CHAPTER XV.

1847.

WHY THE CITY WAS NOT ENTERED ON THE 20TH--CONDITION OF THE

CITY--DELIBERATION OF THE MEXICAN CABINET AND PROPOSALS--REASONS

WHY GENERAL SCOTT PROPOSED AND GRANTED THE ARMISTICE--DELIBERATIONS

OF COMMISSIONERS--PARTIES AGAINST SANTA ANNA--FAILURE OF THE

NEGOTIATION--MEXICAN DESIRE TO DESTROY SANTA ANNA.

It was late in the day when the battles ended. One army was wearied

with fighting and victory; the other equally oppressed by labor and

defeat. The conquered Mexicans fled to their eastern defences or took

refuge within the gates of their city. There was, for the moment,

utter disorganization among the discomfited, while the jaded band of a

few thousand invaders had to be rallied and reformed in their ranks

and regiments after the desperate conflicts of the day over so wide a

field. It surely was not a proper moment for an unconcentrated army,

almost cut off from support, three hundred miles in the interior of an

enemy's country, and altogether ignorant of the localities of a great

capital containing nearly two hundred thousand inhabitants, to rush

madly, at night fall, into the midst of that city. Mexico, too, was

not an ordinary town with wide thoroughfares and houses like those in

which the invaders had been accustomed to dwell. Spanish houses are

almost castles in architectural strength and plan, while from their

level and embattled roofs, a mob, when aroused by the spirit of

revenge or despair, may do the service of a disciplined army. Nor was

it known whether the metropolis had been defended by works along its

streets,--by barricades, impediments and batteries,--among which the

entangled assailants might be butchered with impunity in the narrow

passages during the darkness and before they could concentrate upon

any central or commanding spot. Repose and daylight were required

before a prudent General would venture to risk the lives of his men

and the success of his whole mission upon such a die.

Accordingly the army was halted; the dispersed recalled, the wounded

succored, the dead prepared for burial, and the tired troops ordered

to bivouack on the ground they had wrested from the enemy.

[Illustration: VIEW OF THE VOLCANOES FROM TACUBAYA.]

Meanwhile the greatest consternation prevailed within the city. When

Santa Anna reached the Palace, he hastily assembled the Ministers of

State and other eminent citizens, and, after reviewing the disasters

of the day and their causes, he proclaimed the indispensable necessity

of recurring to a truce in order to take a long respite. There was a

difference of opinion upon this subject; but it was finally agreed

that a suspension of arms should be negotiated through the Spanish

Minister and the British Consul General. Señor Pacheco, the Minister

of Foreign Relations, accordingly addressed Messrs. Mackintosh and

Bermudez de Castro, entreating them to effect this desired result.

During the night the British Consul General visited the American camp,

and was naturally anxious to spare the effusion of blood and the

assault by an army on a city in which his country had so deep an

interest. On the morning of the 21st, when General Scott was about to

take up battering or assaulting positions, to authorize him to summon

the capital to surrender or to sign an armistice with a pledge to

enter at once into negotiations for peace, he was met by General Mora

y Villamil and Señor Arrangoiz, with proposals for an armistice in

order to bury the dead, but without reference to a treaty. Scott had

already determined to offer the alternative of assault or armistice

and treaty to the Mexican government, and this resolution had been

long cherished by him. Accordingly he at once rejected the Mexican

proposal, and, without summoning the city to surrender, despatched a

note to Santa Anna, expressing his willingness to sign, on reasonable

terms, a short armistice, in order that the American Commissioner and

the Mexican Government, might amicably and honorably settle the

international differences, and thus close an unnatural war in which

too much blood had already been shed. This frank proposal, coming

generously from the victorious chief, was promptly accepted.

Commissioners were appointed by the commanders of the two armies on

the 22d; the armistice was signed on the 23d, and ratifications

exchanged on the 24th; and thus, the dispute was for a while

transferred once more from the camp to the council chamber. On the

morning of the 21st, the American army was posted in the different

villages in the vicinity. Worth's division occupied Tacubaya. Pillow's

Mixcoac, Twiggs's San Angel, while Quitman's remained still at San

Agustin, where it had served during the battles of the 19th and 20th

in protecting the rear and the trains of the army. Tacubaya became the

residence of General Scott, and the headquarters of the

commander-in-chief were established in the Bishop's Palace.

