CHAPTER IV

ACTIONS AT THE MALAKAND AND PANJKORA

If we look at the map of the country we shall see that the frontier at

this point is crossed by three main passes, all leading into the Swat

Valley. These passes, in order from east to west, are the Mora Pass,

the Shahkot Pass, and the Malakand Pass. All were reported equally

difficult and each about 3,500 feet high, with a rough footpath,

possible for laden animals, leading over each. From reasons of

policy it was decided not to use the Mora Pass, with the idea of not

disturbing unnecessarily possibly hostile tribes on that flank. There

remained the Shahkot and Malakand Passes. A proclamation was sent on

in advance to the people of Swat, saying that the British Government

had no hostile intentions against them, but merely asked for right

of way through their territory; such a concession being liberally

paid for. Had the people of Swat elected to accept these pacific

terms a simultaneous advance would have been made by both passes; but

intelligence was received that all the passes were strongly held, and

especially so the Shahkot Pass. Sir Robert Low therefore decided to

merely threaten the Shahkot and Mora Passes, whilst his real attack

was made on the Malakand Pass. With this plan in view the 1st Brigade

bivouacked at Lundkwar in full sight of, and directly threatening, the

Shahkot Pass; whilst a strong cavalry reconnaissance was made towards

the Mora Pass to stir up dust and to distract the enemy's attention

from the true point of attack. The passes are, roughly speaking, about

seven miles apart, and as soon as it was found that the enemy was

irrevocably committed to defend all those passes, Sir Robert Low issued

orders to concentrate on his left, and with his whole force stormed the

Malakand Pass.

[Illustration: The Malakand Pass.]

The battle took place on April 3rd, on the very day that Colonel

Kelly's column crossed the Shandur Pass far away to the north, the

2nd Brigade under Brigadier-General Waterfield leading, supported

by the 1st Brigade under Brigadier-General Kinloch, whilst the 3rd

Brigade under Brigadier-General Gatacre was held in reserve. The

enemy's position extended along the crest of the pass, holding the

heights on either flank, whilst a series of breastworks built of stone,

each commanding the one below, were pushed down the main spurs. The

position was of extraordinary strength, and one which in the hands of

an organised enemy would have taken a week to capture. The enemy's

numbers were afterwards found to be about 12,000, about half of whom

were armed, whilst the remainder were occupied in carrying off the

killed and wounded, fetching water, and bowling down huge rocks on the

assaulting columns. The extent of the position may be put down at one

and a half miles. The regiments chiefly engaged were the King's Own

Scottish Borderers, the Gordon Highlanders, the Guides, and the 4th

Sikhs, all of the 2nd Brigade; and the Bedfordshire Regiment, the 60th

Rifles, the 15th Sikhs, and the 37th Dogras composing the 1st Brigade.

Three mountain batteries massed under Major Dacres Cunningham also

took a conspicuous part in the fight, whilst three Maxim guns also did

their share towards defeating the enemy.

The plan of attack was as follows. The Guides supported later by the

4th Sikhs, were to scale the precipitous height on the extreme right

of the enemy's position, then turning inwards the two regiments were

to sweep along the crest, taking the enemy in flank whilst the frontal

attack was pushed home. It was calculated that the Guides would take

three hours to reach the crest, but so stern was the resistance, and

so jagged and perpendicular the ascent, that it took these practised

mountaineers five hours before they had captured the last sangar

and crowned the heights. Meanwhile as the day was drawing on it was

considered inadvisable to delay longer the frontal attack, for the

enemy had been now under a most searching and accurate shell fire

from three batteries for the space of upwards of three hours and were

naturally much shaken by it, whilst the action of the Guides had made

itself well felt on his right flank; orders were therefore given for

the King's Own Scottish Borderers and the Gordon Highlanders to

advance to the attack, each being directed up a separate spur.

It was a fine and stirring sight to see the splendid dash with which

the two Scotch regiments took the hill. From valley to crest at this

point the height varies from 1,000 to 1,500 feet and the slope looks

for the most part almost perpendicular. It was this very steepness

which partly accounted for the comparatively small loss suffered from

the enemy's fire and the showers of huge boulders which were hurled

upon the assailants; but the chief reason for this happy immunity was

the wonderfully spirited manner in which the men rushed breastwork

after breastwork, and arrived just beneath the final ridge before the

enemy had time to realise that the assaulting columns were at their

very feet.

