests of Pompey, their friend, and had received no benefit from
me." This same attitude he adopted toward the potentates and peoples who
joined his cause. He pardoned them all, bearing in mind that he himself
was acquainted with none or almost none of them, whereas from his rival
they had previously obtained many favors. These he praised far more than
such as had previously received some kindness from Pompey but in the
midst of dangers had left him in the lurch: the former he could
reasonably expect would be favorably disposed to him also, but as to the
latter, no matter how anxious they seemed to be to please him in
anything, he believed that inasmuch as they had betrayed a friend in
this crisis they would not spare him either on occasion. [-63-] A proof
of his feeling is that he spared Sadalus the Thracian and Deiotarus the
Gaul, who had been in the battle, and Tarcondimotus, who was ruler of a
portion of Cilicia and had very greatly assisted Caesar's opponent in the
way of ships. What need is there of listing the rest who sent
auxiliaries, to all of whom he granted pardon and merely exacted money
from them? He did them no other damage and took from them nothing else,
though many had frequently received great gifts from Pompey, some long
ago and some just at that time. A certain portion of Armenia that had
belonged to Deiotarus he did give to Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia,
yet in this he did not injure Deiotarus at all, but rather conferred an
additional favor upon him. He did not sunder the territory his domains,
but after occupying all of Armenia before occupied by Pharnaces he
bestowed one part of it on Ariobarzanes and another part upon Deiotarus.
Pharnaces made a plea that he had not assisted Pompey and therefore, in
view of his behavior, deserved to obtain pardon: Caesar, however, gave
him no satisfactory response, and furthermore reproached him with the
very fact that he had proved himself base and impious toward his
benefactor. Such humaneness and uprightness did he afterward show in
every case to all those who had fought against him. Moreover, all the
letters that were found filed away in Pompey's chests which convicted
any persons of good-will toward the latter or ill-will toward himself he
neither read nor had copied but burned them immediately, in order not to
be forced by what was in them to take severe measures; and for this
reason if no other any one ought to hate the men that plotted against
him. This is not a mere random remark, but may serve to call attention
to the fact that Marcus Brutus Caepio, who afterward killed him, was
captured by him and preserved from harm.
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
42
The following is contained in the Forty-second of Dio's Rome.
How Pompey, defeated in Thessaly, took to flight and perished in Egypt
(chapters 1-5).
How Caesar, following Pompey, came into Egypt (chapters 6-16).
How the news about Caesar and Pompey was announced at Rome, and what
decrees were passed in honor of Caesar (chapters 17-20).
How in the absence of Caesar the population of Rome revolted (chapters
21-33).
How Caesar fought and subdued the Egyptians and showered favors upon
Cleopatra (chapters 34-44).
How Caesar conquered Pharnaces (chapters 45-48).
How Caesar returned to Rome and reconciled the interests there (chapters
49-55).
How Caesar led an expedition into Africa (chapters 56-58).
Duration of time, the remainder of the consulship of Julius Caesar (II)
and Publius Servilius Isauricus, together with one additional year, in
which there were the following magistrates here enumerated.
C. Iulius C.F. Caesar, Dictator (II), M. Antonius M.F., Master of Horse,
and the two consuls C. Fufius C.F. Calenus and P. Vatinius P.F. (B.C. 47
= a.u. 707.)
(_BOOK 42, BOISSEVAIN_.)
[B.C. 48 (_a.u._ 706)]
[-1-] The general nature of the battle has, accordingly, been described.