There are critics and politicians who are never satisfied with

results, and, whilst their prophecies are usually dated after the

events which they claim to have foreseen, they unfortunately find too

much favor with the mass of readers who are not in the habit of

ascertaining precisely what was known and what was not known at the

period of the occurrences which they seek to condemn. General Scott

has fallen under the heavy censure of these writers for offering the

armistice and avoiding the immediate capture of the capital, the

practicability of which they _now_ consider as demonstrated. We

propose to examine this question, but we believe that the

practicability or impracticability of that event does not become one

of the primary or even early elements of the discussion.

If we understand the spirit of this age correctly, we must believe

that mankind, purified by the progressive blessings of Christianity

and modern civilization, desires the mitigation rather than the

increase of the evils of war. It does not seek merely to avert danger

or disaster from the forces of one party in the strife, but strives to

produce _peace_ with as little harm as possible to all who are engaged

in warfare. It is not the mission of a soldier to kill, because his

profession is that of arms. It is ever the imperative duty of a

commander to stop the flow of human blood as soon as he perceives the

slightest chance of peace; and if his honorable efforts fail entirely,

through the folly or obstinacy of the foe, he will be more fully

justified in the subsequent and stringent measures of coercion.

The Mexican masses, mistaking vanity for true national pride, had

hitherto persevered in resisting every effort to settle the

international difficulties. Diplomacy, with such a nation, is

extremely delicate. If we exhibited symptoms of leniency, she became

presumptuous;--if we pushed hostilities to the extreme, she grew

doggedly obstinate. On the 21st of August her capital was in Scott's

power. His victorious army was at her gates. Two terrible battles had

been fought, and the combatants on both sides had shown courage, skill

and endurance. The Mexican army was routed, but not entirely dispersed

or destroyed. At this moment it doubtless occurred to General Scott,

and to all who were calm spectators of the scene, that before the last

and fatal move was made, it was his duty to allow Mexico to save her

point of honor by negotiating, ere the city was entered, and while she

could yet proclaim to her citizens and the world, that her capital had

never been seized by the enemy. This assuaged national vanity, and

preserved the last vantage ground upon which the nation might stand

with pride if not with perfect confidence. It still left something to

the conquered people which was not necessary or valuable to us.

There are other matters, unquestionably, that weighed much in the very

responsible deliberations of General Scott. If our army entered the

city triumphantly, or took it by assault, the frail elements of

government still lingering at that period of disorganization, would

either fly or be utterly destroyed. All who were in power, in that

nation of jealous politicians and wily intriguers would be eager to

shun the last responsibility. If Santa Anna should be utterly beaten,

the disgrace would blot out the last traces of his remaining prestige.

If so fatal a disaster occurred, as subsequent events proved, the

Americans would be most unfortunately situated in relation to peace,

for there would be no government to negotiate with! Santa Anna's

government was the only _constitutional_ one that had existed in

Mexico for a long period, and with such a legalized national authority

peace must be concluded. It was not our duty to destroy a government

and then gather the fragments to reconstruct another with which we

might treat. If a revolutionary, or _provisional_ authority existed,

what prospect had we of enduring pacification? What guaranty did we

hold in a treaty celebrated with a military despot, a temporary chief,

or a sudden usurper, that such a treaty could be maintained before the

nation? What constitutional or legal right would an American general

or commissioner have, to enter into such a compact? Was it not,

therefore, Scott's duty to act with such tender caution as not to

endanger the fate of the only man who might still keep himself at the

head of his rallied people?

Besides these political considerations, there are others, of a

military character, that will commend themselves to the prudent and

the just. The unacclimated American army had marched from Puebla to

the valley of Mexico during the rainy season, in a tropical zone, when

the earth is saturated with water, and no one travels who can avoid

exposure. Our men were forced to undergo the hardships of such a

campaign, to make roads, to travel over broken ground, to wade

marshes, to bivouack on the damp soil with scarce a shelter from the

storm, to march day and night, and finally, without an interval of

repose, to fight two of the sharpest actions of the war. The seven or

eight thousand survivors of these actions,--many of whom were new

levies--demanded care and zealous husbanding for future events. They

were distant from the coast and cut off from support or immediate

succor. The enemy's present or prospective weakness was not to be

relied on. Wisdom required that what was in the rear should be thought

of as well as what was in advance.