When the whole of the 2nd Brigade had thus got well under way orders

were given for the 1st Brigade to support them, the 60th Rifles,

followed by the 15th Sikhs, being sent up a re-entrant, which

intervened between the King's Own Scottish Borderers and the Guides,

whilst the Bedfordshire Regiment and 37th Dogras, heading on up the

valley passed across the front of the enemy's position, and, circling

round the rear of the Gordon Highlanders, attacked the enemy's extreme

left, overlapping it considerably. The 60th Rifles after ascending

some way suddenly came across an old Buddhist road, and turning sharp

to their right along this soon found themselves level with the leading

companies of the King's Own Scottish Borderers. The whole line now

took a moment's breathing time, to collect the men still struggling up

in small groups, and to get into wind for the final rush. As soon as

all was ready bayonets were fixed, the bugle's cheery call to advance

was sounded, and with a great shout the position which from below

appears almost impregnable was carried at the point of the bayonet; the

three British regiments reaching the crest at almost the same moment.

Meanwhile the Guides and 4th Sikhs had stormed the lofty peak away

on our left, and were ready to move inwards if such support had been

necessary; whilst the Bedfordshire Regiment and 37th Dogras scaling the

heights before them dashed down the far valley in hot pursuit of the

enemy, only halting when they reached the large walled village of Khar

on the Swat River.

Thus brilliantly was an exceptionally strong position carried, and

the first obstacle which lay in the path of the Southern column of

the Relief Force brushed away. The action lasted five hours, and it

is difficult to praise too highly the dash and determination with

which the pass was carried. Nor is it possible to forget the sterling

bravery of the enemy, who for five hours withstood a most searching and

splendidly-directed shell fire from three batteries, and yet were still

firm enough to stand up to a bayonet charge at the end of it. Their

loss was computed by themselves at 500 killed, and the general average

of battles would make their wounded probably reach a total of 1,000,

or, say, a total loss of from 1,250 to 1,500. The British loss was

under seventy killed and wounded.

Several curious cases of the vitality of the wounded was furnished by

both sides. A man of the Guides, hit in the region of the stomach,

climbed down to the foot of the pass, and walked five miles back to

the Field Hospital, supported by a comrade. One of the enemy on the

other hand, with no less than six bullets through him, walked all the

way to Chakdara, nine miles off, and was afterwards treated by our

surgeons, and, strange to say, made a rapid recovery. There is no doubt

that Asiatics can stand wounds inflicted by sword or bullet infinitely

better than Europeans can. Wounds that would kill a European, or at

any rate lay him up for months, affect these hardy and abstemious

mountaineers in a very much less severe manner. Imagine, for instance,

having the whole lock of an exploded gun blown into one's shoulder, and

going about as if nothing in particular had happened! Yet such a lock

was cut out of a man's shoulder months after the occurrence by one of

our surgeons. Marvellous cases of recovery, without number, might be

told, but perhaps the case of quite a young boy is as typical as any.

Like boys in any other part of the world, hearing that a fight was

going to take place hard by, he naturally determined to go and look on.

Whilst he was thoroughly enjoying himself in all the excitement of the

fight, and probably throwing stones vigorously, a stray bullet hit

him in the arm, passing through it in several places and splintering

it badly. When the pass was taken he was found lying wounded, and his

wound was examined. The doctors decided that he must have his arm cut

off, or mortification would certainly set in, and they gave the boy the

choice between death or the amputation of his arm. He chose the former,

but in a few days instead of being dead he was better, and in a few

days more was out and about again.

Concealed amongst the rocks, boulders, and bushes, the enemy formed

a most difficult mark to hit; whilst the same causes, combined with

the steepness of the ground, saved our troops from severer loss. The

admirable control under which our infantry fire was kept may be gauged

by the fact that the average expenditure of ammunition was under seven

rounds per man throughout the day.

