Then again he says:--

“I insist that the nature of the case and of the power did

imperiously require that such important authority as that of

granting monopolies of trade and navigation _should not be

considered as still retained by the States_.”[89]

And, yet again, he adduces an authority which ought to be conclusive on

the present occasion: it is that of New Jersey, on the formation of the

Constitution:--

“The New Jersey resolutions complain that the regulation of

trade was in the power of the several States, within their

separate jurisdiction, to such a degree as to involve many

difficulties and embarrassments; and they express an earnest

opinion that _the sole and exclusive power of regulating trade

with foreign states ought to be in Congress_.”[90]

But the power of regulating trade “among the States” stands on the same

reason, and also on the same text of the Constitution.

And yet, in face of these principles, we have a gigantic monopoly

organized by New Jersey, composed of several confederate

corporations, whose capital massed together is said to reach upwards

of $27,537,977,--a capital not much inferior to that of the United

States Bank, which once seemed to hold “divided empire” with the

National Government itself. And this transcendent monopoly, thus

vast in resources, undertakes to levy a toll on the commerce, the

passengers, the mails, and the troops of the Union in transit between

two great cities, both outside New Jersey. In attitude and pretension

the grasping monopoly is not unlike Apollyon, in Bunyan’s “Pilgrim’s

Progress,” whose usurpation is thus described:--

“But now in this Valley of Humiliation poor Christian was hard

put to it; for he had gone but a little way before he espied

a foul fiend coming over the field to meet him: his name is

Apollyon. Then did Christian begin to be afraid, and to cast in

his mind whether to go back or to stand his ground.…

“Now the monster was hideous to behold: he was clothed with

scales like a fish, and they are his pride; he had wings like

a dragon, feet like a bear, and out of his belly came fire

and smoke, and his mouth was as the mouth of a lion. When he

was come up to Christian, he beheld him with a disdainful

countenance, and thus began to question with him.

“APOLLYON. Whence come you, and whither are you bound?

“CHRISTIAN. I am come from the City of Destruction, which is

the place of all evil, and am going to the City of Zion.

“APOLLYON. By this I perceive thou art one of my subjects; for

all that country is mine, and I am the prince and god of it.”

New Jersey is the Valley of Humiliation through which all travellers

north and south from the city of New York to the city of Washington

must pass; and the monopoly, like Apollyon, claims them all as

“subjects,” saying, “For all that country is mine, and I am the prince

and god of it.”

The enormity of the Usurpation is seen in its natural consequences. New

Jersey claims the right to levy a tax for State revenue on passengers

and freight in transit across her territory from State to State,--in

other words, to levy a tax on “commerce among the several States.” Of

course the right to tax is the right to prohibit. The same power which

can exact “ten cents from every passenger,” according to the cry of the

Camden and Amboy Railroad, by the voice of its counsel, may exact ten

dollars, or any other sum, and thus effectively close this great avenue

of communication.

Again, if New Jersey can successfully play this game of taxation, and

compel tribute from the domestic commerce of the Union traversing

her territory on the way from State to State, then may every other

State do likewise. New York, with her central power, may build up an

overshadowing monopoly and a boundless revenue, while all the products

and population of the West traversing her territory on the way to

the sea, and all the products and population of the East, with the

contributions of foreign commerce, traversing her territory on the

way to the West, are compelled to pay tribute. Pennsylvania, holding

a great highway of the Union,--Maryland, constituting an essential

link in the chain of communication with the national capital,--Ohio,

spanning from lake to river, and forming a mighty ligament of

States, east and west,--Indiana, enjoying the same unsurpassed

opportunities,--Illinois, girdled by States with all of which it is

dovetailed by railroads, east and west, north and south,--Kentucky,

guarding the gates of the Southwest,--and, finally, any one of the

States on the long line of the Pacific Railroad,--may enter upon a

similar career of unscrupulous exaction, until anarchy sits supreme,

and there are as many different tributes as there are States. If

the Union should continue to exist, it would be only as a name. The

national unity would be destroyed.