As a result of it Pompey straightway despaired of all his undertakings
and no longer made any account of his own valor or of the number of his
remaining soldiers or of the fact that Fortune often restores the
vanquished in the shortest space of time; yet in former times he had
always possessed the greatest cheerfulness and the greatest hopefulness
on all occasions of failure. The reason for this was that in the cases
just mentioned he had usually been evenly matched with the foe and hence
had not discounted a victory in advance; but by reflecting beforehand on
the dual possibilities of the outcome of the engagement, while he was
still coolheaded and before being involved in any alarm, he had not
neglected to prepare for the worst. In this way he had not been
compelled to yield to disasters and was able with ease to renew the
conflict: but this time as he had expected to far surpass Caesar he had
foreseen nothing. For instance, he had not put the camp in proper
condition nor provided a refuge for himself if defeated. And whereas he
might have delayed action and so have conquered without a battle,--for
his army kept increasing every day and he had abundant provisions
because he was in a country for the most part friendly and because he
was lord of the sea,--nevertheless, whether of his own accord and
thinking he would conquer in any event, or because he was forced by his
associates, he brought on an engagement. Consequently as soon as he was
defeated he was terribly alarmed and had no opportune plan or sure hope
ready to enable him to face the danger anew Whenever any event befalls a
man unexpectedly and most contrary to what seemed reasonable, it humbles
his mind and drives out the faculty of calculation, so that he becomes
the poorest and weakest judge of what must be done. Calculation cannot
live in the midst of fears; if it occupies the ground first, it thrusts
them out very effectively, but if it be a second comer, it gets the
worst of the encounter.
[-2-] Hence Pompey, also, having considered none of the chances
beforehand, was found naked and defenceless, whereas, had anything been
foreseen, he might, perhaps, without trouble have quickly recovered all
his losses. Large numbers of the combatants had survived and he had
other forces that were considerable. Above all, he had gotten into his
possession large amounts of money and was master of the entire sea, and
the cities both there and in Asia were fond of him even in his
misfortune. But, as it turned out, since he had fared so ill where he
felt most encouraged, in the temporary seizure of fear he made no use of
any one of these resources, but left the fortifications at once and fled
with a few companions toward Larissa. He did not enter the city although
the Larissaeans invited him, because he feared that by so doing he might
incur some blame. Bidding them make terms with the victor, he himself
took provisions, embarked on the sea, and sailed away to Lesbos on a
merchantman, to his wife Cornelia and his son Sextus. After taking
charge of them he did not even enter Mitylene but started for Egypt,
hoping to secure an alliance with Ptolemy, the king of that country.
This was the son of that Ptolemy who, through the agency of Gabinius,
had received back the kingdom at his hands, and he had as an
acknowledgment of that service sent a fleet to Pompey's assistance. I
have heard that Pompey thought also of fleeing to the Parthians, but I
cannot credit the report. For that race so hated all the Romans ever
since Crassus had led his expedition against them, and Pompey
especially, because related to him, that they imprisoned his envoy who
came with a request for aid, though he was a senator. And Pompey would
have never endured in his misfortune to become a suppliant of a most
hostile nation for what he had failed to obtain while enjoying success.
[-3-]However,--he proceeded to Egypt for the reasons mentioned, and
after coasting along the shore as far as Cilicia went across from there
to Pelusium, where Ptolemy, just then engaged in a war with his sister
Cleopatra, was encamped. Bringing the ships to anchor he sent some men
to remind the prince of the favor shown his father and to ask that he be
permitted to land on definite and secure conditions: he did not venture
to disembark before obtaining some guarantee of safety. Ptolemy made him
no answer, for he was still a mere child, but some of the Egyptians and
Lucius Septimius, a Roman who had made campaigns with Pompey but was a
relative of Gabinius and had been left behind by him to keep guard over
Ptolemy, came in the guise of friends: for all that they impiously
plotted against him and by their act brought guilt upon themselves and
all Egypt. They themselves perished not long after and the Egyptians for
their part were first delivered to be slaves of Cleopatra (this they
particularly disliked) and later were enrolled among the Roman subjects.
[-4-] Now at this time Septimius and Achillas, the commander-in-chief,
and others who were with them declared they would readily receive
Pompey,--to the end, of course, that he might be the more easily
deceived and ensnared. Some of them sent on his messengers ahead,
bidding them be of good cheer, and the natives themselves next embarked
on some small boats and sailed out to him. After many friendly greetings
they begged him to come over to their vessels, saying that by reason of
its size and the shallow water a trireme could not closely approach
their land and that they were very eager to see Pompey himself more
quickly. He thereupon changed ships, although all his fellow voyagers
urged him not to do it, trusting in his hosts and saying merely:
"Whoever to a tyrant wends his way, His slave is he, e'en though his
steps be free." [72]
Now when they drew near the land, fearing that if he even met Ptolemy he
might be saved, by the king himself or by the Romans who dwelt with him
or by the Egyptians, who regarded him with great affection, they killed
him before sailing into harbor. He said not a word and uttered no
complaint, but as soon as he perceived their plot and recognized that he
would not be able to ward them off nor escape, he veiled his face.