Of the enemy's bravery it is difficult to speak too highly, and

individual cases were conspicuous. One leader, carrying a large red

and white banner, called on his men to charge the Scottish Borderers

when they were half way up the hill. The charge was made, but all

his followers gradually fell, till the leader alone was left. Nothing

daunted he held steadily on, now and again falling, heavily hit, but

up and on again without a moment's delay, till at last he was shot

dead close to the British line. More desperate courage than this is

difficult to imagine. Again, one of the enemy's drummers, not content

with taking his fair share of risks, persisted in mounting on to the

roof of a hut, where he showed up clear and conspicuous against the sky

line, and thence cheered on his comrades. Every now and again a bullet

would find him out, and he would drop to dress his wounds, and then

again mounting recommenced beating his drum. At last a bullet got him

through the heart, and he fell headlong a hundred yards down the cliff,

and there lay stark dead, but with his drum round his neck, and his

arms ready raised to strike it. No doubt the great Mahomed will find a

place for him in the ranks of the Mussulman Paradise.

On the night after the battle, the crest of the pass was held by

the 1st Brigade, with two regiments pushed down as far as Khar,

whilst the 2nd Brigade bivouacked at the south entrance of the pass.

On the following morning commenced the stupendous task of pushing

over the pass the ammunition, baggage, and supplies of the advanced

brigades. The only available path was a single track very steep and

much encumbered with boulders, which had been hastily improved by

working parties of Sappers and Pioneers. Up this, from dawn to dusk,

toiled batch after batch of laden mules, and yet at the end of the

day small progress had been made. At this highly opportune moment

it was discovered that the old Buddhist road, hit off by the 60th

Rifles during the assault, led down by a good gradient to the plains.

Every available man was immediately employed in improving this relic

of a civilisation 2,000 years old, with the result that in another

twenty-four hours the brigades were ready to move. Had it not been for

this Buddhist road, the very existence of which appeared to have been

forgotten by the present inhabitants, it would have taken many days to

get the division across the Malakand Pass.

Whilst the work on the pass was going on, the 1st Brigade moved down

into the Swat Valley, and was fiercely assailed by several thousand

of the enemy, who, finding the Shahkot and Mora Passes turned, came

streaming westward, determined on a fight. These large bodies of men

appeared on the spurs which flanked the advance of the 1st Brigade,

and it became necessary to hold them in check till the brigade with

its baggage could get clear into the open valley. This duty was

successfully performed by the 37th Dogras, who crowned a neighbouring

spur, as well as by the Mountain Artillery, which kept the enemy's

crest well swept. Towards evening, however, the enemy, mistaking the

defensive attitude of our troops, who were merely covering the advance

of the remainder, were reported to be boldly issuing into the plain

to the number of 2,000, making as if to sweep round the foot of the

spur where it meets the plain, with a view to charging on to the head

and flank of the advancing column. Receiving warning of this movement,

orders were immediately given for the mere handful of cavalry which had

been able so far to struggle over the pass to trot round the spur, and

to watch for a chance of falling on the enemy in the open. This small

body consisted of fifty sabres of the Guides Cavalry under Captain R.

B. Adams and Lieutenant G. M. Baldwin, who, on reconnoitring round the

spur, found the enemy in the open, but, like all mountaineers, hugging

the foothills. Seeing his chance, Captain Adams, with great promptness

and boldness, charged, doing great execution, and driving the whole

mass of the enemy headlong into the hills. Not only was the charge

brilliant and effective, but the moral effect was enormous. The enemy

had not the remotest notion that any cavalry had crossed the pass, and

like all nations unaccustomed to horses, they had exaggerated notions

of the power of cavalry. When, therefore, they saw their worst fears

more than realised, and fifty sabres without a moment's hesitation

charging a couple of thousand foot soldiers and completely altering the

aspect of the fight, the ascendency of the cavalry arm was established

for the campaign. Even Fowler and Edwardes, in their far-off captivity,

heard nothing reiterated so much as this dread of cavalry. The

immediate result was that the enemy began to melt away even from the

hill tops, and by next morning not a vestige of them was to be seen.

Our losses on this day were slight, including seven or eight in the

cavalry, whilst the enemy suffered severely, at least 250 being killed.

