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ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS
OF
THE AMERICAN MUSEUM
OF NATURAL HISTORY
VOL. XVI, PART III
THE SUN DANCE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS
BY
CLARK WISSLER
[Illustration]
NEW YORK
PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES
1918
THE SUN DANCE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS.
BY CLARK WISSLER.
PREFACE.
The Blackfoot tribes, particularly the Piegan, have been more
extensively studied than most other Plains Indians. The writer began a
systematic investigation of their culture in 1903. At that time, the
only works treating them seriously were those of the younger Henry,
Maximilian, and Grinnell. There were some good fragmentary articles by
McLean and Hale. Yet, since we began work on this problem, a number of
excellent books have appeared. First, the long-forgotten journals of
Mathew Cocking and Anthony Hendry who went to the Blackfoot country in
1754 were printed. Then followed McClintock's delightful book, "The Old
North Trail" and later, Curtis's highly illustrated account of the
Piegan. Linguistic studies had been undertaken by Tims, but later,
Michelson, Uhlenbeck, and Josselin de Jong brought out studies of the
language and some aspects of social organization. Of more popular books,
the only one to be considered here is Schultz's, "My Life as an Indian,"
which, though in the form of fiction, is full of true pictures of
Blackfoot life and thought. One unfortunate thing about all this
subsequent activity is that it centered on the Piegan and as the
writer's work was largely with that division before these publications
appeared, there was no chance to rectify this asymmetry.
The publication of this study of the sun dance has been long delayed in
the hope that circumstances would permit a more intensive study of the
ceremony among the Canadian divisions. But the time for making such a
study has really passed, since those natives who had the knowledge
essential to an accurate exposition of the sun dance are now dead. It
seems advisable, therefore, to publish the data as they stand.
The writer saw the Piegan ceremony twice, so that this study is based
both upon objective observation and discussion with the native
authorities on the subject. Later, Mr. Duvall checked over the data and
conclusions with these and other informants. A large series of
photographs was taken, but the important phases of the ceremony are so
well shown in the published works of McClintock and Curtis that a
repetition here is unnecessary.
CLARK WISSLER.
May, 1918.
CONTENTS.
PAGE.
PREFACE 225
THE SUN DANCE 229
PREPARATION PERIOD 229
PROGRAM BY DAYS 230
First Day 230
Second Day 230
Third Day 230
Fourth Day 230
Fifth Day 230
Sixth Day 231
Seventh Day 231
Eighth Day 231
THE VOW 231
CEREMONY OF THE TONGUES 234
THE MEDICINE WOMAN 240
THE PROCESSION TO THE DANCING LODGE 248
The Offering of Cloth 249
THE HUNDRED-WILLOW SWEATHOUSE 250
THE DANCING LODGE 252
CUTTING THE THONGS 254
RAISING THE SUN POLE 256
THE WEATHER DANCERS 258
DANCING 260
SOCIETY DANCES 262
THE TORTURE CEREMONY 262
SUN DANCE SONGS 267
THE SUN DANCE CAMP 268
MYTHOLOGICAL NOTES 268
THE BLOOD AND NORTH BLACKFOOT 270
ILLUSTRATIONS.
TEXT FIGURES.
1. The Offering of Human Flesh. Drawn from a native sketch 266
THE SUN DANCE.
In our earlier paper upon the bundles of the Blackfoot, we have
concerned ourselves with ceremonial functions in which the ownership and
chief responsibility, in theory, rested in a single individual. We come
now to an affair initiated, it is true, by the owner of the natoas
bundle, but yet a composite of other rituals and functions, each of
which has a definite place in a program carried out by the whole tribal
organization. The only trace of a similar tribal participation is in the
now almost extinct tobacco-planting ceremonies conducted by the beaver
owners; but here there was no complex of other unrelated ceremonies and
functions. In short, the sun dance was for the Blackfoot a true tribal
festival, or demonstration of ceremonial functions, in which practically
every important ritual owner and organization had a place. Nevertheless,
there were certain rituals peculiar to it which gave it its character.
Since the plan of this section is to give an ethnological presentation
of the Blackfoot sun dance, rather than a logically unfolding
description of the ceremony as seen at a specified time, we shall
present the general program now and take up later a somewhat analytical
detailed discussion of the various phases of the ceremony. By this
method, we shall be able to concentrate our attention upon a single
ceremonial concept without the distraction arising from contemporaneous
and intrusive procedures based upon other concepts, for as we shall see,
this sun dance is a true composite. The following schedule is not given
as the one observed by the writer, but as the one regarded as proper and
believed to have been followed before the various divisions of the
Blackfoot were under the complete domination of the Canadian and United
States governments.
PREPARATION PERIOD.
After making a vow to purchase a sun dance bundle, the woman and her
husband make the necessary arrangements and perform the prescribed
rites. This is an indefinite period. At the approach of summer, the
invitation tobacco is sent to all the bands and the camp circle is
formed.
PROGRAM BY DAYS.