[-5-] Such was the end of the famous Pompey the Great, wherein once more
the weakness and the strange fortune of the human race are proved. He
was no whit deficient in foresight, but was deceived by having been
always absolutely secure against any force of harmful potency. He had
won many unexpected victories in Africa, and many in Asia and Europe,
both by land and by sea ever since boyhood; and was now in the
fifty-eighth year of his age defeated without good reason. He who had
subdued the entire Roman sea perished on it: and whereas he had once, as
the story goes, been master of a thousand ships, he was destroyed in a
tiny boat near Egypt and really by that same Ptolemy whose father he had
once restored from exile to that land and to his kingdom. The man whom
at that time Roman soldiers were still guarding, soldiers left behind by
Gabinius as a favor to Pompey and on account of the hatred felt by the
Egyptians for the young prince's father, seemed now to have put him to
death by the hands of those Romans and those Egyptians. Pompey, who was
previously considered the dominant figure among the Romans so that he
even had the nickname of _Agamemnon_, was now slain like any of the
lowest of the Egyptians themselves, near Mount Casius and on the
anniversary of the day on which he had celebrated a triumph over
Mithridates and the pirates. Even in this point, therefore, there was
nothing similar in the two parts of his career. Of yore on that day he
had experienced the most brilliant success, whereas he now suffered the
most grievous fate: again, following a certain oracle he had been
suspicious of all the citizens named Cassius, but instead of being the
object of a plot by any man called Cassius he died and was buried beside
the mountain that had this name. Of his fellow voyagers some were
captured at once, while others fled, among them his wife and child. The
former under a safe conduct came later safely to Rome: the latter,
Sextus, proceeded to Africa to his brother Gnaeus; these are the names by
which they are distinguished, since they both bore the appellation
Pompey.
[-6-] Caesar, when he had attended to pressing demands after the battle
and had assigned to certain others Greece and the remainder of that
region to win over and administer, himself pursued after Pompey. He
hurried forward as far as Asia in quest of news about him, and there
waited for a time since no one knew which way he had sailed. Everything
turned out favorably for him: for instance, while crossing the
Hellespont in a kind of ferryboat, he met Pompey's fleet sailing with
Lucius Cassius in command, but so far from suffering any harm at their
hands he terrified them and won them to his side. Next, meeting with no
resistance any longer he took possession of the rest of that district
and regulated its affairs, levying a money contribution, as I said, but
otherwise doing no one any harm and even conferring benefits on all, so
far as was visible. He did away with the taxgatherers, who abused the
people most cruelly, and he converted the product of the taxes into a
payment of tribute.
[-7-] Meanwhile, learning that Pompey was sailing to Egypt, he was
afraid that his rival by occupying it in advance might again acquire
strength, and he set out with, all speed. Him he found no longer alive.
Then with a few followers he sailed far in advance of the others to
Alexandria itself before Ptolemy came from Pelusium. On discovering that
the people of the city were in a tumult over Pompey's death he did not
at once venture to disembark, but put out to sea and waited till he saw
the head and finger-ring of the murdered man, sent him by Ptolemy.
Thereupon he approached the land with some courage: the multitude,
however, showed irritation at the sight of his lictors and he was glad
to make his escape into the palace. Some of his soldiers had their
weapons taken from them, and the rest accordingly put to sea again until
all the ships had reached harbor. [-8-] Caesar at the sight of Pompey's
head wept and lamented bitterly, calling him countryman and son-in-law,
and enumerating all the kindnesses they had shown each other. He said at
he owed no reward to the murderers, but heaped reproaches upon them, and
the head he commanded to be adorned and after proper preparation to be
buried. For this he received praise, but for his pretences he was made a
laughing stock. He had from the outset been thoroughly set upon
dominion; he had always hated Pompey as his antagonist and adversary;
besides all his other measures against him he had brought on this war
with no other purpose than to secure his rival's ruin and his own
leadership; he had but now been hurrying to Egypt with no other end in
view than to overthrow him completely if he should still be alive: yet
he feigned to miss his presence and made a show of vexation over his
destruction.