On the 5th and 6th of April, reconnaissances under the Chief Staff

Officer, General Blood, were pushed up the valley to search for fords

across the Swat River, and to keep in touch with the enemy, who could

be seen in considerable force beyond Thana. Suitable points of passage

having been found, the duty of forcing the passage was entrusted to

General Waterfield and the 2nd Brigade. The enemy now left Thana and

crossing the river were reinforced by a body of riflemen sent down by

Umra Khan under the command of his brother. In all about 4,500 men were

posted in a naturally strong position to oppose the passage of the

British force. On the enemy's bank small rocky hills at the water's

edge, completely commanded the perfectly level and open southern bank,

from which the attack had to be delivered. Naturally a frontal attack

would have been very costly, but General Waterfield's smart tactical

instinct showed him the way to gain his end with but slight loss.

Engaging the enemy heavily at long ranges with his artillery and the

main body of his Infantry, he sent the Guides Cavalry and 11th Bengal

Lancers up the river with orders to cross by a little-known ford, and

to fall briskly on the flank and rear of the enemy. To support the

cavalry he sent the 15th Sikh Infantry. The effect was instantaneous;

the defenders of the passage the moment they saw the dreaded Lancers,

half swimming, half wading, across the river, a mile or so up stream,

began to lose heart; and what at first was a retirement gradually

degenerated into a flight, headed by Umra Khan's brother and the body

of horsemen escorting him. But the Lancers and Guides were not to be

denied, and falling on the demoralised foe, left the green crops strewn

with their dead. The enemy's total loss was about 400 killed, of whom

about one hundred fell to the cavalry. Holding the north bank with two

battalions, fords were rapidly marked out, and the infantry, aided by

inflated skins, and the skilled watermen of the country impressed for

the service, struggled across with only two or three casualties from

drowning. The work was an anxious one, for armpit deep in the rushing

torrent a man washed off his legs was lost for ever.

During the cavalry pursuit one of the squadrons of the 11th Bengal

Lancers narrowly missed capturing Umra Khan's brother, which at the

time would have been a great _coup_. For it must be remembered that

two British officers, Lieutenants Edwardes and Fowler, were all this

time prisoners in Umra Khan's hands, and entirely at his mercy. It

may be said that the halter was round their necks, and every blow our

forces struck served but to tighten the knot. With Umra Khan's brother

in our hands the situation would have been reciprocated, and we could

then have afforded to treat on equal terms for an exchange. During

this same pursuit a curious incident occurred. One or two of the enemy

made a stand close to a tree in the plain; at them charged a trooper,

lance well down, as hard as he could gallop; whether he hit his man

or not history does not relate, but the next second he found himself

and his horse at the bottom of a well, which without side walls stood

behind the tree. His horse was killed, but he himself escaped with a

bad shaking. If one may hark so far back a similar accident met an

uncle of the author's, Lieutenant George Younghusband, of the 5th

Punjab Cavalry, in the Mutiny. He was charging with his squadron with

Greathead's column, on their march to the relief of Agra, when he came

across a blind well, down which he fell, with his mounted orderly on

top of him. His orderly and the two horses were killed, and he alone

came out alive, but alas! only to be killed in another charge shortly

afterwards.

In the village of Chakdara, which lies near the main ford on the north

bank, many arms were found, and amongst others a straight officer's

sword, cavalry pattern, by Wilkinson, of London. As the number was on

the sword, application was made to Messrs. Wilkinson to find out from

their books the name of the original owner of the sword. It turned out

to be an officer of the name of Bellew. This proved to be Lieutenant

Bellew of the 10th Hussars, who served in Afghanistan in 1878-79, with

his regiment. This sword he had lent to Lieutenant Harford, who was

drowned with a troop of the 10th Hussars in the Kabul River. We had

here evidence of the immense strength of the class of stone fort built

by Umra Khan. The fort is called Ramora, and lay east of Chakdara,

being Umra Khan's advanced fort, with which he practically dominated

the entire Swat Valley. This was captured after a short resistance, and

sentenced to be blown up by the Sappers. But sentence was one thing,

and execution another. A heavy charge was placed at the foot of one

of the towers, the train lighted, and the spectators stood afar off,

expecting to see the whole structure lifted sky high. There was a very

loud report indeed, but that was all, for the tower stood perfectly

unmoved. On further examination it was found that the base of each

tower was perfectly solid masonry from the foundation to fifteen feet

above ground line, whilst the walls above were of immense thickness.