May it not then be justly said that it was a proper moment for a heroic

general to pause in front of a national capital containing two hundred

thousand people, and to allow the civil arm to assume, for a moment of

trial, the place of the military? Like a truly brave man, he despised

the eclat of entering the capital as Cortéz had done on nearly the same

day of the same month, three hundred and twenty-six years before. Like a

wise man, he considered the history and condition of the enemy, instead

of his personal glory, and laid aside the false ambition of a soldier,

to exhibit the forbearance of a christian statesman.[73]

* * * * *

The American Commissioner unquestionably entered upon the negotiations

in good faith, and it is probable that Santa Anna was personally quite

as well disposed for peace. He, however, had a delicate game to play

with the politicians of his own country, and was obliged to study

carefully the posture of parties as well as the momentary strength of

his friends and enemies. Well acquainted as he was with the value of

men and the intrigues of the time, he would have been mad not to guard

against the risk of ruin, and, accordingly, his first efforts were

directed rather towards obtaining the _ultimatum_ of the United

States, than to pledging his own government in any project which might

prove either presently unpopular or destroy his future influence. The

instructions, therefore, that were given to General José J. de

Herrera, Bernardo Couto, Ignacio Mora y Villamil and Miguel Atristain,

the Mexican commissioners, were couched in such extreme terms, that

much could be yielded before there was a likelihood of approaching the

American demands. In the meanwhile, as negotiations progressed, Mexico

obtained time to rally her soldiers, to appease those who were

discontented with the proposed peace, and to abjure the project if it

should be found either inadmissible or impossible of accomplishment

without loss of popularity.

For several days consultations took place between Mr. Trist and the

commissioners, but it was soon found that the American pretensions in

regard to the position of Texas, the boundary of the Rio Grande and

the cession of New Mexico and Upper California, were of such a

character that the Mexicans would not yield to them at the present

moment. The popular feeling, stimulated by the rivals of Santa Anna,

his enemies, and the demagogues, was entirely opposed to the surrender

of territory. Sensible as the President was, that the true national

interests demanded instantaneous peace, he was dissuaded by his

confidential advisers from presenting a counter projét, which would

have resulted in a treaty. Congress, moreover, had virtually dissolved

by the precipitate departure of most of its members after the battles

of the 20th.

All the party leaders labored diligently at this crisis, but none of

them with cordiality for Santa Anna, in whose negotiations of a

successful peace with the United States, they either foresaw or feared

the permanent consolidation of his power. The _puros_, or democrats,

still clung to their admiration of the constitution of our Union; to

their opposition to the standing army; to their desire for modifying

the power and position of the church and its ministers, and to their

united hostility against the President. They were loud in their

exhortations to continue the war, while Olaguibel, one of their ablest

men and most devoted lovers of American institutions, issued a strong

manifesto against the projected treaty. This was the party which, it

is asserted, in fact desired the prolongation of the war until the

destroyed nationality of Mexico took refuge from domestic intrigues,

misgovernment and anarchy, in annexation to the United States.

The _monarquistas_, who still adhered to the church and the army,

proclaimed their belief in the total failure of the republican system.

Revolutions and incessant turmoils, according to their opinions, could

only be suppressed by the strong arm of power, and in their ranks had

again appeared General Mariano Paredes y Arrellaga, who, returning

from exile, landed in disguise at Vera Cruz, and passing secretly

through the American lines, proceeded to Mexico to continue his

machinations against Santa Anna, whom he cordially hated.

The _moderados_ formed a middle party equally opposed to the ultraisms

of monarchy and democracy. They counted among their number, many of

the purest and wisest men in the republic, and although they were not

as inimical to the United States as the _monarquistas_, or as many of

the _puros_ pretended to be, yet they cordially desired or hoped to

preserve the nationality and progressive republicanism of Mexico. In

this junto Santa Anna found a few partizans who adhered to him more

from policy than principle, for all classes had learned to distrust a

person who played so many parts in the national drama of intrigue,

war, and government. As a party, they were doubtless unwilling to risk

their strength and prospects upon a peace which might be made under

his auspices.