The taste of revenue is to a government like the taste of blood to a

wild beast, exciting and maddening the energies, so that it becomes

deaf to suggestions of justice; and the difficulties must increase,

where this taxation is enforced by a comprehensive monopoly. The

State, once tasting this blood, sees only an easy way of obtaining the

means it desires; and other States will yield to the same temptation.

The poet, after picturing vice as a monster of frightful mien, tells us

in familiar words,--

“Yet seen too oft, familiar with her face,

We first endure, then pity, then embrace.”

A profitable Usurpation, like that of New Jersey, would be a tempting

example to other States. “It is only the first step that costs.” Let

this Usurpation be sanctioned by Congress, and you hand over the

domestic commerce of the Union to a succession of local imposts. Each

State will be a tax-gatherer at the expense of the Union. Each State

will play the part of Don Quixote, and the Union will be Sancho Panza,

not only bound to contributions, but driven to receive on bare back the

lashes which were the penance of the knightly adventurer. If there be

any single fruit of our national unity, if there be any single element

of the Union, if there be any single triumph of the Constitution to

be placed above all others, it is the freedom of commerce between the

States, under which _free trade_, the aspiration of philosophy, is

assured to all citizens of the Union, as they circulate through our

whole broad country, without hindrance from any State. But this vital

principle is now in jeopardy.

Keep in mind that it is the tax imposed on commerce between New York

and Philadelphia, two cities outside the State of New Jersey, which I

denounce. I have denounced it as hostile to the Union. I also denounce

it as hostile to the spirit of the age, which is everywhere overturning

the barriers of commerce. The robber castles, once compelling payment

of toll on the Rhine, were long ago dismantled, and exist now only as

monuments of picturesque beauty. Kindred pretensions in other places

have been overthrown or trampled out. Duties levied by Denmark on all

vessels passing through the Sound and the Belts, duties levied by

Hanover on the goods of all nations at Stade on the Elbe, tolls exacted

on the Danube in its protracted course, tolls exacted by Holland on

the busy waters of the Scheldt, and transit imposts within the great

Zollverein of Germany, have all been abolished; and in this work of

enfranchisement the Government of the United States led the way,

insisting, in the words of President Pierce, in his Annual Message,

“on the right of _free transit_ into and from the Baltic.”[91] But the

right of free transit across the States of the Union is now assailed.

Can you who reached so far to secure _free transit_ in the Baltic now

hesitate in its defence here at home?

Thank God, within the bounds of the Union, under the National

Constitution, commerce is made free. As the _open sea_ is the highway

of nations, so is this Union made the highway of the States, with all

their commerce, and no State can claim any exclusive property therein.

The Union is a _mare liberum_, beyond the power of any State, and not a

_mare clausum_, subject to as many tyrannies as there are States. And

yet the State of New Jersey asserts the power of closing a highway of

the Union.

Such a pretension, so irrational and destructive, cannot be dealt with

tenderly. Like the serpent, it must be bruised on the head. Nor can

there be wise delay. Every moment of life yielded to such a Usurpation

is like the concession once in an evil hour yielded to Nullification,

kindred in origin and character. The present pretension of New Jersey

belongs to the same school with that abhorred and blood-bespattered

pretension of South Carolina.

Perhaps, Sir, it is not unnatural that the doctrines of South Carolina

on State Rights should obtain shelter in New Jersey. Like sees like.

There is a common bond among the sciences, among the virtues, among the

vices,--and so, also, among the monopolies. The monopoly founded on

the hideous pretension of property in man obtained responsive sympathy

in that other monopoly founded on the greed of unjust taxation, and

both were naturally upheld in the name of State Rights. Both must

be overthrown in the name of the Union. South Carolina must cease

to be a Slave State, and New Jersey must also cease her disturbing

pretension. All hail to the genius of Universal Emancipation! All hail

to the Union, victorious over the Rebellion,--victorious, also, over a

Usurpation which menaces the unity of the Republic!

Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 12 (of 20) · 第 47 / 126 题