supposed to have brushed off the scar from Scar-face's face and is
supposed to be the feather brought down from the sun by Scar-face
follow: "Old man says, hand me a feather." The feather is passed to
the man. Another song follows: "Old man says he wants a hundred
feathers. Old woman wants different kinds of feathers." Seven more
songs are sung, the words of some of them are: "This man says that
above have seen me. It is powerful. The ground I see is powerful.
Old man, says, white buffalo robe I want. Old woman, says, Elk I
want. Old man says, don't fool me. Old woman says, don't fool me."
The meaning of this is to be sure and give them what they ask for,
that is, offerings made at the sun dance to the sun, moon, etc.
Seven songs are sung before they take up the rattles and the rawhide
and five songs for the raven. At this time, the man takes hold of
one of the rattles by the ball part touching it to the ground, while
he holds the end of the handle straight up. The raven songs are:
"Raven says, buffalo I am looking for; buffalo I take. The wind is
our medicine. The brush is our home. Buffalo I take." The man pecks
the rattle handle with one finger on both sides and crows. Then they
begin to beat the rattles on the rawhide and shake them in a circle
once.
Now seven songs are sung for the smudge which is made of a species
of fungus that grows on a kind of willow. The songs: "Old man says,
all right, may my lodge be put up. Old woman says, all right may my
lodge be put up or built." These words mean that the sun and moon
are speaking and want the sun dance lodge built without any
accidents.
The next songs are for the natoas bundle which is not opened. The
songs: "Old man comes in, he says, I am looking for my bonnet. I
have found it. It hears me. It is medicine." The old woman sings and
uses the same words in her songs. There are six of these bonnet
songs. The songs for the badger skin follow: "The man above hears
me; he is powerful. The ground is my home; it is powerful." There
are four songs for the badger. The badger skin and other things are
not handled, the songs about them are simply sung. The songs for the
natoas are: "Old man says I am looking for my bonnet. I have found
it: it is powerful." The woman then sings a song with the same
words, which is followed by a song about the stone arrow points on
the natoas. There is a song for everything which makes up the bonnet
which is as follows: the leather band, the blue paint on the band,
the stuffed weasel skin tied crosswise on the bonnet, the weasel
tails hanging from the bonnet, two feathers in front, and two
behind, two plumes on each side of the bonnet, a flint arrow point,
a buffalo calf tail, a snipe, and a small doll the head of which is
stuffed with tobacco seed. The song for the doll on the bonnet is:
"Children are running about. They are running from us. They are
running towards us. They are boys. They are powerful." The man says,
"Give me the child," and makes the movement of reception. Another
song is sung: "Child is crying," and the man imitates the crying of
a child. The song for the little birds is: "Bird says water is my
medicine; it is powerful," for the calf tail: "Man says calf tail I
want," and for the arrow point: "Sharp points are on both sides."
Then follows the song for the leather band which represents the
lizard: "Yonder man, I am angry and mad at you." This song of the
lizard refers to the prairie dog chief. The blue paint on the band
represents water and the song for it is: "The blue waters are our
medicine." The song for the feathers is: "Feathers I want." Another
song for the plume on the feathers: "Red I want." This closes the
evening ceremony. The man and woman are put to bed and all go home.
This is the ceremony after the first sweathouse is made. Three more
moves of the entire camp and three more sweathouses must be made.
The fourth move and sweathouse is where the sun dance takes place.
Nowadays, only one sweathouse is made for the sun dance.
It seems that the final camp is marked out by a society laying rocks
around its bounds, according to which the arriving bands find their
proper places.
At the fourth camp and on the fourth day, the natoas bundle is opened,
or its formal ritual demonstrated. Early in the day another tipi is
pitched before the medicine tipi and the covers are joined, thus
enlarging the space and providing for a few spectators. A few men and
women are invited to assist in the ceremony: the men use the rattles and
with the women aid in the singing. The father and other men sit on the
north side of the tipi, the former next the medicine woman's husband;
and the other women sit on the south side, the mother next to the
medicine woman. She directs the medicine woman and the singing of the
other women. The ceremony opens at about ten A. M. with the first series
of songs in the ritual. Three men hold a rattle in each hand, beating
them upon the rawhide by a vigorous downward forward stroke, the seventh
rattle is used by the father.