All the forts built by Umra Khan were of the same pattern, that is,

four-cornered, with one of these strong towers at each corner, and

with high walls of great thickness and carefully loopholed forming

the four sides. Our artillery could make no impression on these

forts. The sites chosen in the open valleys are very good; but in the

narrow valleys they are perforce much commanded by the neighbouring

precipitous hills. On the Swat River, the enemy's position, with the

fort of Ramora on one flank, rocky hills well prepared for defence on

the other, the village of Chakdara in the centre, with much swampy

ground restricting the advance of an enemy even after the passage of

the river to a few well-defined paths, combined to make the position if

scientifically held a remarkably strong one.

Directly the passage of the Swat River had been effected the Sappers

were set to work to construct a trestle and pier bridge, whilst strong

reconnaissances were sent forward to keep in touch with the enemy.

These found the Katgola Pass over the Laram Range unoccupied, and the

cavalry pushing on descended on to the Panjkora River, some twenty

miles ahead. Here was found the most formidable obstacle which the

force had yet encountered. On April 9th, the river was fordable for

horses and, with difficulty, also for infantry; on the 11th, it was

barely fordable for horses, and not at all for Infantry; but from

that time onwards it became a mighty torrent totally unfordable,

impracticable also for cavalry swimming, though the Indian trooper and

his horse are like ducks in the water. It became necessary therefore to

build a bridge.

The only materials immediately at hand were the heavy logs of wood,

parts of great trees which are annually floated down from these regions

to India, for sale. With these, and using telegraph wire to anchor

the piers, a rough footbridge was with great difficulty and danger

constructed, and floated into position. On the night of April 12th,

the Guides were pushed across, and strongly entrenched, so as to

cover the bridge head. The night passed quietly, but towards morning

a freshet came down bearing great logs and washed the bridge away,

leaving the Guides on the far side. The position was undoubtedly an

awkward one, for cavalry reconnaissances had reported that the enemy

in some strength, calculated at 9,000 by the local people, lay only

about seven miles westward, and the news of the bridge breaking would

immediately be reported by their outlooks. However it never does

in fighting these people to hesitate or appear to be in the least

discomposed, happen what may. Colonel Battye, who was commanding the

Guides on this occasion, therefore adhered to the orders received

overnight, when the bridge was intact. These orders were to turn the

enemy's sharpshooters out of the positions from which they had been

annoying our working parties, and to burn such villages near at hand

as had been furnishing armed parties to fire across the river by night

and day. The bold offensive thus taken by the Guides undoubtedly had a

good effect. They started early in the morning, and making a wide sweep

drove out all parties of the enemy concealed amongst the rocks, and

burnt such villages as were actively hostile. All this was easy work

for troops highly skilled in hill warfare, though the climbing was very

stiff; but the really stern trial came when the hour arrived to retire

to the bridge head. It requires the very best and steadiest of troops

to carry out a retirement in the face of great odds, and it requires

still greater nerve to do so in the presence of brave and fanatical

foes who count life as nothing, who with matchless courage charge right

up to the muzzle of a breech-loader, and who give no quarter and ask

for none.

In retiring before such an enemy an almost exaggerated deliberation

is required, for the least appearance of hurry, much more so of

confusion, will open the sluice gates and let in such a stormy torrent

of warriors, that science must perforce give way to weight of numbers.