_First Day._ The program opens with moving camp to a site previously
selected. On the morning of this day, the medicine woman begins to fast,
which may be taken as the real beginning of the ceremony. If the
ceremony of "cutting the tongues" has not been previously performed or
completed, it is now in order. In any event, the father and any male
assistants he may choose to invite, spend a part of the day in "praying
and singing over the tongues." A society brings in willows and a
hundred-willow sweathouse is built.
_Second Day._ In the morning, the camp moves again to a site still
nearer that proposed for the sun dance. A few green boughs of cottonwood
are kept around the base of the medicine woman's tipi as a sign of its
sanctity. A sweathouse is made, as on the previous day. "Praying and
singing over the tongues" continues during the day and evening.
_Third Day._ The same as the second day.
_Fourth Day._ The camp moves again; this time to the site of the sun
dance. In the afternoon, the fourth and last hundred-willow sweathouse
is built and used. The singing continues during the evening in the
medicine woman's tipi.
_Fifth Day._ This is an active day.[1] The various bands cut and drag in
the poles and green cottonwood boughs to be used in constructing the
dancing lodge. The center, or sun pole, is selected and brought in with
the ceremonies pertaining thereto. During the day, the holes for the
posts are dug and the sides of the dancing lodge put in place and
prepared for the raising at sunset. A wind-break is erected at the west
side, facing the forked end of the sun pole. Later in the day, some
medicinemen take up their stations here to receive offerings to the sun
and place them on the pole. In the forenoon, the ceremony connected with
the opening of the natoas bundle begins in the medicine woman's tipi.
This is completed by the middle of the afternoon when there is a
procession from the tipi to the wind-break facing the sun pole. The
thongs for the poles are cut. While these are taking place, some food is
distributed among the poor people. Those women, who, during the past
season, promised "to come forward to the tongues" now fulfil their vows
by public declarations addressed to the setting sun. The pole raisers
then approach from the four quarters, erecting first the sun pole and
then the rafters, with as much speed as possible. The medicine woman
then returns to her tipi and the father with his male companions goes
into a sweathouse.
_Sixth Day._ In the morning, a booth is erected in the dancing lodge for
the medicinemen, or weather dancers. Later in the day, they approach,
with processions made up of their respective bands, and take their
places in the booth. At various times during the day, they dance to the
sun. People also come up to be painted and prayed for. As a rule, the
medicine-pipes are brought out for these men to bless and smoke. During
the afternoon, the "digging dance" occurs, when the fireplace is made
and the fire kindled.
_Seventh Day._ People still come to be painted or prayed for by the
medicinemen. Later in the day, the dancing of the societies begins.
_Eighth Day._ The dancing may continue on this day; otherwise, camp is
broken and the bands go their several ways. The dancing may continue
several days, there being no definite time for closing the ceremony.
Indeed, to the Blackfoot mind, the really vital part of the ceremony
closes on the evening of the fifth day. The dancing of the societies is
free to take its course as the various organizations see fit. In former
times, however, it was customary to break camp any time between the
seventh and tenth days.
According to our information, the four camps of the medicine woman was
the rule in olden times and a hundred-willow sweathouse was made at each
camp. In recent times, but two moves seem to have been made; the first
day marking the move from the regular home camp to the temporary one
where the second day is also spent. But one of the hundred-willow
sweathouses is now made--the one on the third day. Also, where formerly
they used the ordinary type of sweathouse, at the close of the fourth
day, the men now return to the hundred-willow sweathouse. The time then
was "when the service berries are ripe", perhaps August, instead of
Fourth-of-July week, as in recent years.[2] Even the fast is much
abbreviated, usually but of two days' duration.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] As in many other cases, there is a difference of opinion as to
what was, or is, the correct schedule. Some maintain that the timber
and sun pole are brought in on the fourth day and the fifth day given
over to the erection of the dancing lodge only. This is, however, a
matter of no great moment.
[2] See Grinnell, George Bird, _Blackfoot Lodge Tales_ (New York,
1903), 264, for program.
THE VOW.
The most important functionary in the Blackfoot sun dance is a woman,
known among the whites as the medicine woman, and upon a clear
comprehension of her functions and antecedents depends our understanding
of the ceremony itself. Accordingly, we shall proceed with as complete
an exposition of her office as the information at hand allows. In the
first place, a sun dance cannot occur unless some woman qualifies for
the office. On the other hand, it was almost inconceivable that there
should be a summer in which such a qualification would not be made. This
attitude of our informants implies that public opinion had sufficient
force to call out volunteers against their own wills. There was a
feeling that an annual sun dance was, from a religious and ethical point
of view, necessary to the general welfare, for which some individual
ought to sacrifice personal comfort and property to the extent required
by custom. As we shall see later, this was no small price to pay for a
doubtful honor. This feeling was sure to express itself in the subtle
ways peculiar to Indian society, if need be, to the direct suggestion of
a candidate who in turn felt impelled to come forward as if prompted
entirely from within.