The ritual of the natoas will be found in Volume 7, pp. 215-220.
Normally, this ceremony transfers the natoas to the daughter. She may,
however, waive the right, in which case the bundle returns to the former
owner. Yet, she seems to enjoy all the privileges accorded to one having
been an owner.
Theoretically, no one can perform a transfer ceremony without having
first owned the bundle in question. In case of the natoas, even now, a
beaver owner is regarded as competent to conduct the proceeding, though
he may never have gone through the ritual with his wife. This is
consistent with the tradition that formerly the natoas was a part of the
beaver bundle.[6] Yet, the conditions here are slightly different from
those for other bundles in that the father must provide or is charged
with the responsibility to see that a natoas is provided. Following the
vow, either he or the son makes formal application to the owner of a
natoas by the usual presentation of a pipe.[7]
When the daughter begins her fasting, the father has the natoas brought
to her tipi. As a rule, the father's wife owns a natoas. Some informants
claim that even should the daughter own a natoas, the father must
provide another. On the other hand, the daughter can select the eligible
natoas. In any case, the father furnishes the daughter with a dress and
an elk robe for which he must be paid liberally.[8]
In conclusion, it may be remarked that anyone can make up a natoas, if
he has a dream so directing him; also, if he owned a natoas that was
lost or otherwise destroyed; if he gave it away, without receiving
payment; or if it was buried with someone. Having owned a natoas and
transferred it, he cannot duplicate it; should the new owner lose it, he
may, if called upon, replace it; likewise, if buried, the surviving
husband or wife could call upon him. In all such cases fees are given.
When one transfers a medicine bundle and has been paid for it, he has no
more right to it and cannot duplicate it on his own motion. Should one
sell the bundle without the ceremony of transfer, the ritual remains
with him and he can again make up the bundle; should one make the
transfer and fail to receive the pay, or waive the pay, he can make it
up again. The relatives of one buried with a bundle can call upon a
former owner to make it up, after which it must be formally transferred
to one of them. Men were sometimes killed on the warpath and their
bundles lost; such were replaced as noted above. In every case these
must be true duplicates; it is only a dream that authorizes new
creations, or variations, however slight.
An interesting sidelight is thrown upon the idealized qualities of this
woman's function by the following narrative:--
Once while a medicine woman was sleeping in the sacred tipi during the
fasting, a nephew of her husband stole in and made improper advances.
Being a good and true woman, like all others who give the sun dance,
she spurned him. Next day she told her husband the whole story. He was
very angry. He was not satisfied with the confession she made, but
suspected that she must have given the young man some encouragement. So
when all the medicinemen and women had come into the tipi to rehearse
the songs as usual, he made a statement of these suspicions and as he
had two wives, he proposed to have them change places.
The medicinemen pleaded for the first wife because they believed her
innocent, but the husband was obdurate. So the second wife was called in
to take the place. Then the first wife said, "It was I who saved this
man's life when he was ill. I made the vow to give the sun dance and he
got well. I have suffered much in fasting, all for him. Now he disgraces
me before all the people. But I will put my virtue to a test. If I am
true, I have already acquired power."
She filled a pipe, went outside and standing now on the east side of the
tipi, then on the south, the west, and the north, she addressed the sun.
The day was clear, but soon after the woman entered the tipi, thunder
was heard. A storm came down with hail and blew over many tipis. But in
spite of these proofs, her husband was obdurate and the second wife went
on with the ceremony.
Not long after the sun dance this same man became ill again. Finally, as
a last resort, he called upon the first wife to save him again. This
woman told him to call upon the other woman as he seemed to have so much
faith in her. So he died and was properly punished for so unjustly
treating his faithful wife.
FOOTNOTES:
[6] In former times, the natoas and the medicine woman's costume were
owned by a beaver man. When a woman gave a sun dance she gave a horse
for their use. She just borrowed them. Later on, a beaver man
transferred them, whence they became a separate bundle.--Tom Kiyo.