The story of the day's fighting may thus be briefly told. The Guides

had completed their mission on which they had been despatched, and

were now retiring down the spurs of a lofty hill which forms the

angle where the Jandul River flows into the Panjkora River. This hill

is to the south of the Jandul River, whilst the bridge head was to

the north of it. Thus, to reach their entrenched position the Guides

had to retire down the mountain they were on and to cross the Jandul

River. At about noon two dense columns of the enemy were seen coming

down the Jandul Valley, one column keeping to the right bank, and

the other to the left bank of the Jandul River. The first column,

breasting the mountain out of range of the Guides and mostly hidden

from them by an intervening spur, reached the summit and attacked the

regiment strongly as it retired. The second column sweeping down the

valley prepared to assail the Guides in flank and rear, hoping to

completely cut off their retreat. Foot by foot--to the spectators it

seemed almost inch by inch--the different companies retired alternately

down the ridges they occupied, fiercely assailed on all hands yet

coolly firing volley after volley, relinquishing quietly and almost

imperceptibly one strong position only to take up another a few yards

back, the splendidly-directed fire of the Derajat Mountain Battery

doing invaluable service. So good indeed was the fire discipline of

the troops engaged under these trying circumstances that not a shot

was fired except by word of command. Meanwhile two companies of the

regiment, which had been left to hold the bridge head, moved out

to check the advance of the enemy's second column, which, making a

detour, was moving with determination into the flank and rear of the

retreating force. The whole of the 2nd Brigade, a battery of artillery,

and a Maxim gun, were now ordered out and placed in a strong position

on the east bank of the Panjkora (the Guides being on the west bank),

whence in the later stages of the retirement their fire could be of

material assistance. Owing to the very broken nature of the mountain

sides, and the excellent cover afforded to skilled skirmishers, our

loss was exceedingly small till the foot of the hill was reached. Here

the regiment had to cross several hundred yards of level ground, on

which the green barley was standing waist high, and then cross the

Jandul River, here about three feet deep, to make its way through more

fields to the bridge head. Unhappily, just as the regiment left the

last spur, the commanding officer, Lieutenant-Colonel F. D. Battye was

mortally wounded, dying, as he would perhaps most wish to, at the head

of his regiment, after a quarter of a century of distinguished service

with it.

It was in crossing this open ground that the extraordinary bravery

of the enemy became more brilliantly evident. Standard-bearers with

reckless gallantry could be seen rushing to certain destruction,

falling perhaps within ten yards of the invincible line of the Guides.

Nay, sometimes men, devoid of all fear, and having used up the whole

of their ammunition, rushed forward with large rocks and hurled these

at the soldiers, courting instant death. They were like hounds on

their prey. Nothing could damp their ardour or check the fury of their

assaults. Even after the Guides had crossed the Jandul stream, and

the enemy were under a severe flank fire from the Gordon Highlanders

and the King's Own Scottish Borderers, they dashed into the stream,

where each one stood out as clear as a bull's eye on a target, and

attempted to close again. But not a man got across, so steady and

well directed was the flank fire of the British regiments. The fight

was now practically over for the day; fire slackened all round, and

the entrenched position was rapidly occupied, and strengthened where

necessary. During the day the enemy, who numbered 5,000, lost from 500

to 600 men; the Guides' total loss was only about twenty, a result due

to the skilful manner in which the retirement was effected, as well as

to the fine cover afforded by the broken ground on the mountain side.

It was now evening, and preparations had to be made to meet a night

attack, for the enemy, several thousand strong, were still close round

hidden behind the low hills. As a reinforcement a couple of companies

of the 4th Sikhs and some extra British officers were sent across

on rafts, also a Maxim gun; whilst the near bank, which commanded

the bridge head entrenchment at 800 yards' range, was occupied by a

mountain battery, and the troops of the 2nd Brigade. The position of

the enemy being such as it was, the night was one of some anxiety, for

a determined rush might be expected at any moment. Such an attack was

planned and on the eve of being executed, when the unexpected, and as

it seemed to the enemy, magical, appearance of a star shell completely

dumfounded the hitherto dauntless foe, and the attack was not

delivered. From the information of spies it appeared afterwards that

2,000 chosen warriors, sword in hand, lay concealed in the standing

corn just outside the picquets, merely awaiting the signal for assault,

when this happy contrivance of civilisation staved off a fight, which

could only have been attended with enormous loss on both sides. Before

the enemy finally drew off, however, the force sustained a serious

loss in the death of Captain Peebles, in charge of the Maxim gun. This

officer's services had proved invaluable from his intimate knowledge of

the working of the Maxim, a gun which in inexpert hands is apt, like

other pieces of mechanism, to get out of order. The working of Captain

Peebles's gun had been the admiration of the whole force throughout the

campaign.

It had become sufficiently apparent now that no floating bridge could

hope to stand the current in the Panjkora River, and it was therefore

decided to throw across a suspension bridge at a point somewhat lower

down. Curiously enough at this point, where the rocky hills shut in

the river till it is like a mill race only 100 feet or so across, were

found bridging materials collected by Umra Khan, who had evidently

ordered a cantilever bridge to be built here. The work was entrusted

to Major Aylmer, V.C., R.E., who had had much experience in this branch

of his art up in the Gilgit direction. The available materials were

telegraph wire and beams from dismantled houses. With these, within

forty-eight hours, Major Aylmer constructed a suspension bridge of 100

feet span, capable of bearing even loaded camels, cavalry, and mountain

artillery.