As a rule, however, the woman qualifies by a vow. Oftimes, when a member
of the family is dangerously ill, one of the women goes out of the tipi
and raising her eyes to the sun calls upon it that health may be
restored to the ailing one. In such an appeal she offers to make gifts
to the sun, usually specifying that she will sacrifice a piece of cloth,
a dress, a robe, an ax, etc., which are after a time, provided the sick
one improves, hung in trees or deposited upon a hill. Such appeals are
still made with great frequency. It is believed that unless the woman
has been industrious, truthful, and above all, true to her marriage
vows, her appeal will not be answered. Sometimes, when the woman
addresses the sun she promises to be the medicine woman at the next sun
dance. She herself may be ill and promise such a sacrifice in case she
receives help. Again, she may, out of gratitude for the satisfactory way
in which her prayers have been answered, announce her intention to take
this step. In such a case, a formal announcement is made to the sun. In
company with a man, usually a medicineman experienced in the ceremonies,
she steps out into the camp, where they face the sun whom the man
addresses, explaining that as this woman asked for help in time of need
and that inasmuch as it was granted, she in turn promises to be the
medicine woman at the first opportunity. Some such formal announcement
is made in every case where the prayers have been answered. By this
formality, the vow receives public registry.
As indicated above, the prayers are not always granted. In such cases,
the promises are not only not binding, but to proceed with the sun
dance, or to take a secondary part in it, would be to the detriment of
all concerned. The fault is said to lie in the woman's life and that
only the wrath of the sun would be invoked by her participation in the
ceremonies.
It may be asked if a man can make such a vow. He may and does often call
upon the sun, promising gifts of property or even scalps and may
promise to furnish the material support for a wife, mother, sister, or
in fact any woman who will come forward to perform the ceremony. Thus, a
Blood chief once told us that he had been very ill all winter; that he
had tried all kinds of doctors without relief, until he was stripped of
all his property. At last, he recovered and then made a vow that with
the help of his wife he would give the sun dance. This he did, but, as
he expressed it, "with great difficulty because he was then poor and did
not receive adequate help from his relatives."
Again, it must be noted that women who do not feel equal to the
responsibility of the medicine woman's office, make a vow to announce
publicly their virginity or faithfulness to their marriage vows, as the
case may be, though for an unmarried woman to make such a pledge is the
exception. This is spoken of as "the going forward to the tongues," the
full meaning of which will appear later. The manner and occasion of
making this vow are in most respects similar to the preceding. At a
certain stage of the sun dance proceedings, all the women who made such
a promise to the sun, come forward and make their statements subject to
the challenge of any man present. This bears some resemblance to the
virginity tests of the Dakota, but applies more particularly to married
women and marital virtue than otherwise.
Naturally, the number of women making promises of this kind was much
greater than for the more important ceremony. Thus, we have a custom of
calling upon the sun in time of need which is an almost universal
practice, a more restricted form of such appeal peculiar to women in so
far that sexual morality is a necessary qualification, the more specific
vow of "going forward to the tongues", and the exceptional vow to
perform the medicine woman's functions at the sun dance, a fair
illustration of the way in which most complex folk ceremonies are
supported by a pyramid of less and less differentiated practices.
In passing, it should be noted that when the vow is made to perform the
medicine woman's functions, it is literally an obligation to purchase a
natoas bundle, or if already the owner of a bundle, to perform its
ritual.[3] A woman may own more than one of these bundles at a time;
indeed, we have heard of a woman purchasing new ones at several
successive sun dances. This purchase is a fundamental feature in all
bundle ceremonies to which the sun dance bundle offers no exception.
On the other hand, the vow means more than the mere purchase of a
bundle. We are told that the requirement as to virtue holds strictly for
the vow and the tongue ceremony. A woman can buy a natoas in the
ordinary sense and have it transferred with the ritual even though
she has not been true to her husband. We are reminded that
Scabby-round-robe's wife[4] was not true to her former husband and that
when her husband received a beaver bundle there went with it a natoas
and accessories; but that while she could use them by virtue of her
relation to a beaver bundle, she was not competent to make a vow and
initiate a sun dance.[5] This is consistent with the tradition that the
natoas was once bought from a beaver bundle by a woman who gave the sun
dance for that year and used instead of a wreath of juniper as in former
ceremonies. It also throws some light on the relation of the natoas to
the beaver and the sun dance rituals.
FOOTNOTES:
[3] This series, volume 7, 215.
[4] This series, vol. 2, 83.
[5] For example, we were told that some few years ago the widow of
Spotted-eagle took the part of the medicine woman and borrowed a
natoas from the mother of Curly-bear. Recently (1911), the latter
died. Then the former claimed the natoas on the grounds that she had
paid full value for it at the time and that she had now the most right
to it. Curly-bear consented. Then, after an interval, this woman
transferred it to the wife of ---- who made no vow to give the sun
dance, for it was generally known that the reputation of the new owner
permanently disqualified her for the function of medicine woman.
CEREMONY OF THE TONGUES.