[7] Should the woman already own a natoas and the transferrer (father)
own one; the woman must say which bundle shall be used. She can use
her own, borrow, or purchase of the transferrer.--Curly-bear.
[8] A Piegan informant comments as follows: The woman can either buy
or borrow a natoas. In the olden times she often borrowed because the
natoas, the dress, the elk tooth wristlets, and the robe were owned by
a beaver man's wife. After a time, however, these were transferred to
a medicine woman and were thus separated from the beaver bundle.
THE PROCESSION TO THE DANCING LODGE.
In our account of the natoas ritual we told how the father, son, etc.,
emerge from their tipi. The file is headed by the father, followed by
the son, next the mother, then the medicine woman followed by women
bearing the tongues. The father and the son are muffled in blankets
(robes); the latter walks with bowed head, leaning heavily on a staff
and bearing over his head a wild rhubarb stalk.[9] The medicine woman
wears the natoas on her head, an elkskin (often buckskin) dress and an
elkskin robe, with the digging-stick on her back. For a staff, she uses
one of the smudge sticks. The women in her rear bear parfleches
containing the tongues, together with blankets and other ordinary
objects. Two or three old men act as conductors, or flankers, keeping
the way clear of spectators, etc. The procession moves slowly and by
stages. The four principal personages in it keep their eyes upon the
ground. The course is southward past the entrance (east side) to the
dancing lodge, around the south side, the rear of the shelter and
entering from the north side. Here the medicine woman remains until the
dancing lodge is raised at sunset, when she returns to her tipi and
breaks her fast with berry soup. The father and the son go to a
sweathouse after which their responsibilities also end. During the
continuance of the ceremonies in the sun lodge, the medicine woman cares
for the natoas bundle, now her property, until transferred to another,
but is otherwise free to do as she likes. She usually remains quietly at
home receiving guests and resting.
The part of the medicine woman is truly a sacrifice. She and her husband
must pay liberally everyone called upon for ceremonial service directly
connected with the tongues and the natoas ritual. They must also pay a
considerable amount of property for the natoas itself. To give the
ceremony means the sacrifice of all personal property. On the other
hand, there is compensation, aside from fulfilling the vow. Her
relatives are very proud of her since she is so virtuous. She is highly
respected by her husband and family. In a measure those who "take the
tongues" are also respected. The medicine woman may act as the mother in
a future sun dance for which she will receive presents and she may
eventually realize something by transferring the natoas to another.
Should anything go wrong during the ceremony, the weather be
unfavorable, etc., people will look with suspicion upon her and say she
must have lied in her confession to the sun. Should she become ill or
have deaths in the family, the same charge will be made.
_The Offerings of Cloth._ After the procession headed by the father and
he is in position at the west side of the dancing lodge, offerings of
cloth and clothing are brought up by the people. A man making such an
offering hands the father a filled pipe and the cloth. The father holds
the pipe and offers prayers for the giver and lights and passes the pipe
to other old men sitting around. The cloth he lays in a pile. Then he
paints the giver: first the face is smeared over with red, then black
spots are daubed on the cheeks, nose, forehead, and chin, four in all. A
black circle is marked around each wrist. Women bringing offerings and
pipes go to the mother who prays for them and paints their faces red
with a black spot on the nose and a black circle around the face. There
is also a black circle around each wrist.
FOOTNOTES:
[9] Scar-face is said to have made a whistle (flageolet) of such a
stalk. The pith of the growing plant is sometimes eaten for food.
THE HUNDRED-WILLOW SWEATHOUSE.
As stated before, a sweathouse of special form is constructed on the
third day. This is said to have originated with Scar-face, it being the
house into which he was taken by the sun. About the middle of the day a
society is sent out for the willows. These were usually those of the
younger men; the pigeons and mosquitoes. There is a belief, however,
that in former times only warriors could be sent upon this errand. These
persons are mounted and return in procession, singing and circling the
medicine woman's tipi in the direction of the sun, and deposit their
willows at the west side of the camp circle. They must not drink water
while on this duty.