During the construction a very prompt and plucky act on Major Aylmer's

part saved the life of a soldier. About a mile up stream, where the

first floating bridge had been constructed, a flying bridge and rafts

were still working backwards and forwards, to supply the Guides with

their wants on the other bank. One of these rafts, on which were two

men of the Devonshire Regiment Maxim Gun Detachment, got accidentally

overturned, and the boatmen and oars were washed away. The two soldiers

managed to climb on to the raft and were carried down stream at a great

pace. General Gatacre, seeing the accident, immediately galloped down

to the site of the new bridge to give warning, in the hopes of saving

the men. Meanwhile one man had made an attempt to jump on shore, and

had been swept away and drowned, and the survivor on the raft came

flying down the torrent. With the greatest presence of mind and pluck

Major Aylmer immediately slipped down a slack wire that was across

the river, and just managed to grab the soldier as he shot past. The

raft was immediately after dashed to pieces on the rocks below. With

considerable difficulty the soldier and his preserver were hauled on

shore, and it was then found that the Major was badly bruised and cut

by the wire. The Royal Humane Society's medal has been given for many a

less distinguished act of bravery, yet I do not think that in the stir

of passing events it actually occurred to any of the spectators to send

the recommendation home.

[Illustration: CONSTRUCTING SUSPENSION BRIDGE OVER PANJKORA RIVER.]

Certain news came in about now that Lieutenants Edwardes and Fowler,

the two officers who had fallen into Umra Khan's hands, were at Barwa,

a small fort only about eighteen miles distant, on the other side of

the Panjkora. This rather complicated matters, for according to all

precedent and our former experiences of Pathan warfare these officers'

lives were not worth an hour's purchase in any case, and their murder

in cold blood might be calculated on as a moral certainty if we were

to attack. The following note was received from the officers, written

from Barwa:--"Fowler R.E. and Edwardes 2nd Bombay Grenadiers are shut

in Barwa can you get us out. Give bearers Rs.100. 7.4.94 (_sic_) P.S.

Shall we try and bolt people here panic." A hasty scrawl written on the

leaf of a note-book.

The title "Political" officers is one of ill omen in the Indian Army,

but in Major Deane the force had a guide, philosopher, and friend

whose services throughout were simply invaluable. Added to an intimate

knowledge of the country, its people, and language, he added a shrewd

knowledge of how to deal with them. To Major Deane's diplomatic skill

Lieutenants Fowler and Edwardes in all human probability owe their

lives, and their release freed the General's arm to strike, unhampered

by the thought that his action might sound the death-knell of the two

young officers. In meeting Major Deane half way in these diplomatic

overtures Umra Khan displayed an enlightened and civilised advancement

which is far ahead of his surroundings. Without demanding any _quid

pro quo_, he, when they were asked for, returned the prisoners in all

honour, having treated them thoroughly well throughout.

Whilst the Sappers are busy building their bridge over the Panjkora

this would be a not altogether unfavourable moment to epitomise the

campaign in so far as it had conduced to the relief of the beleaguered

garrison up to this date. Every effort had failed to get news from the

besieged, nor had it been found possible by any device--for many were

tried--to throw news of the coming succour into the fort. But so far

great results had been gained; the commander-in-chief, the soul and

body of the siege, Umra Khan himself, with one thousand of his picked

men, mostly armed with breech-loaders, had been compelled to abandon

the siege, and to hasten back southwards and to organise resistance

to and raise the tribes against our advance. On this same date, April

13th, Colonel Kelly and his handful of men were at Mastuj, having

accomplished their celebrated passage of the Shandur Pass. His advance

so far had been but slightly opposed. From reliable information it was

supposed that the garrison of Chitral had supplies to last them only up

to April 22nd. A week therefore only remained, and before the Southern

force lay Umra Khan with 9,000 men and two mighty ranges of mountains,

whilst the Northern force, under Colonel Kelly, though within sixty

miles of Chitral, had before it a narrow and difficult route, at any

point in which the enemy might be found strongly posted.

The Relief of Chitral · 第 4 / 7 章