informants claim that formerly this was to be carried out by the
medicine woman's band; others that one of the men's societies was called
upon for this service. In any event, they go out as a war party and
locate a suitable tree. A man with a war record, preferably one having
struck an enemy with an ax, comes forward, takes an ax, paints the blade
as he recounts some event in which he killed an enemy, and then strikes
the tree. Four such deeds must be told before the tree can be felled.
Then one or two men cut the tree as the others stand around. As the tree
begins to fall all give the war cry and shoot at its top, then rush up,
and tearing off branches, wave them in the air as if they were trophies
from an enemy. Indeed, the whole proceeding, from start to finish, is a
mimic attack on an enemy.
The pole is cut to approximate form and taken to the site of the dancing
lodge. One end is placed on a travois (in recent times on a wagon),
while the riders assist with their ropes, their horses massed around the
travois horse.
The hole for the sun pole is dug without ceremony by relatives of the
medicine woman. When it is in place, they tie a bundle of green boughs
in the fork,[11] making everything ready for the raising in the evening.
The sun pole now lies on the ground with the butt over the hole and the
forked end supported by a piece of timber. The fork points to the west.
It seems that formerly the pole was painted. Just below the fork it was
circled by two black bands and two red ones beneath these.
FOOTNOTES:
[10] Obviously, this would make the dancing lodge very large. In reply
to this objection it was said that they were large; that it was
necessary to select as a site places where very long rafter poles
could be cut; that formerly societies and others performed evolutions
within on horseback. The late Little-plume is credited with having
introduced the present custom of reciting deeds, requiring horses,
outside the dancing lodge. It may be of interest to note that the
Arapaho also made very large sun dance shelters.
In 1908 Mr. Duvall measured the dancing lodge. The sun pole stood
sixteen feet from the ground to the fork. The posts were eight feet
and approximately sixteen feet apart. The diameter of the whole was
fifty-two feet. The fireplace was east of the sun pole six feet and
was four feet by two feet and five inches deep. The booth for
medicinemen was five feet eight inches wide by seven feet six inches
deep. The two holes were about a foot forward from the sod walls,
eight inches across and six inches deep. The man who has been marking
out the site for the lodge during the last few years, begins by
selecting the place for the sun pole and stepping off seven paces as
the radius.
[11] The bundle of boughs is neither spoken of as the thunderbird's
nest nor given a name of any kind; though some old men seemed to know
that other tribes so designated it. We made diligent inquiry on this
point and feel that the above statement is correct. Reference to
published photographs will show that the brush is merely gathered into
a bundle and not made into the form of a nest as in case of the Crow.
CUTTING THE THONGS.
A fresh cowskin (formerly two buffalo hides) is provided that thongs may
be cut for binding the rafters to the stringers and the objects placed
on the sun pole. There seems to have been no hunting ceremony for
providing this hide and there is now no symbolic hunting. After the
medicine woman is in the shelter, the ceremony of cutting the thongs
takes place. If no one volunteers, men are "caught." The men who cut the
thongs last year may do the "catching" or engage representatives to do
it. Formerly, this function was exercised by old warriors who had
captured enemies alive. The "catchers" go quietly about the camp looking
for eligibles. While pretending to pass one by without notice, they
suddenly lay hold of him. The victim may pull back, but is not allowed
to resort to other means of resistance. He is then led up to the hides
near the front of the medicine woman's shelter. In former times, four
such men were brought up for the ceremony. They must have coups to their
records, otherwise they would not have been selected. In the ceremony of
1904 we observed an attempt to "catch" a man on horseback, but the
struggles of the horse enabled him to escape. In former times, the
friends of the interested party would have gathered around the rear and
sides of the horse forcing him forward in the lead of the "catcher".
This whole catching procedure is said to symbolize the capture of an
enemy.