An older society is called to build the sweathouse. They must not drink
water while engaged in this operation and receive some of the tongues
after the ceremonies of the fourth day. Formerly, these men must have
had a coup to their credit as a qualification and some informants claim
that the sum total for the society should have totalled at least one
hundred, the number of willows. The work begins some time before sunset
by which time the sweathouse should be completed.
The willows are stuck into the ground in an oval and their tops bent
over and interlocked over the top. The ends point toward the east and
the west, an opening or door being provided at each. The willows are
then painted, one side red and the other black. Next, a hole is dug in
the center of the structure for the heated stones. In the meantime, a
small heap of stones mixed with firewood has been placed some distance
to the east. A buffalo skull is painted with red spots on one side and
black on the other. Sagegrass is thrust into the nose and eye-sockets.
Robes are then thrown over the willows and all is ready for the
procession from the medicine woman's tipi.
The procession from the medicine woman's tipi consists of the father and
another man experienced in ceremonial affairs, the husband, the mother
and the medicine woman. They approach slowly and by stages, passing
around the south side of the sweathouse to the north and then to the
east or entrance. All keep their eyes on the ground. The husband walks
with a heavy staff; the medicine woman carries the natoas bundle with a
smudge stick.
The men enter the sweathouse, while the two women go to the west side
and sit down facing the east. The medicine woman is on the north side
with the bundle before her. After the men have entered, the fire is
lighted and some of the attendants (builders of the sweathouse) lift the
buffalo skull to the top of the sweathouse where it faces the east.
Prayers and the usual sweathouse procedure now follow while the stones
and a pail of water are passed in by an attendant. The covers are then
drawn down and the vapor bath taken.
After the ceremony the procession returns to the medicine woman's tipi.
The cover is removed from the sweathouse and the buffalo skull placed on
top where it remains.
Should there be more than one medicine woman, another sweathouse is made
on the east side of the camp circle and the others grouped around them
equally.
Since after the sweathouse ceremony there is formal singing in the tipi
until far into the night, it may be said that during the four days of
the fast the ceremonies begin with the sweathouse at sundown, while on
the fifth day the ceremony begins in the morning and ends at sundown.
To this generalized statement the following account from a Piegan may be
added:--
Now, when the first sweathouse is to be made, orders are given in
the morning to one of the societies to get the willows to make the
hundred-willow sweathouse. Another man is to get the creeping
juniper to use in the smudge place in the medicine lodge, and still
another is to cut out the smudge place. The moves are short. The
people all move camp, as before, and the society goes on ahead and
stakes out the camping ground. When the tipis are pitched at the new
camping ground, the society comes in with the willows and the rocks
for the sweathouse. They circle once around to the right of the
lodges and stop outside of the circle, west of the medicine lodge.
They must neither eat nor drink while building the sweathouse. They
gather wood from among the tipis until they have enough to heat the
rocks. Robes for covering the sweathouse are borrowed from the
people of the camp. One man goes to the medicine lodge and digs out
the smudge place.
When the sweathouse is ready for the medicinemen, four of the men
who helped in the construction go and inform the men and women. They
carry the parfleche with the tongues in it on a robe, each man
holding a corner. The two medicinemen take the lead, the two women
follow, then come the four men with the parfleche. Four stops are
made before they reach the sweathouse. The instructor leads, and is
followed in single file by the other man, and the two women walking
very slowly and singing. They march once around the sweathouse in
the direction of the sun. The other old men who are to join them and
the two medicinemen go in while the two women remain seated on a
robe just west of it with the parfleche beside them. A smudge is
made with sweetgrass, and a crescent-shaped place marked out between
the square hole and the rear of the sweathouse and live coals are
placed on the dot in front of the crescent. A song is sung while the
smudge stick is taken up and a man goes after the coal for the
smudge. The sweetgrass is placed on the live coal and the two songs
for the smudge are sung: "Spring grass I take. Where I sit is
powerful." A pipe is handed in and the pipe bowl and stem painted
red. The man holds the pipe over the smudge and prays for the one
who gave it to him and then passes it to the last man to his right
who lights it and all smoke it. When the pipe is all burnt out, the
man who blessed it, takes it, and with a red-painted stick loosens
the ashes and empties some of them on the southeast corner of the
square hole in the sweathouse, then on the northwest corner, on the
northeast, and finally in the center.