While it is obvious from the preceding, that the medicine woman takes
her vow at no fixed period in the year, the order of procedure is such
that as a rule, she must have taken her vow not later than the spring of
the year in which the sun dance occurs. There is no absolute prohibition
to qualifying at a later time, as is often the case at present when the
consent of the Indian Agent must be obtained before the ceremony is
permitted, but the normal order seems to be as just stated. Any way, in
the spring, the medicine woman calls upon her relatives for buffalo
tongues (in recent years, those of cattle). These are then saved as
requested. In passing, it may be noted that in all ceremonies, the
persons upon whom the burden of responsibility falls have not only an
inherent right to call upon their blood relatives, but these in turn are
under obligations to respond. The number of tongues required is
uncertain, some informants claiming that there should be an even
hundred, others, that four to five full parfleches was the standard.
Naturally, in recent years, the number has been much less. These tongues
are to be sliced, parboiled, and dried like meat. The slices, however,
must be perfect, without holes, and come from the interior of the
tongue.
The slicing of these tongues appears to have been the first ceremony of
the cycle. It is conducted by a man, usually the father, who formally
announced the woman's vow and who conducts all the ceremonies in which
the medicine woman takes part. There is no stipulation that the same
man must direct all parts of the ceremony, but, by custom, this office
is performed annually by the same man so long as he is physically
capable. To this ceremony are called the medicine woman, the women who
have promised to "go forward to take the tongues", and sometimes those
having previously performed these functions.
The manner of formally registering the vow and of collecting the tongues
is stated as follows:--
Now the woman who made the vow calls on a man and woman who have been
through the medicine lodge ceremony to announce it. The man and woman
come to her tipi and paint her clothes and face and those of the
relative for whom the vow was made with red paint. Prayers are offered
for them and a few songs sung. After this, the four stand in front of
the tipi and the man announces the vow. He says, "Sun, she is going to
make a sun lodge for you. I think you and those who are above can hear
what is said." Then they move in turn to the south, west, and north side
of the tipi, repeating the same words at each stop and finally enter the
tipi.
In the spring of the year, when the people run buffalo, the woman has
her tipi a little towards the front or center. It may be that she is
only with one of the bands, while the rest are camped elsewhere. Her
tipi stands alone a little to the west of the others. The people are
then notified that the tongues are to be given to the woman. Her husband
mounts his horse and sets out, taking a pipe and tobacco, but no weapons
with him. When he finds a man butchering, he sits down on a robe, fills
his pipe, prays for those present, and smokes with them. The butcher
cuts out the tongue, wipes it off with sagegrass, and places it near the
man, who has spread some buffalo dung with sagegrass on top of it in a
row before him. The tongues are placed on the sage and dung. The man
then takes the tongues and rides to where the next man is butchering and
goes through the same procedure. After he has gathered up all the
tongues he takes them home. Each time buffalo are killed the man rides
out to gather in tongues until he has accumulated a hundred.
The tongues having been collected, an important ceremony follows with
their boiling and slicing. An experienced man and woman are invited to
direct; these are spoken of as the father and the mother. Also, all the
women having made a vow "to go forward to the tongues" are invited. In
addition, a number of women and men familiar with the ceremonies are
called. The woman making the vow (the daughter) and her husband (the
son) sit at the back of the fire; next to the former, sits the mother
and then the other women; next to the latter, sits the father and then
the men in order. The men sit on the north side and the women on the
south. At the proper moment, the mother brings in the tongues, passing
around to the south side, and lays them in rows on a half rawhide back
of the fire. All the women having made vows are now called upon to slice
the tongues. Their husbands must be present.
The tongues are slit open and the women are invited to slice and boil
them. When all the guests are present, one of the tongues is taken and
painted black on one edge and red on the other, and given to the woman
who made the vow. The rest of the tongues are handed to the women for
skinning and slicing; if there were more tongues than women, each was
given more than one to slice. After all the women have the tongues, the
woman with the painted tongue makes a confession, saying, "Sun, I have
been true to my husband ever since I have been with him and all my life.
Help me, for what I say is true. I will skin this tongue without cutting
a hole in it or cutting my fingers."
The next woman also makes a confession, and so on. After all have
confessed, they commence to skin the tongues. As the first woman takes
up the knife, the song runs: "A sharp thing I have taken; it is
powerful." The knife is painted, one half red, the other black. Should
any of the women cut a hole in the tongue skin or cut their fingers, it
is a sign that they must have lied and they are ordered from the tipi.
At the outset, each woman carefully examines her tongue to see if the
skin is perfect. Should a hole be found, the tongue is passed to the
director who marks it with black paint. After the tongues are all
skinned and sliced, they are passed back to the woman who distributed
them and placed in a wooden bowl. The skins of the tongues are tied in
bunches with sinew so that they can tell to which woman the skins
belong.
The skins are to be boiled by two women. Two sticks are given to one
woman and one to the other. All this time singing is going on. The woman
who has the two sticks paints them black, while the woman who has the
other, paints it red. The three sticks are tied together at one end and
are used as a tripod for hanging the kettle in which the skins of the
tongues are to be boiled. The legs of the tripod, the wooden kettle
hook, and all other sticks are painted half in red and half in black.