In this crisis the President had no elements of strength still firmly

attached to him but the army, whose favor, amid all his reverses, he

generally contrived to retain or to win. But that army was now much

disorganized, and the national finances were so low that he was

scarcely able to maintain it from day to day. The mob, composed of the

lower classes, and the beastly _leperos_, knowing nothing of the

principles of the war, and heedless of its consequences,--plied

moreover by the demagogues of all the parties,--shouted loudly for its

continuance, and thus the president was finally forced to yield to the

external pressure, and to be governed by an impulse which he was

either too timid or too weak to control.

The armistice provided that the Americans should receive supplies from

the city, and that no additional fortifications should be undertaken

during its continuance; nevertheless the American trains were assailed

by the populace of the city, and, it is alleged, that Santa Anna

disregarded the provision forbidding fortifications. When it became

evident to the American commissioner and General Scott, that the

Mexicans were merely trifling and temporizing,--that the prolongation

of the armistice would be advantageous to the enemy, without affording

any correspondent benefits to us,--and when their supplies had been

increased so as to afford ample support for the army during the

anticipated attack on the city,--it was promptly resolved to renew the

appeal to arms. Accordingly, on the 6th of September, General Scott

addressed Santa Anna, calling his attention to the infractions of the

compact, and declaring that unless satisfaction was made for the

breaches of faith before noon of the following day, he would consider

the armistice terminated from that hour. Santa Anna returned an answer

of false recriminations, and threw off the mask. He asserted his

willingness to rely on arms;--he issued a bombastic appeal to the

people, in which he announced that the demands of the Americans would

have converted the nation into a colony of our Union. He improved upon

the pretended patriotic zeal of all the parties--puros, moderados,

monarquistas and mob--who had proclaimed themselves in favor of the

war. Instead of opposing or arguing the question, he caught the war

strain of the hour, and sent it forth to the multitude in trumpet

tones. He was determined not to be hedged or entrapped by those who

intrigued to destroy him, and resolved that if he must fall, his

opponents should share the political disaster. Nor was he alone in

his electioneering gasconade, for General Herrera--a man who had been

notoriously the advocate of peace, both before and since the

rupture,--addressed the clergy and the people, craving their aid by

prayer, money, fire and sword, to exterminate the invaders! All

classes were, thus, placed in a false and uncandid position.

This is a sad picture of political hypocrisy based upon the misnamed

popular will of a country which had for twenty years been demoralized

by the very chieftain who was about to reap the direful harvest he had

sown in the hearts of his people. Every man, every party,

acknowledged, privately, the impolicy of continued hostilities, yet

all men and all parties were resolved that _Santa Anna_ should not

make the peace whilst an American army remained in the country to

sustain it, or an American government dispensed millions to pay for

the ceded territory. Distrusting his honesty and patriotism, they

believed that the money would only be squandered among his parasites,

or used for the prolonged corruption and disorganization of their

country. With gold and an army they believed him omnipotent; but,

stripped of these elements of power in Mexico, the great magician

dwindled into a haggard and harmless witch.

Combinations arose readily and bravely against the man whose sway was

irresistible _as long as he dealt with his countrymen alone_ or

preserved a loyal army and dependant church, whose strength and wealth

were mutual supports. The sky was dark and lowering around him, and he

must have acknowledged secretly, that the political parties of his

country, if not his countrymen universally, were more anxious to

destroy him than the Americans. The army of the invaders, they hoped,

might perform a task in this drama, which the Mexicans themselves

could not achieve; and there are multitudes who would have been glad

to see its end become tragic by the death of one whom they feared in

prosperity, and despised in adversity.

[Footnote 73: It will be remembered that even Cortéz had paused in the

precincts of the ancient capital of the Aztecs, in order to give them

a chance of escape before striking the fatal blow. See Prescott, vol.

3, p. 199. It is a little remarkable also, that the dates of Scott's

and Cortéz's victories coincide so closely. Cortéz's victory was on

the 13th of August, 1521, Scott's on the 20th of August, 1847. The

date of Cortéz's achievement is given according to the Old Style, but

if we add ten days to bring it up to New Style, it will be corrected

to the 23d of August!]

Mexico, Aztec, Spanish and Republican, Vol. 1 of 2 A Historical, Geographical, Political, Statistical and Social Account of That Country From the Period of the Invasion by the Spaniards to the Present Time. · 第 15 / 17 章