In order to understand the ceremony that now takes place, it is
necessary to know that the right to cut the thong is to the Blackfoot a
medicine to be transferred for gifts of property as in case of other
medicines. The men who did the cutting in the previous year are to
"sell", or transfer, this year. It is they who do the "catching", either
in person or by deputy. Should no one be brought forward, those who
performed the rite on the previous year must again serve. As soon as a
man is caught, his relatives are notified; they come out with all kinds
of property to support him in the transfer. The initiate is brought into
the presence of the present owner of the right, his hands and face are
painted, accompanied by ritualistic prayers. While this proceeds, an old
man (usually a relative) stands somewhat apart and shouts out praise for
the initiate. However, this may be done by a woman, if no man comes
forward. A horse and other property is then given to the former owner of
the right, whence it ceases to be his. The deputy "catcher", if there is
one, then receives a small present or two from the former owner.
The cutting of the thong then takes place. The new owner of the right,
standing up by the hide, shouts out his coups. He holds the knife in his
hand and while pointing in different directions with it, he tells of a
war deed. At the end of each tale he makes a pass with the knife as if
to cut the hide. After four deeds are told, he cuts the hide. For
example, he may say, "At such a place I captured a horse which gives me
the right to cut this, etc." If there are other men with the right, they
follow in turn. After this, the thongs are cut with the assistance of
other men and distributed at the places where they will be needed. A
thong with the tail attached is used to bind the bunch of boughs to the
sun pole, the tail hanging down.
While this ceremony is going on, gifts of flour, beef, etc., made by
white people are distributed among the old poor people. This is regarded
as a recent intrusion.
The following extract from an unpublished version of the Scar-face myth
accounts for the thong-cutting ceremony:--
Her husband could tell by her eyes that she had been crying and he
said, "I told you not to dig up that turnip, but nevertheless you
have done so. Since you are lonesome and wish to return to your
people, I will take you back." Then Morningstar went out and killed
some buffalo. After he had skinned all of them he cut the hides into
long strands, fastened them together, and tied the woman and her
child to one end and let her down from the sky to where her people
were.
Before she reached the earth, a little sore-eyed boy was lying on
his back, looking up at the sky and saw a very small object coming
down. The boy told the men who were playing the wheel gambling game
what he saw, but they laughed at him and threw dirt in his eyes and
said, "You must see the gum on your eyelids or lashes." As the
falling object came closer others noticed it and when it came among
the group they knew that it was the woman who was missing from the
camp. They untied the rawhide strand and noticed that some of the
buffalo tails were on the ends of the long rope which lay piled up
high before them.
This woman came down with her digging-stick. As she was not a wicked
woman and only lived with Morningstar as her husband, she gave her
digging-stick to the medicine lodge woman and the natoas was named
for the turnip she dug up. When the sun dance was held, this woman
told them always to cut up a rawhide into strands and tie the posts
with them. Also that the center post and the birch on it must be
tied with them. The tail of the hide is to hang down from the center
post. These rawhide strands are a representation of the rawhide rope
with which this woman was let down to the earth. Later, the moose
hoofs are tied to this digging-stick. The plumes on the natoas are
to represent the leaf of the large turnip this woman dug up while in
the sky.
RAISING THE SUN POLE.
While the hide is being cut, all the woman who made vows to take some of
the tongues come forward to the parfleche placed near the medicinemen
and women. Each woman takes one of the tongues and stands with the
person for whom her vow was made and makes a confession to the sun in a
loud voice, so all may hear. Then she prays to the sun for the
beneficiary. After all the women have taken their tongues, some of the
men tie the cloth offerings to the ends of the poles and a bunch of
birch is tied between the forks of the center pole.
The preceding ceremony comes to a close as the sun gets very low. About
time for the sun to set, a procession of pole raisers starts from each
of the four quarters of the camp circle. Tipi poles are tied near the
small ends in pairs, each pair carried by two men. The four parties
advance in unison by four stages and at each pause sing a special song.
In the last move, they rush upon the sun pole and raise it in place. In
the meantime, the father and son go and stand on the center pole while
their wives stand to the west. The men make wing movements with their
arms toward the east. According to some informants, the medicine woman
may make hooking motions at the pole, to symbolize the mythical
Elk-woman.