Also, the kettle is marked with four vertical bands of black and four of
red. The four blunt sticks for stirring the pot are painted in pairs,
red and black. A red and black painted stick is slipped through the
bail, passed around to the north of the tipi, and handed to the two
women. During all these movements there is praying and singing. The
women each take hold of one end of the stick and go for water.
They make four pauses on this journey, each time praying to the sun and
asserting their marital rectitude and recounting such occasions as they
have been improperly approached by a man. All this time, the father and
his assistants sing in the tipi. One of the women takes a cup, makes
four movements with it and dips the water. At this moment the song
runs:--
"The water that I see.
Water is sacred."
On the return, the women make four pauses as before. When the pail is
finally within the tipi, incense is burned between the fireplace and the
door and the pail held in the smudge. The father takes up the board upon
which some of the tongues lie and while holding it up in one hand,
shakes the cup about in the water, meanwhile making a noise like the
buffalo, finally striking the pail a blow with the cup. Here the song
runs:--
"Buffalo will drink."
This may be taken as marking one stage of the ceremony. The boiling of
the tongue is now in order. When all is ready, the father starts the
songs in the next series. The two women hook the kettle on the tripods
and while the kettle is heated, there are other songs and incense burned
and the song runs:--
"Where I (buffalo speaking) sit is sacred."
While the water boils, the director takes up a tongue, holds it above
the kettle, lowers it slowly, making a noise as if something were
drinking. After this, the women place the tongues in the kettle and
proceed with the boiling. Here or elsewhere, songs accompany the
ceremonial acts. The pot must not boil over.
When the tongues have cooked, the two women rise and stand by the fire
as the songs begin. At the proper moment, they remove the kettle and
place it on the spot where the smudge was made. First, they take out the
painted tongues and then the others. The father takes up a small piece,
singing:--
"Old Man (sun), he wants pemmican.
He wants to eat.
Old Woman (moon), she wants back fat.
She wants to eat.
Morningstar, he wants broth.
He wants to eat."
Then the painted tongue is passed to the daughter. Now, each of the
women tears off a bit of the tongue skin and all hold up the pieces and
pray. After the prayers, the pieces are placed in the earth and the
tongues are hung up to dry. First, the rope is taken up and a song sung.
The woman who made the vow, rises and ties one end of the rope to the
tipi pole on the north side and the other end to the tipi pole on the
south side, a little to the west of the fireplace. All the tongues, both
painted and unpainted, are hung on this rope.
During all these ceremonies there is no regular smudge. The smudges are
made with sweetgrass on the grass near the rear of the tipi. The tongues
are left to hang for two days before they are taken down to be cooked.
When the tongues have been hung, all return to their homes, the women
taking the tongue skins with them for their relatives to eat, as they
are considered to be blessed and supposed to bring good luck.
After two days, all meet again in the same tipi. The two women who went
for the water place the tripods over the fire and while songs are sung,
the pot is passed to them with the red painted sticks. The two women,
each holding one end of the stick, go for water, praying on the way.
When they return to the tipi a smudge, over which they hold the bucket
of water, is made between the door and the fireplace. Then the bucket is
placed beside the smudge. While the others sing, the woman who made the
vow rises and first takes the painted tongue and then the others from
where they were hung. They are then placed on a buffalo hide and the
woman returns to her place. Four women sit down near the tongues; each
one takes a tongue, one of which is the painted one. Kneeling and
swaying their bodies in time with the songs, they sing the buffalo
songs. The painted tongue is placed in the kettle first and a song is
sung: "When buffalo go to drink; it is powerful. Where buffalo sit is
powerful (natojiwa)." Then the rest of the tongues are placed in the pot
which is hooked on the tripod over the fire. Songs are sung and four
sticks, about the length of the forearm, for stirring the tongues, are
placed where the tongues were first placed. One of the cooks takes a
pair of the sticks and stirs the tongues with them. When removing the
tongues from the kettle they are held between two of these sticks.
Another song, called the song of rest is sung, and all rest for a time
and smoke. When the tongues are cooled, another song is sung, the two
cooks rise, and taking the pot, place it over the smudge place near the
door. To the singing of songs, the painted tongue first, and then the
others, are taken out and placed on half a rawhide. The soup is poured
into wooden bowls and distributed among those present. No tin cups must
be used in drinking this soup. While all sing, the woman who made the
vow rises and first takes the painted tongue and then all the others
and hangs them up as before. This ends the ceremony.
Two days later, the same participants are called together to the same
tipi and the woman rises and takes first the painted tongue and then the
others from where they were hung. A parfleche is brought and a buffalo
song sung: "Buffalo I take. Where I sit is powerful." The painted tongue
and then the others are placed on the parfleche. Wild peppermint is put
in with the tongues, the parfleches are tied up and placed at the rear
of the tipi. Sometimes tongues are dried in front of the tipi on a stage
made by setting up two travois with a lodge pole tied between them.