[-9-] Under the belief that now that Pompey was out of the way there was
no longer any spot left that was hostile to him, he spent some time in
Egypt collecting money and adjudicating the differences between Ptolemy
and Cleopatra. Meanwhile other wars were being prepared for him. Egypt
revolted, and Pharnaces had begun, just as soon as he learned that
Pompey and Caesar were at variance, to lay claim to his ancestral domain:
he hoped that they would consume much time in their disputes and use up
their own powers upon each other. He was at this time still clinging to
the districts mentioned, partly because he had once asserted his claim
and partly because he understood that Caesar was far off; and he had
occupied many points in advance. Meanwhile Cato and Scipio and the rest
who were of the same mind with them set on foot in Africa a war that was
both a civil and a foreign conflict.
[-10-] It was this way. Cato had been left behind at Dyrrachium by
Pompey to keep an eye upon reinforcements from Italy, in case any one
should cross, and to repress the Parthini in case they should cause any
disturbance. At first he carried on war with the latter, but after
Pompey's defeat he abandoned Epirus and proceeding to Corcyra with those
of the same mind as himself he there received the men who escaped from
the battle and the rest who had the same interests. Cicero and a few
other senators had set out for Rome at once: but the majority, together
with Labienus and Afranius, since they had no hope in Caesar,--the one
because he had deserted, the other because after having been pardoned by
him he had again made war on him,--went to Cato, put him at their head
and continued the war. [-11-] Their number was later increased by the
addition of Octavius. The latter after sailing into the Ionian sea and
arresting Gaius Antonius conquered several places but could not take
Salonae though he besieged it for a very long time. Having Gabinius to
assist them they repulsed him vigorously and finally along with the
women made a sortie which was eminently successful. The women with hair
let down and robed in black garments took torches, and after arraying
themselves wholly in the most terrifying manner assaulted the besieging
camp at midnight: they threw the outposts, who thought they were
spirits, into panic and then from all sides at once hurled the fire
within the palisade and following on themselves slew many in confusion
and many who were asleep, occupied the place without delay, and captured
at the first approach the harbor in which Octavius was lying. They were
not, however, left at peace. He escaped them somehow, gathered a force
again, and after defeating them in battle invested their city. Meanwhile
Gabinius died of sickness and he gained control of the whole sea in that
vicinity, and by making descents upon the land did the inhabitants much
harm. This lasted until the battle near Pharsalus, after which his
soldiers at the onset of a contingent from Brundusium changed sides
without even making a resistance. Then, destitute of allies he retired
to Corcyra.
[-12-] Gnaeus Pompey first sailed about with the Egyptian fleet and
overran Epirus, so-called, almost capturing Oricum. The commander of the
place, Marcus Acilius,[73] had blocked up the entrance to the harbor by
boats crammed with stones and about the mouth of it had raised towers on
both sides, on the land, and on ships of burden. Pompey, however, had
submarine divers scatter the stones that were in the vessels and when
the latter had been lightened he dragged them out of the way, freed the
passage, and next, after putting heavy-armed troops ashore on each half
of the breakwater, he sailed in. He burned all the boats and most of the
city and would have captured the rest of it, had he not been wounded and
caused the Egyptians to fear that he might die. After receiving medical
attendance he no longer assailed Oricum but journeyed about pillaging
various places and once vainly made an attempt upon Brundusium itself,
as some others had done. This was his occupation for awhile. When his
father had been defeated and the Egyptians on receipt of the news sailed
home, he betook himself to Cato. [-13-] And his example was followed by
Gaius Cassius, who had done very great mischief both in Italy and in
Sicily and had overcome a number of opponents in many battles by sea and
by land.