Four men are called upon to assist the father and son. As the latter
stand upon the pole, they encircle and screen them with their blankets
and join the father in singing. The songs call for good luck in erecting
the dancing lodge. The son does not sing. Four songs are sung. At the
end of each the father blows a whistle while someone shakes the pole.
The last time they jump off the pole. The son drops his blanket (some
say the father also, some add moccasins) painted black as a sun
offering. Another blanket is handed him at once.
As soon as the men leave the pole the advancing raisers rush in, raise
the center pole, put on the rafters, tie them with the rawhide strands
and place brush all around to form the wind-break. This is accompanied
by much shouting, but without shooting.
While the sun pole is being raised the daughter and mother stand
watching it. They pray and make movements with the corners of their
robes as though steering the rising pole. As it sways from side to side,
they gesture as if righting it.
As soon as the pole is set, the natoas, robe, and moccasins are taken
off the daughter by the mother. She may call on someone to do this and
pay a gun or a horse for the service. The mother and other attendants
then lead the daughter to her tipi where she resumes her ordinary
routine.
The father and son go to a sweathouse where all the paint is washed off.
This is not the hundred-willow sweathouse and is the fifth sweathouse,
if it were counted. The two men go in and some sagegrass being handed to
the father, he takes off the feathers tied to the son's hair, the hair
necklace, and whistle. After the first opening of the sweathouse he
takes the sagegrass and wipes off the black paint on the son and hands
out through the west side of the sweathouse the necklace, whistle, and
feathers which are to be taken home. At the same time, the two women are
in the ceremonial lodge, the mother caring for the daughter.
When the men have completed the sweathouse ceremony they go to the
medicine woman's tipi. The father and his wife wrap up the natoas and
place it in the badger skin. After this is done, they no longer have to
eat sparingly. This ends the ceremony of the medicine woman.
Early the next day she and her husband must obtain the cottonwood brush
with which the booth for the weather dancers is made. Another man digs
out the place in the booth, making it the same as the smudge place in
the medicine woman's tipi, with the sod on three sides and creeping
juniper on top of it. The fireplace is dug out to the west of the center
post and is made as in the medicine woman's tipi. When going for and
returning the brush, the woman rides one horse and leads the one
dragging her travois. While when the other brush was brought in there
was much shooting and shouting, there are now no demonstrations of any
kind, but absolute silence.
THE WEATHER DANCERS.
Early on the fifth day, a booth is built inside the dancing lodge
opposite the entrance. A slight excavation about six feet square is made
over which is erected a shelter of green cottonwood boughs, open on the
side facing the sun pole. Before the middle of the day, a procession of
one or more men supposed to have power over the weather, attended by
drummers, proceeds by stages from the medicine woman's tipi to this
booth. They pause four times and dance, facing alternately the east and
the west. They hold whistles of bone in their mouths, which are sounded
in unison with the dancing. The procession is of two transverse lines,
the dancers, in front, the drummers and singers behind. A great deal of
dancing is done between the entrance to the dancing lodge and the booth.
At intervals during the day they stand before the booth and dance to the
east and west: the drummers are now stationed on the south side of the
booth where women also assemble for the singing. The dancing is chiefly
an up and down movement produced by flexing the knees, the eyes are
directed toward the sun and wing-like movements of the hands are made in
the same direction. The dancers wear breechcloth and moccasins and
usually a robe around the waist. Their faces and bodies are painted
according to their own medicines and medicine objects worn on their
heads.
It is stated that there is but one weather dancer, but others may join
under certain conditions. In practice this seems to amount to there
being a director or leader in the dance, at least such was the case in
1903 and 1904. In 1904 the two assistant dancers went to the medicine
woman's tipi to paint themselves and began their procession from there,
while the leader approached in a similar manner from his own tipi, the
two forming one procession before the east side of the dancing lodge was
reached. The leading dancer wore a special ceremonial robe, headdress,
and several medicine objects, which have been described in Volume 7 (pp.
98-99).