The man and woman who lead the ceremony must not have any metal about
them. Brass rings, earrings, and all such trinkets must be taken off.
Nor must there be any knives in the vicinity. Even the knives with which
the tongues are cut are taken out. No one must spit in front of him, but
always close to the wall under the beds. If they do, it will rain. No
water is brought into the medicine lodge and when water is brought, it
is covered. The only time when it is permitted to eat or drink is before
sunrise and after sunset. They must be given food by the instructors.
The prayers in this ceremony are prayers for good luck for everyone in
the camp.
This closes the preliminaries to the ceremonies leading to the sun dance
and may be designated as the cutting of the tongues. As in most other
cases, there seems to have been considerable variation in this
procedure, both as to time and order. Certainly, for a number of years,
it has been much abbreviated. As implied in the program, this ceremony
may be performed on the first day. The gathering of tongues was
dependent upon circumstances and after the days of the great buffalo
drives was a matter of gradual accumulation. Thus, it was explained that
by necessity, the "cutting" was often repeated, though naturally with
less ceremony.
The parfleches containing tongues are kept in the medicine woman's tipi
where they are "prayed and sung over" during the first and second days
of the program. The underlying thought seems to be that they are
consecrated to the sun.
In the procession of the fourth day, the parfleches are carried behind
the medicine woman by her attendants. In former years, these were the
women who had promised "to go forward to the tongues." They are present
at the ceremony in the medicine woman's tipi and may be said to be in
attendance during the entire fasting period. At the time indicated in
the program, the parfleches are opened and the women in turn step out
with some of the dried tongue, face the west, and each holding up a
piece, address the sun then nearing the horizon. They declare their
innocence of adultery, as at the time of making the vow and cutting the
tongues. They also pray for themselves and their relatives after which
they distribute dried tongue among them. Finally, there is a general
distribution of tongues among the people.
However, there is another aspect of their appearance at this point. The
Blackfoot assume that many women have at one or more periods of their
lives been invited by a man to commit the offence and that often the
occasion is one of great temptation or calls for great presence of mind
and will power. Now, when addressing the sun, if so approached, the
woman narrates the circumstances, naming the men committing the offence,
and recounts the manner of her refusal. In naming the offender, they
usually say, "I suppose he hears what I say." These women are also
subject to challenge of their having committed adultery. It will be seen
from this that the part they take in the ceremony is an ordeal for which
most women have little liking and one which they will not undertake
lightly. The Blackfoot, themselves, regard it as one of the most solemn
occasions in the ceremony. So far as we could learn, no one now living
was ever present when one of these women was challenged, but the naming
of men who were guilty of improper advances was not unusual.
A retrospect of the concept of the tongues indicates that the entire
ceremony, or their association with the medicine woman and those who are
sexually pure, gives them a potency that may be acquired by eating. They
seem most closely associated with sexual purity since they are less
primary in the function of the medicine woman than in case of those who
"go forward," the former being required to possess many virtues, the
latter but one. While the medicine woman fasts and keeps to her tipi,
the others do not.
THE MEDICINE WOMAN.
We shall now give our attention to the medicine woman. As previously
stated, she is in most respects the central figure in the whole
ceremony, around whom centers its more serious and solemn aspects. On
the fifth day, an elaborate ritual is demonstrated in her tipi,
culminating in the procession to the dancing lodge. To this ritual
belongs a medicine bundle with accessories, known as the natoas, though
the name is primarily that of the headdress which the bundle contains.
This bundle is transferred in the ritualistic way to the medicine woman
by the ceremony and thus becomes hers to care for and guard until used
again at another sun dance ceremony. The ritual and the bundle have been
discussed in detail in Volume 7 of this series. In addition to the
contents of the bundle, there must be a special robe of elkskin, a dress
of the same material, and wristlets of strong elk teeth. A new travois
must be provided for moving the medicine woman outfit. Sometimes she
herself rides on it. This travois is made by the past medicine woman,
her attendant in the ceremonies.
As previously stated, the natoas ritual in the sun dance has for its
mythical basis the Elk-woman and the Woman-who-married-a-star, though
Scar-face, Cuts-wood, Otter-woman, and Scabby-round-robe are said to
have made minor contributions. Versions of these myths may be consulted
in Volume 2, part 1 of this series. The Woman-who-married-a-star is
credited with bringing down the digging-stick and the turnip, together
with the songs pertaining thereto (p. 61), also a wreath of juniper
formerly worn in place of the natoas and the eagle feather worn by the
man.
It is also interesting to note that the Crane-woman who transfers the
ritualistic attributes of these objects makes a formal declaration of
her marital virtue. In the case of Elk-woman, we have again the incident
of the Crane and the digging-stick where it is implied that the latter
symbolizes the bill of the former. We are informed that many animals
were present at this transfer, each contributing something to the
regalia. We also find it suggested that the bunches of feathers on the
natoas represent the horns of the elk, the elk robe and elk teeth
wristlets further symbolizing that animal. In one version of this myth
is the antagonistic implication that Elk-woman was not quite up to the
standard of marital virtue. In the Cuts-wood myth the "going forward to
the tongues" is accounted for. Scabby-round-robe is credited with adding
the necklace and the arrow point to the natoas and Otter-woman with the
wild cat-tail.