After this the buffalo skull is brought in and the songs of the
buffalo sung while the same man paints it with black and red dots,
the left half black and the right half in red. Grass is stuffed into
the eyes and nose of the skull which is passed out through the west
of the sweathouse and placed on the earth taken out of the hole in
the sweathouse. An extra buffalo horn wrapped with swamp grass is
brought in and given to the man who paints it red and sings while
doing so: "Chiefs of other tribes I want to hook." He throws the
horn out and all the men of this society who remain near the
sweathouse try to catch it. The one who captures it is considered
lucky and he is supposed to capture a gun in the next battle he
witnesses.
The men in the sweathouse all undress and as they pass their robes
and moccasins out through the west of the sweathouse and the door,
the buffalo songs are sung. The two medicinemen only wear a robe and
moccasins when they go into the sweathouse. While singing, the
forked stick is taken up and one of the outsiders goes for the
heated stones, stopping four times before he brings them in. One of
the men who is inside takes the stone with two straight sticks and
places it on the southeast corner of the hole, the same is done with
four more stones which are placed on the southwest, the northwest,
the northeast corner and the fifth is placed in the bottom of the
hole at the center. When a sixth stone is placed in the hole, they
are all rolled to the bottom of the hole. Water and a horn spoon or
wooden bowl is brought in.
A little water is thrown on the stones to wash them, the curtains
are lowered, and prayers to the sun, moon, and stars, and earth
begin. In groups of four, sixteen medicine lodge songs are sung. The
curtains are raised and four more songs are sung; the sweathouse is
opened and four songs are sung, until the sixteen have been
completed. The two medicinemen go out through the west of the
sweathouse while the rest go through the door. The men dress, and
the parfleche containing the tongues is opened and the tongues given
to the members of the society who made the sweathouse. The
medicinemen and women do not eat. After all are provided with the
tongues a piece is broken off each and while all hold the pieces up
a prayer is said and the piece of tongue placed on the ground. Then
they all begin to eat. After this the robes are all returned to
their owners, the buffalo skull placed on top of the frame of the
sweathouse with the nose pointed towards the east and the
medicinemen and women return in single file while four men follow
behind carrying the empty parfleche. The men who belong to the
society may now eat and drink as they wish.
THE DANCING LODGE.
The dancing lodge may be said to take its origin on the fourth day, by
which time the medicine woman has her tipi in place near its site and
the camp circle has been formed. In construction, nine forked tree
trunks about nine feet in height are set in a circle. Across their tops,
except the eastern face, are laid stringers about fifteen feet long of
the same material.[10] In the center, is another forked tree trunk much
higher than the other (this we shall call the sun pole) connected with
each of the stringers by a rafter. Green boughs are placed thickly
against the outside of the lodge. On the inside, at the rear, is a booth
screened and roofed with boughs. The material is cottonwood. That other
woods were occasionally used, is attested by the fact that a locality is
known as "the place of sweet pine dancing lodge."
Some informants claim that in former years each band was required to
furnish two rafters, a post, a rail, and their proportionate amount of
boughs. Two rafters were used instead of one as now, each band
furnishing the section opposite their place in the circle. The
contradiction between the number of bands and the size of the dancing
lodge seems not to have troubled our informants. Now, the young men go
out during the early part of the fourth day to cut the poles and boughs.
This is done without ceremony. A crier usually rides around the camp
circle reminding the various bands of their duty. Formerly, the young
women went out on horseback to drag in the poles and brush. On this
occasion, they dressed in the best costumes and used the finest horse
trappings obtainable. The men cut the poles and brush, hitching them to
the drag ropes with their own hands. As the procession galloped toward
the camp circle, the men rode behind, shooting and yelling. In recent
years, the men bring the material in on wagons without demonstration.
Men of some prominence are selected to dig the holes for the posts. The
posts are erected and the stringers put in place, excepting one on the
west side nearly opposite the entrance. The rafters are leaned against
the stringers, ready to be pushed in place and the green boughs piled up
at convenient places near by.