These objects and their medicine functions may be regarded as esoteric
in so far as they are not absolutely essential to the office of leading
dancer. Yet, this same individual seems to have performed this function
for a number of years. Clark mentions strings of feathers tied to the
finger of this dancer.[12]
In 1904 there were two assistant dancers. Both wore headdresses
somewhat like that of their leader. One was fully dressed with a
blanket around his waist; the other was nude to the belt. The latter was
painted chiefly in red with a circle in blue on the back and one on the
breast. The former had a pair of horizontal lines on each cheek, those
on the right, black, on the left, red.
It is said that formerly these dancers were nude, except for the
breechcloth and moccasins. The entire body was painted. There seemed to
have been no fixed painting, but the sun, moon, and stars were usually
represented. Around the head, they wore a wreath of juniper and bands of
sagegrass around the neck, wrists, and ankles.
The weather dancers are not permitted to eat or drink during the day.
Formerly, they remained in the booth continuously until the evening of
the fourth day of their dancing; in recent years, they spend the night
at home and return to the booth in the morning.
The functions of these dancers are not clearly understood. They seem to
be held responsible for the weather: i. e., upon them falls the duty of
preventing rain from interfering with the dancing. Whether they do this
because they happen to have independent shamanistic powers or whether it
is a mere function of their temporary office in the ceremony, cannot be
determined. Other medicinemen often attempt to control the weather
during the days preceding the formal entry into the booth as well as
during the later days. In 1903 (Piegan) there was a contest between a
number of rival medicinemen some of whom conjured for rain, others for
fair weather: strange to say, clouds would threaten and then pass away
during these days, which coincidence was interpreted as proof of evenly
matched powers. Several times one of the partisans of fair weather came
out near the site of the dancing lodge and danced to the sun, holding up
a small pipe and occasionally shouting. He wore no regalia and danced in
a different manner from that observed among the weather dancers at the
booth. However, the man who led the weather dancers for many years until
his death in 1908, was famous for his control over the weather. Once, it
is told, he became enraged at the power making the weather bad, shouting
out "Now, you go ahead, if you want to. I have great power and can stop
you when I will."
In former times, the dreams of the weather dancers while sleeping in the
booth were considered of special supernatural significance, since, it is
said, they were _en rapport_ with the sun. This _rapport_ may account
for what seems to be one of their chief functions--blessing the people.
During the days they are in the booth, individuals come to them "to be
prayed for." They come up and stand before the booth. The dancer takes
black paint and paints their faces. Then he prays to the sun for their
welfare. During this part of the ceremony the recipient faces the sun.
Again, the medicine-pipes and other ritualistic objects are brought up
for the dancer to present to the sun. The pipes he holds up with the
stems towards the sun, whom he addresses at some length, offering him a
smoke, making requests, etc., after which he smokes the pipe. All the
persons present are then permitted to put their lips to the pipe from
which they are supposed to derive great benefits. The dancer also
receives offerings made to the sun. A young man may fill a pipe and
approach with his offerings. The dancer takes the pipe, smokes, prays,
paints the man's face, and makes the offering. A woman or child may do
this; or a whole family. Formerly, a great deal of old clothing was
offered at this time, a custom still practised by the Blood. Also
children's moccasins and clothing were offered in this way. As they grew
out of them they were given to the sun to promote well-being. In last
analysis, it seems that while these dancers are spoken of as weather
priests, they are rather sun priests, since through them appeals to the
sun are made. It should be noted that they are regarded as independent
of and in no way associated with the medicine woman ceremonies or the
erection of the dancing lodge, but upon entrance to the booth, the
leading weather dancer is said to become the chief and director of all
succeeding ceremonies. The length of the ceremony depends entirely upon
him and formerly continued as long as he kept his place.
Like other rites this one was bought and sold, but it was usual to
continue in ownership many years. Anyone could make a vow to dance with
the weather dancer and join him in his ceremonies, but such vows were
usually made by former owners of the rite. When one makes a vow to
purchase the rite, its owner must sell, however reluctant he may be. The
transfer must be in the sun dance. It is said that two men once
alternately sold to each other for many years so that both could appear
in every sun dance.
FOOTNOTES:
[12] Clark, W. P., _The Indian Sign Language_ (Philadelphia, 1885),
72.