The following statement of an informant has a bearing upon this point:--
The natoas is said to have come from the Elk. It was first owned by
beaver bundle men, but it was the custom for the medicine woman in
the sun dance to borrow it for her ceremony. This continued for a
time, but ultimately the medicine woman bought it and kept it in a
bundle of her own. The feathers on the front of the natoas are said
to represent the horns of Elk and the plumes at the sides, the leafy
top of the large turnip. This is the same turnip which the woman who
went to the sky land is supposed to have dug up. The digging-stick
which accompanies the natoas also represents the stick with which
she did this digging. Some of the songs in the natoas ritual speak
of little children running about and this refers to the ball-like
image on the front of the natoas, for this image is stuffed with
tobacco seeds, which, as you know, are often spoken of as children,
or dwarfs (p. 201). The broad band upon which the natoas is mounted
is said to represent the lizard. All these things, it is said, were
added to the natoas, one at a time, by some of the beaver men. So it
came about that we have the natoas as it is.
Now, as to the story about the Elk giving the Natoas the robe and
the wristlets used with it. The objection is sometimes made that
this first woman who ran away from her husband to join the Elk was
not a true woman and that the facts are therefore inconsistent with
the ideal of the natoas ritual. Yet, some of our people claim that
the woman was true and that though she went away with the Elk it was
merely for the sake of receiving the ritual and that this is evident
because in the story it tells how she was able to hook down trees by
her magical powers and it is not conceivable that she could do this
if she had not been a true woman.
The ceremonial transfer of the sun dance bundle really begins with the
fasting of the medicine woman on the first day. Neither she nor her
husband are supposed to eat or drink while the sun is visible, and then
but sparingly. On the evening before, they are put to bed by the father
and mother. The mother places the daughter on the south side of the fire
and the father the son on the north side. They must remain in the same
position until morning. Before the sun rises the father and mother go to
the medicine woman's tipi, stand by the door and sing. They sing as they
formally enter, the father raising up the son; the mother, the daughter.
The man is taken out by the father and the daughter by the mother for
the morning toilet. When they return a small amount of food is fed to
the son and daughter, after which the father and mother take a little
food and drink. This must be before sunrise. During the day the son and
especially the daughter must sit quietly in their places with bowed
heads and eyes cast down. She wears a buffalo robe, hair side in,
painted red, covering her head as well as her body. Her hair is not
braided, but hangs down freely except for a horizontal band around the
head. The hair may be allowed to conceal the entire face.
The daughter must do nothing for herself. If she wishes to speak it must
be in almost a whisper in the ear of the mother or other attendant, who
in turn will announce the import, if necessary. A fire is kept burning
in the middle of the tipi, the ears are closely drawn around the smoke
hole, the door closed, and the tipi cover securely staked down at the
edges. Though this keeps the temperature high, the medicine woman cannot
use a fan, but may use the skin of a muskrat to wipe the perspiration
from her face and hands.
During the fasting period no noise must be made in the tipi. All the
attendants must avoid unnecessary conversation and speak in a very
subdued tone; utensils must not be rattled or struck together. Visitors
may enter, but respectfully and quietly. No noises should be made in the
vicinity of the medicine tipi and boisterous acts abstained from in all
parts of the camp circle. If water is brought in the vessel must be
covered. No one should spit in the tipi nor do the other things
forbidden at the ceremony of the tongues.
Throughout the whole period there is a male attendant. He keeps the fire
alive during the night and until camp is moved. He can only start the
fire with an ember from some other tipi, striking fire in the tipi being
strictly prohibited. Pipes can only be lighted from the fire by this
attendant with service berry sticks. A blaze must be avoided as much as
possible. The attendant cuts the tobacco and fills the pipe and when
burnt out he must empty the ashes into a small hole in the ground near
his seat. Everyone is expected to sit quietly, leaving the moving to
him. He remains on duty during the night also.
Formerly, the tipi of the medicine woman was moved three times, four
different camps resulting, the last being at its position in the circle
for the sun dance. As a considerable journey was often necessary to
reach the sun dance site these camps might be far apart. Theoretically,
the camp is pitched late in the afternoon of each day. At the sun dance
a special sweathouse ceremony takes place. This will be discussed later.
After this the evening and greater part of the night are spent by those
in attendance at the medicine woman's tipi in rehearsing the songs and
instructing the son and daughter.