DANCING.
The first ceremony of this character is named the cutting-out dance (to
cut out a hole in a robe). It seems to have been performed by a society
and occurs early on the fifth day. About four or six old men dance in
line with a rawhide which they hold in front of them, singing and
beating time on the rawhide with rattles similar to those of the beaver
men. The society now divides into two parties, one placing itself north
of the center pole, and the other party standing in line south of the
center pole. The two parties dance back and forward in front of the pole
shooting at it. The old men on the west side of the center pole dance
in their places. The rawhide held in front of them, hangs down like an
apron. They beat time on it, holding the rawhide in one hand, and the
rattles in the other. An old man counts deeds and marks out with a knife
the fireplace and the booth for the weather dancers. These are dug while
the dancing and shooting take place.[13]
The hole, or fire pit, is dug between the sun pole and the entrance to
the dancing lodge. It is about three feet by two and "two hands" deep. A
warrior is then called to start the fire. Warriors now come forward in
turn to count their coups. In this a man took a piece of firewood and
holding it up, called out in a loud voice how he once struck a Sioux, a
Snake, etc., then placed it in the fire. When he had recounted all he
gave way to the next. Stories are told of men having enough coups to
make a fire large enough to threaten the destruction of the dancing
lodge. We were able to confirm the statement of Clark[14] that the
height of the flame as determined by a buffalo tail hanging down was the
criterion for determining a great warrior. One informant states as
follows:--
There is always a cow tail hanging down from the center post. In olden
times this was a buffalo tail, to the end of which a blackened plume was
tied. This hangs down over the fireplace which was used at night to
furnish light for the proceedings. The assembled people were entertained
by narratives of warriors as they came forward to narrate their deeds;
each threw a stick on the fire for each deed counted and he whose fire
blazed high enough to reach the tail was considered a great warrior. It
was a great honor when a man could tell enough war deeds to scorch the
tail. All this time there was singing (the cheering songs) and drumming,
while berry soup was served to all. The persons taking part are
designated as those "who are about to make the fire." In recent years,
this ceremony has been performed in a very perfunctory manner.
After the ceremony, the fire was fed in the ordinary way and kept going
during the greater part of the succeeding days. The origin of this dance
is often ascribed to Scar-face.
FOOTNOTES:
[13] It will be recalled that in the sun dance of the Dakota type (p.
110) there is a ceremonial shooting at the sun pole. Here the shooting
takes place in a perfunctory way, while the pole is dragged to the sun
dance site. Yet, McQuesten claims to have witnessed the driving of
evil power from the sun lodge at a Blood ceremony in 1912. ("The Sun
Dance of the Blackfeet" _Rod and Gun in Canada_, March 1912.) As this
is not noted in older accounts and we failed to get information as to
it, we suspect it to be due to foreign influences, or perhaps the
author's own interpretation.
[14] Clark, _ibid._, 72.
SOCIETY DANCES.
In former times, the succeeding days were apportioned to the men's
societies (the ikunukats) in the order of their rank, beginning at the
lowest.[15] There seems to have been no fixed allotment of time to each,
only the order of succession being adhered to. The ceremonies were
determined chiefly by the respective society rituals, though the
recounting of deeds in war was given great prominence. As a rule, each
society closed its ceremonies by offering parts of its regalia, etc., to
the sun, a custom still observed by the Blood (See vol. 11, this series,
fig. 19, p. 411). After the highest society had completed its function,
the leading men of the tribe held a kind of a war dance in which coups
were recounted. In this dance, again, rattles were beaten upon a
rawhide. The organizations or persons having charge of the day's
ceremonies must furnish the feast and all necessaries. The medicine
woman and her husband usually repair to the dancing lodge each day. The
man usually takes his pipe and tobacco and furnishes the smoking for the
guests who sit around. His wife wears the buckskin dress and elk robe,
but not the natoas. They sit on the north or right side of the booth and
merely are spectators. This closes the ceremonies and camp is broken.
FOOTNOTES:
[15] This series, Vol. 11, 365-474.
THE TORTURE CEREMONY.