Like everything else, moving the camp of the medicine woman is a formal
matter. The travois is made, painted red, and reserved for the special
use of the medicine woman. When the time for breaking camp in the
medicine woman's band arrives, she and her husband are led out and
seated upon a robe at the west or rear of their tipi, facing in the
direction to move. The parfleche of tongues and other paraphernalia are
brought out by the attending women and put down beside the couple. The
mother directs the attending women in taking down the tipi and hitching
the horse to the travois. The parfleche of tongues is packed on the
travois. When all is ready, the woman and man are led to their horses
and assisted to mount, the woman riding the horse to the travois. The
father and the son go ahead in single file, next the mother and the
daughter, or medicine woman. They pause four times, as songs are sung.
After they get some distance out, they stop and wait for the camp, now
moving for the first time. This procession of four always leads, the two
men side by side and behind them the two women likewise. At noon, when
they stop for lunch, the two are again seated on a robe, the travois
unhooked and laid down before them. Then follows the camp some distance
behind. The old men form a circle and smoke near the pair.
At this time the father orders one of the men's societies to go forward
and mark out a camp site. When this spot is reached, tipis are pitched
and when everything is in place the medicine woman and her husband are
taken inside.
On the morning of each day a society is given instructions to make the
sweathouse at the camping place, a man to get the creeping juniper and
another to cut out the smudge place. As the sweathouse procedure is a
distinct ceremony, it will be treated under another head.
The following account of the evening ceremonies in the medicine woman's
tipi was given by Red-plume:--
In the evening, after sunset, the first sweathouse is made. All
those who took part in the ceremony before and a few other old men
are invited. The man who fills the pipes and tends to the smoking
during the ceremony remains on duty during the whole sun dance
ceremony. Four-bears is told to tell the mosquito society to sing
that night in their own tipi which is inside of the circle. This
society is to sing the sun dance songs, the weather-makers dancing
songs, the rest of the people remaining quiet through the night. In
the medicine lodge they sing until a little before day-break.
The smudge place in the medicine lodge on the first day and for the
first sweathouse is a square marked in the soft earth with a
crescent in the middle of it. It is not painted. Under the crescent
is a dot where the smudge is made.
When all the guests are assembled in the tipi the ceremony for the
evening begins. Food is given to all; the medicine woman and her
husband have their meat cut up for them. While a song is sung a
piece of meat is held over the smudge, four passes made with it, and
then fed to the man and woman. The same thing is done with water.
After this they may help themselves to the food. After the meal is
over the singing begins. The sweetgrass is taken up and a song sung:
"Old man, takes spring grass. Old woman comes in with her body."
Another man takes the smudge stick and places a live coal on the
smudge place. The singer holds the grass over head and then brings
it down on the coal. This song is for the morningstar: "Morningstar
says let us have a sweathouse." Seven songs are sung for the sun and
moon which are spoken of as the old man and old woman. These with
the seven sung for the morningstar make fourteen sung thus far.
Since the men have been in the sweathouse where the paint has all
washed off, five songs are sung to re-paint the man and woman. As
the man sings, he takes some red earth paint with a ball of fat
which he rolls in the palms of his hands. The song is: "Old man says
red face I take." He makes a streak crosswise on the man's forehead,
vertically on his cheeks, and across the chin. The entire face is
then covered with the same red paint. The robe is then taken from
the man's shoulders. He sings another song as he takes up the
sagegrass and brushes one side of the man's head, his arm, and then
his body. At the same time, the woman is painted on the other side
of the tipi. Another song is sung and he takes the paint, rubs it in
his hands, and sings: "This man I am making his body holy,
powerful." The same words are sung for the woman. The man's body and
robe are then painted.
When the tongues were first taken in to be sliced, two round buffalo
dungs together with a ball of sweetgrass were given to the man and
woman. They keep these to wipe the paint from their hands. A song is
sung for the dung. The two men and the two women hold their hands
over the dung. They make four motions with the closed fists and then
touch the ground to the southeast, southwest, northwest, and
northeast of the dung. The words in this song are: "This may help me
to live long, and help me through life." There is also part of a
buffalo dung. The smudge stick is taken up, with the song: "Timber I
am looking for? Timber I have found and taken." The two men and the
two women all grasp the forked stick. They sing as they take up the
dung with it and gradually move it up the stick until it rests on
the fork. Then it is held over the fire. Someone knocks the dung
into the fire and it is covered with ashes. The song is: "Powerful,
I start. Powerful where I sit." To throw the dung off into the fire
is a sign that enemies will be conquered.
Four songs are now sung for the muskrat skin used to wipe the faces
of the man and woman: "Man says, my medicine, I am looking for. I
have found it." The skin is taken up. Two songs are sung for the
parfleche with tongues in it. It is taken up very slowly and the
singing continues during all the movements made with it. It is held
over the smudge and placed to one side, the cords untied, and the
tongues taken out and distributed to all who are now in the tipi.
The two medicinemen and women also eat. The song when first taking
up the parfleche is: "Buffalo I am powerfully starting. It is
powerful where I sit." When undoing the cords the words are:
"Buffalo I take some." When the first tongue is taken out, a little
piece is held up by everyone, prayers are said, the small pieces are
placed on the ground, and they begin to eat them.